amencatt 


EDITED   BT 


JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 


#mmcati 


MARTIN  TAN  BTJEEN 


BY 


EDWAED  M.  SHEPARD 


BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 
HOUGHTOX  MIFFLIN  COMPAXY 
press  £ambri&0e 


COPYRIGHT,    iSSS,   BY   EDWARD   M.   SHEPARD 
COPYRIGHT,    1899,    BY    EDWARD    M.    SHEPARD 

AND    HOUGHTON,    MIFFLIN    &    CO. 

COPYRIGHT,    1916,    BY    CHARLES   S.    SHEPARD,    AGNES    S.    HEWITT, 
EDWARD    S.    HEWITT,    AND    RUSSELL    C.    LEFFINGWELL 

ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


tEfte  XUbersfte  <®ress 

CAMBRIDGE  .   MASSACHUSETTS 
PRINTED  IV  THE  U.S. A 


PREFACE  TO  THE  REVISED  EDITION 

SINCE  1888,  when  this  Life  was  originally 
published,  the  history  of  American  Politics  has 
been  greatly  enriched.  The  painstaking  and  can 
did  labors  of  Mr.  Fiske,  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Rhodes, 
and  others  have  gone  far  to  render  unnecessary  the 
caveat  I  then  entered  against  the  unfairness,  or  at 
least  the  narrowness,  of  the  temper  with  which  Van 
Buren,  or  the  school  to  which  he  belonged,  had  thus 
far  been  treated  in  American  literature,  and  which 
had  prejudicially  misled  me  before  I  began  my 
work.  Such  a  caveat  is  no  longer  necessary. 
Even  now,  when  the  political  creed  of  which  Jef 
ferson,  Van  Buren,  and  Tilden  have  been  chief 
apostles  in  our  land,  seems  to  suffer  some  degree 
of  eclipse,  —  only  temporary,  it  may  well  be  be 
lieved,  but  nevertheless  real,  —  those  who,  like 
myself,  have  undertaken  to  present  the  careers  of 
great  Americans  who  held  this  faith  need  not  fear 
injustice  or  prejudice  in  the  field  of  American  lit 
erature. 

In  this  revised  edition  I  have  made  a  few  cor 
rections  and  added  a  few  notes ;  but  the  generous 


vi        PREFACE   TO   THE   REVISED   EDITION 

treatment  which  has  been  given  to  the  book  has 
confirmed  my  belief  that  historic  truth  requires  no 
material  change. 

A  passage  from  the  diary  of  Charles  Jared 
Ingersoll  (Life  by  William  M.  Meigs,  1897) 
tempts  me,  in  this  most  conspicuous  place  of  the 
book,  to  emphasize  my  observation  upon  one  injus 
tice  often  done  to  Van  Buren.  Referring,  on  May 
6,  1844,  to  his  letter,  then  just  published,  against 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  Mr.  Ingersoll  declared 
that,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  nearly  all  of  Van 
Buren's  admirers  and  most  of  the  Democratic  press 
were  committed  to  the  annexation,  Van  Buren  had 
committed  a  great  blunder  and  become  felo  de  se. 
The  assumption  here  is  that  Van  Buren  was  a  poli 
tician  of  the  type  so  painfully  familiar  to'us,  whose 
sole  and  conscienceless  effort  is  to  find  out  what  is 
to  be  popular  for  the  time,  in  order,  for  their  own 
profit,  to  take  that  side.  That  Van  Buren  was 
politic  there  can  be  no  doubt.  But  he  was  politic 
after  the  fashion  of  a  statesman  and  not  of  a  dema 
gogue.  He  disliked  to  commit  himself  upon  issues 
which  had  not  been  fully  discussed,  which  were  not 
ripe  for  practical  solution  by  popular  vote,  and 
which  did  not  yet  need  to  be  decided.  Mr.  Inger 
soll  should  have  known  that  the  direct  and  simple 
explanation  was  the  true  one,  —  that  Van  Buren 
knQw  the  risk  and  meant  to  take  it.  His  letter 


PREFACE   TO   THE  REVISED   EDITION      vii 

against  the  annexation  of  Texas,  written  when  he 
knew  that  it  would  .probably  defeat  him  for  the 
presidency,  was  but  one  of  several  acts  performed 
by  him  at  critical  periods,  wherein  he  deliberately 
took  what  seemed  the  unpopular  side  in  order  to 
be  true  to  his  sense  o^  political  and  patriotic  duty. 
The  crucial  tests  of  this  kind  through  which  he 
successfully  passed  must,  beyond  any  doubt,  put 
him  in  the  very  first  rank  of  those  American 
statesmen  who  have  had  the  rare  union  of  politi 
cal  foresight  and  moral  courage. 

EDWARD  M.  SHEPARD. 
January,  1899. 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  PAGI 

I.  AMERICAN  POLITICS  WHEN  VAN  BUREN'S  CAREER 

BEGAN.  —  JEFFERSON'S  INFLUENCE       ...        1 
II.  EARLY  YEARS.  —  PROFESSIONAL  LIFE       .        .  14 

III.  STATE  SENATOR  :   ATTORNEY-GENERAL  :  MEMBER 

OF  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION         .        .      38 

IV.  UNITED  STATES  SENATOR.  —  REESTABLISHMENT  OF 

PARTIES.  —  PARTY  LEADERSHIP        ...          88 
V.   DEMOCRATIC  VICTORY  IN  1828.  —  GOVERNOR         .     153 
VI.  SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  —  DEFINITE  FORMATION  OF 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  CREED 177 

VII.  MINISTER      TO      ENGLAND. — VICE-PRESIDENT. — 

ELECTION  TO  THE  PRESIDENCY    ....     223 

VIII.  CRISIS  OF  1837 282 

IX.   PRESIDENT.  —  SUB-TREASURY  BILL          .         .         .     325 

X.   PRESIDENT.  —  CANADIAN  INSURRECTION.  —  TEXAS. 

—  SEMINOLE  WAR.  —  DEFEAT  FOR  REELECTION     350 
XI.  Ex -PRESIDENT.  —  SLAVERY.  —  TEXAS  ANNEXATION. 

—  DEFEAT   BY  THE  SOUTH.  —  FREE  SOIL  CAM 
PAIGN. —  LAST  YEARS 398 

XII.  VAN  BUREN'S  CHARACTER  AND  PLACE  IN  HISTORY    449 
INDEX    .  .    469 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 


CHAPTER  I 

AMERICAN   POLITICS   WHEN   VAN    BUREN'S    CAREER 

BEGAN.  —  JEFFERSON'S  INFLUENCE 

IT  sometimes  happened  during  the  anxious  years 
when  the  terrors  of  civil  war,  though  still  smoul 
dering,  were  nearly  aflame,  that  on  Wall  Street  or 
Nassau  Street,  busy  men  of  New  York  saw  Martin 
Van  Buren  and  his  son  walking  arm  in  arm. 
"  Prince  John,"  tall,  striking  in  appearance,  his 
hair  divided  at  the  middle  in  a  fashion  then  novel 
for  Americans,  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  resolute 
and  aggressive  in  bearing.  His  father  was  a  white- 
haired,  bright-eyed  old  man,  erect  but  short  in 
figure,  of  precise  though  easy  and  kindly  polite 
ness,  and  with  a  touch  of  deference  in  his  manner. 
His  presence  did  not  peremptorily  command  the 
attention  of  strangers  ;  but  to  those  who  looked  at 
tentively  there  was  plain  distinction  in  the  refined 
and  venerable  face.  Passers-by  might  well  turn 
back  to  see  more  of  the  two  men  thus  affection 
ately  and  picturesquely  together.  For  they  were 


2  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

famous  characters,  —  the  one  in  the  newer,  the 
other  ?u  the  older  politics  of  America.  John  Van 
Buren,  fresh  from  his  Free  Soil  battle  and  the  tus 
sles  cf  the  Hards  and  Softs,  was  striving,  as  a 
Democrat,  to  serve  the  cause  of  the  Union,  though 
conscious  that  he  rested  under  the  suspicion  of  the 
party  to  whose  service,  its  divisions  in  New  York 
now  seemingly  ended,  he  had  reluctantly  returned. 
But  he  still  faced  the  slave  power  with  an  inde 
pendence  only  partially  abated  before  the  exi 
gencies  of  party  loyalty.  The  ex-President,  de 
finitely  withdrawn  from  the  same  Free  Soil  battle, 
a  struggle  into  which  he  had  entered  when  the 
years  were  already  heavy  upon  him,  had  survived 
to  be  once  more  a  worthy  in  the  Democratic  party, 
again  to  receive  its  formal  veneration,  but  never 
again  its  old  affection.  In  their  timid  manoeuvres 
with  slavery  it  was  perhaps  with  the  least  possible 
awkwardness  that  the  northern  Democrats  sought 
to  treat  him  as  a  great  Democratic  leader ;  but 
they  did  not  let  it  be  forgotten  that  the  leader 
was  forever  retired  from  leadership.  While  the 
younger  man  was  in  the  thick  of  political  encoun 
ters  which  the  party  carried  on  in  blind  futility, 
the  older  man  was  hardly  more  than  an  historical 
personage.  He  was  no  longer,  his  friends  strove 
to  think,  the  schismatic  candidate  of  1848,  but 
rather  the  ally  and  friend  of  Jackson,  or,  better 
still  and  further  away,  the  disciple  of  Jefferson. 

For,  more  than  any  other  American,  Martin  Van 
Buren  had  succeeded  to  the  preaching  of  Jeffer- 


AMERICAN  POLITICS  3 

son's  political  doctrines,  and  to  his  political  power 
as  well,  that  curious  and  potent  mingling  of  phi 
losophy,  statesmanship,  and  electioneering.  The 
Whigs'  distrust  towards  Van  Buren  was  still  bit 
ter;  the  hot  anger  of  his  own  party  over  the  blow 
he  had  dealt  in  1848  was  still  far  from  subsided ; 
the  gratitude  of  most  Free  Soil  men  had  completely 
disappeared  with  his  apparent  acquiescence  in  the 
politics  of  Pierce  and  Buchanan.  Save  in  a  nar 
row  circle  of  anti-slavery  Democrats,  Van  Buren, 
in  these  last  days  of  his,  was  judged  at  best  with 
coldness,  and  most  commonly  with  dislike  or  even 
contempt.  Not  much  of  any  other  temper  has  yet 
gone  into  political  history  ;  its  writers  have  fre 
quently  been  content  to  accept  the  harshness  of 
partisan  opinion,  or  even  the  scurrility  and  men 
dacity  visited  upon  him  during  his  many  political 
campaigns,  and  to  ignore  the  positive  records  of  his 
career  and  public  service.  The  present  writer  con 
fesses  to  have  begun  this  Life,  not  indeed  sharing 
any  of  the  hatred  or  contempt  so  commonly  felt 
towards  Van  Buren,  but  still  given  to  many  serious 
depreciations  of  him,  which  a  better  examination 
has  shown  to  have  had  their  ultimate  source  in  the 
mere  dislike  of  personal  or  political  enemies,  —  a 
dislike  to  whose  expression,  often  powerful  and 
vivid,  many  writers  have  extended  a  welcome  seri 
ously  inconsistent  with  the  fairness  of  history. 

When  Abraham  Lincoln  was  chosen  president 
in  1860,  this  predecessor  of  his  by  a  quarter  cen 
tury  was  a  true  historical  figure.  The  bright, 


4  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

genial  old  man  connected,  visibly  and  really,  those 
stirring  and  dangerous  modern  days  with  the  first 
political  struggles  under  the  American  Constitu 
tion,  struggles  then  long  passed  into  the  quiet  of 
history,  to  leave  him  almost  their  only  living  re 
miniscence.  Martin  Van  Buren  was  a  man  fully 
grown  and  already  a  politician  when  in  1801  the 
triumph  of  Thomas  Jefferson  completed  the  polit 
ical  foundation  of  the  United  States.  Its  profound 
inspiration  still  remained  with  him  on  this  eve  of 
Lincoln's  election.  Under  its  influence  his  polit 
ical  career  had  begun  and  had  ended. 

At  Jefferson's  election  the  aspiration  and  fervor 
which  attended  the  first,  the  new-born  sense  of 
American  national  life,  had  largely  worn  away. 
The  ideal  visions  of  human  liberty  had  long  before 
grown  dim  during  seven  years  of  revolutionary 
war,  with  its  practical  hardships,  its  vicissitudes  of 
meanness  and  glory,  and  during  the  four  years  of 
languor  and  political  incompetence  which  followed. 
In  the  agitation  for  better  union,  political  theories 
filled  the  minds  of  our  forefathers.  Lessons  were 
learned  from  the  Achsean  League,  as  well  as  from 
the  Swiss  Confederation,  the  German  Empire,  and 
the  British  Constitution.  Both  history  and  specu 
lation,  however,  were  firmly  subordinated  to  an 
extraordinary  common  sense,  in  part  flowing  from, 
as  it  was  most  finely  exhibited  in,  the  luminous  and 
powerful,  if  unexalted,  genius  of  Franklin.  From 
the  open  beginning  of  constitution-making  at  An 
napolis  in  1786  until  the  inauguration  of  John 


JEFFERSON'S  INFLUENCE  5 

Adams,  the  American  people,  under  the  masterful 
governing  of  Washington,  were  concerned  with  the 
framework  upon  which  the  fabric  of  their  political 
life  was  to  be  wrought.  The  framework  was  doubt 
less  in  itself  of  a  vast  and  enduring  importance. 
If  the  consolidating  and  aristocratic  schemes  of 
Hamilton  had  not  met  defeat  in  the  federal  con 
vention,  or  if  the  separatist  jealousies  of  Patrick 
Henry  and  George  Clinton  had  riot  met  defeat  in 
Virginia  and  New  York  after  the  work  ut  the  con 
vention  was  done,  there  would  to-day  be  a  different 
American  people.  Nor  would  our  history  be  the 
amazing  story  of  the  hundred  years  past.  But 
upon  the  governmental  framework  thus  set  up 
could  be  woven  political  fabrics  widely  and  essen 
tially  different  in  their  material,  their  use,  and 
their  enduring  virtue.  For  quite  apart  from  the 
framework  of  government  were  the  temper  and  tra 
ditions  of  popular  politics  out  of  which  comes,  and 
must  always  come,  the  essential  and  dominant  na 
ture  of  public  institutions.  In  this  creative  and 
deeper  work  Jefferson  was  engaged  during  his 
struggle  for  political  power  after  returning  from 
France  in  1789,  during  his  presidential  career 
from  1801  to  1809,  and  during  the  more  extraordi 
nary,  and  in  American  history  the  unparalleled, 
supremacy  of  his  political  genius  after  he  had  left 
office.  In  the  circumstances  of  our  colonial  life, 
in  our  race  extractions,  in  our  race  fusion  upon  the 
Atlantic  seaboard,  and  in  the  moral  effect  of  forci 
ble  and  embittered  separation  from  the  parer 


6  MARTIN   VAN   BUREtf 

country,  arose  indeed,  to  go  no  further  back,  the 
political  instincts  of  American  men.  It  is.  how 
ever,  fatal  to  adequate  conception  of  our  political 
development  to  ignore  the  enormous  formative  in 
fluence  which  the  twenty  years  of  Jefferson's  rule 
had  upon  American  political  character.  But  so 
partial  and  sometimes  so  partisan  have  been  the 
historians  of  our  early  national  politics  in  their 
treatment  of  that  great  man,  that  a  just  appre 
ciation  of  the  political  atmosphere  in  which  Van 
Buren  began  his  career  is  exceedingly  difficult. 

There  was  an  American  government,  an  Ameri 
can  nation,  when  Washington  gladly  escaped  to 
3VIt.  Yernon  from  the  bitterly  factional  quarrels  of 
the  politicians  at  Philadelphia.  The  government 
was  well  ordered  ;  the  nation  was  respectable  and 
dignified.  But  most  of  the  people  were  either  still 
colonial  and  provincial,  or  were  rushing,  in  turbu 
lence  and  bad  temper,  to  crude  speculations  and 
theories.  Twenty-five  years  later,  Jefferson  had 
become  the  political  idol  of  the  American  people, 
a  people  completely  and  forever  saturated  with 
democratic  aspirations,  democratic  ideals,  what 
John  Marshall  called  "political  metaphysics,"  a 
people  with  strong  and  lasting  characteristics,  no 
longer  either  colonial  or  provincial,  but  profoundly 
national.  The  skill,  the  industry,  the  arts  of  the 
politician,  had  been  used  by  a  man  gifted  with 
the  genius  and  not  free  from  the  faults  of  a  phi 
losopher,  to  plant  in  American  usages,  prejudices, 
and  traditions,  —  in  the  very  fibre  of  American 


JEFFERSON'S   INFLUENCE  7 

political  life,  a  cardinal  and  fruitful  idea.  The 
work  was  done  for  all  time.  For  Americans,  gov 
ernment  was  thenceforth  to  be  a  mere  instrument. 
No  longer  a  symbol,  or  an  ornament  or  crown  of 
national  life,  however  noble  and  august,  it  was  a 
simple  means  to  a  plain  end ;  to  be  always,  and  if 
need  be  rudely,  tested  and  measured  by  its  practi 
cal  working,  by  its  service  to  popular  rights  and 
needs.  In  those  earlier  days,  too,  there  had  been 
"  classes  and  masses,"  the  former  of  whom  held 
public  service  and  public  policy  as  matters  of  dig 
nity  and  order  and  high  assertion  of  national  right 
and  power,  requiring  hi  their  ministers  peculiar 
and  esoteric  light,  and  an  equipment  of  which 
common  men  ought  not  to  judge,  because  they 
could  not  judge  aright.  Afterward,  in  Monroe's 
era  of  good  feeling,  the  personal  rivalries  of  presi 
dential  candidates  were  in  bad  temper  enough  ;  but 
Americans  were  at  last  all  democrats.  Whether 
for  better  or  worse,  the  nation  had  ceased  to  be 
either  British  or  colonial,  or  provincial,  in  its  char 
acter.  In  the  delightful  Rip  Van  Winkle  of  a 
later  Jefferson,  during  the  twenty  years'  sleep, 
the  old  Dutch  house  has  gone,  the  peasant's  dress, 
the  quaint  inn  with  its  village  tapster,  all  the  old 
scene  of  loyal  provincial  life.  Kip  returns  to  a 
noisy,  boastful,  self-assertive  town  full  of  Ameri 
can  "  push  "  and  "  drive."  and  profane  disregard 
of  superiors  and  everything  ancient.  It  was 
hardly  a  less  change  which  spread  through  the 
United  States  in  the  twenty  years  of  Jefferson's 


8  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

unrivaled  and  fruitful  leadership.  Superstitious 
regard  for  the  "  well-born,"  for  institutions  of 
government  as  images  of  veneration  apart  from 
their  immediate  and  practical  use  ;  the  faith  in 
government  as  essentially  a  financial  establishment 
which  ought  to  be  on  peculiarly  friendly  relations 
with  banks  and  bankers ;  the  treatment  and  con 
sideration  of  our  democratic  organization  as  an 
experiment  to  be  administered  with  deprecatory 
deference  to  European  opinion ;  the  idea  that 
upon  the  great,  simple  elements  of  political  belief 
and  practice,  the  mass  of  men  could  not  judge  as 
wisely  and  safely  as  the  opulent,  the  cultivated, 
the  educated  ;  the  idea  that  it  was  a  capital  fea 
ture  of  political  art  to  thwart  the  rashness  and 
incompetence  of  the  lower  people,  —  all  these  the 
ories  and  traditions,  which  had  firmly  held  most 
of  the  disciplined  thought  of  Europe  and  America, 
and  to  which  the  lurid  horrors  of  the  French  Rev 
olution  had  brought  apparent  consecration,  —  all 
these  had  now  gone  ;  all  had  been  fatally  wounded, 
or  were  sullenly  and  apologetically  cherished  in 
the  aging  bitterness  of  the  Federalists.  There 
was  an  American  people  with  as  distinct,  as  power 
ful,  as  characteristic  a  polity  as  belonged  to  the 
British  islanders.  In  1776  a  youthful  genius  haa 
seized  upon  a  colonial  revolt  against  taxation  as 
the  occasion  to  make  solemn  declaration  of  a 
seeming  abstraction  about  human  rights.  He  had 
submitted,  however,  to  subordinate  his  theory  dur 
ing  the  organization  of  national  defense  and  the 


JEFFERSON'S  INFLUENCE  9 

strengthening  of  the  framework  of  government. 
Nor  did  he  shine  in  either  of  those  works.  But 
with  the  nation  established,  with  a  union  secured 
so  that  its  people  could  safely  attend  to  the  simpler 
elements  of  human  rights,  Jefferson  and  his  disci 
ples  were  able  to  lead  Americans  to  the  temper, 
the  aspirations,  and  the  very  prejudices  of  essen 
tial  democracy.  The  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  the  ten  amendments  to  the  Constitution 
theoretically  formulating  the  rights  of  men  or  of 
the  States,  sank  deep  into  the  sources  of  American 
political  life.  So  completely  indeed  was  the  work 
done,  that  in  1820  there  was  but  one  political  party 
in  America  ;  all  were  Jeffersonian  Republicans ; 
and  when  the  Republican  party  was  broken  up  in 
1824,  the  only  dispute  was  whether  Adams  or 
Jackson  or  Crawford  or  Clay  or  Calhoun  best  re 
presented  the  political  beliefs  now  almost  universal. 
It  seemed  to  Americans  as  if  they  had  never 
known  any  other  beliefs,  as  if  these  doctrines  oi 
their  democracy  were  truisms  to  which  the  rest 
of  the  world  was  marvelously  blind. 

Nothing  in  American  public  life  has,  in  pro 
longed  anger  and  even  savage  desperation,  equaled 
the  attacks  upon  Jefferson  during  the  steady 
growth  of  his  stupendous  influence.  The  hatred 
of  him  personally,  and  the  belief  in  the  wicked 
ness  of  his  private  and  public  life,  survive  in  our 
time.  Nine  tenths  of  the  Americans  who  then 
read  books  sincerely  thought  him  an  enemy  of 
mankind  and  of  all  that  was  sacred.  Nine  tenths 


10  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

of  the  authors  of  American  books  on  history  or 
politics  have  to  this  day  written  under  the  influ 
ence  which  ninety  years  ago  controlled  their  pre 
decessors.  And  for  this  there  is  no  little  reason. 
•!LS  the  American  people  grew  conscious  of  their 
awn  peculiar  and  intensely  active  political  force, 
there  came  to  them  a  period  of  national  and  popu 
lar  life  in  which  much  was  unlovely,  much  was 
crude,  much  was  disagreeably  vulgar.  Books 
upon  America  written  by  foreign  travelers,  from 
the  days  of  Jefferson  down  to  our  civil  war,  super 
ficial  and  offensive  as  they  often  were,  told  a  great 
deal  of  truth.  We  do  not  now  need  to  wince  at 
criticisms  upon  a  rawness,  an  insolent  condescen 
sion  towards  the  political  ignorance  of  foreigners 
and  the  unhappy  subjects  of  kings,  a  harshness  in 
the  assertion  of  the  equality  of  Caucasian  men, 
and  a  restless,  boastful  manner.  The  criticisms 
vere  in  great  measure  just.  But  the  critics  were 
stupid  and  blind  not  to  see  the  vast  and  vital  work 
and  change  going  on  before  their  eyes,  to  chiefly 
regard  the  trifling  and  incidental  things  which 
disgusted  them.  Their  eyes  were  open  to  all  our 
faults  of  taste  and  manner,  but  closed  to  the  self- 
dependent  and  self-assertive  energy  the  disorder  of 
whose  exhibition  would  surely  pass  away.  In 
every  democratic  experiment,  in  every  experiment 
of  popular  or  national  freedom,  there  is  almost 
inevitable  a  vulgarizing  of  public  manners,  a  lack 
of  dignity  in  details,  which  disturbs  men  who  find 
restful  delight  in  orderly  and  decorous  public  life ; 


JEFFERSON'S   INFLUENCE  11 

and  their  disgust  is  too  often  directed  against  be 
neficent  political  changes  or  reforms.  If  one  were 
to  judge  the  political  temper  of  the  American  peo 
ple  from  many  of  our  own  writers,  and  still  more 
if  he  were  to  judge  it  from  the  observations  even 
of  intelligent  and  friendly  foreigners  prior  to  1861, 
he  would  believe  that  temper  to  be  sordid,  mean, 
noisy,  boastful,  and  even  cruel.  But  from  the  war 
of  1812  with  England  to  the  election  of  Buchanan 
in  1856,  the  American  people  had  been  doing  a 
profound,  organic,  democratic  work.  Meantime 
many  had  seen  no  more  than  the  unsightly,  the 
mean  and  trivial,  the  malodorous  de.tails,  which 
were  mere  incidents  and  blemishes  of  hidden  and 
dynamic  operations.  Unimaginative  minds  usually 
fail  to  see  the  greater  and  deeper  movements  of 
politics  as  well  as  those  of  science.  In  the  public 
virtues  then  maturing  there  lay  the  ability  long 
and  strenuously  to  conduct  an  enterprise  the 
greatest  which  modern  times  have  known,  and 
an  extraordinary  popular  capacity  for  restraint 
and  discipline.  In  those  virtues  was  sleeping  a 
tremendously  national  spirit  which,  with  cost  arid 
sacrifice  not  to  be  measured  by  the  vast  figures  of 
the  statistician,  on  one  side  sought  independence, 
and  on  the  other  saved  the  Union,  —  an  exalted 
love  of  men  and  truth  and  liberty,  which,  after  all 
the  enervations  of  pecuniary  prosperity,  endured 
with  patience  hardships  and  losses,  and  the  less 
heroic  but  often  more  dangerous  distresses  of  taxa 
tion,  —  at  the  North  a  magnanimity  in  victory 


12  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

unequaled  in  the  traditions  of  men,  and  at  the 
South  a  composure  and  dignity  and  absence  of 
either  bitterness  or  meanness  which  brought  out 
of  defeat  far  larger  treasures  than  could  have 
come  with  victory.  But  these  were  not  effects 
without  a  cause.  In  them  all  was  only  the  fruit, 
the  normal  fruit,  of  the  political  habits,  ideals, 
traditions,  whose  early  and  unattractive  disorders 
had  chagrined  many  of  the  best  of  Americans,  and 
had  seemed  so  natural  to  foreigners  who  feared  or 

O 

distrusted  a  democracy.  There  had  been  form 
ing,  during  forty  or  fifty  years  of  a  certain  raw 
uiiloveliness,.the  peculiar  and  powerful  self-reliance 
of  a  people  whose  political  independence  meant  far 
more  than  a  mere  separate  government. 

In  these  years  Van  Bureii  was  one  of  the  chief 
men  in  American  public  life.  He  and  his  political 
associates  had  been  profoundly  affected  by  the  Jef- 
fersoniari  philosophy  of  government.  They  robustly 
held  its  tenets  until  the  flame  and  vengeance  of  the 
slavery  conflict  drove  them  from  political  power. 
In  our  own  day  we  have,  in  the  able  speeches  with 
which  Samuel  3.  Tilden  fatigued  respectful  though 
often  unsympathetic  hearers  at  Democratic  meet 
ings,  heard  something  of  the  same  robust  political 
philosophy,  brought  directly  from  intercourse  with 
his  famous  neighbor  and  political  master.  Van 
Buren  himself  breathed  it  as  the  very  atmosphere 
of  American  public  life,  during  his  early  career 
which  had  just  begun  when  Jefferson,  his  robes 
of  office  dropped  and  his  faults  of  administration 


JEFFERSON'S  INFLUENCE  13 

forgotten,  seemed  the  serene,  wise  old  man  presid 
ing  over  a  land  completely  won  to  his  ideals  of 
democracy.  Under  this  extraordinary  influence 
and  in  this  political  light,  there  opened  with  the 
first  years  of  the  centurv  the  Dublic  life  to  be  nar 
rated  in  this 


CHAPTER  II 

EAELY   YEARS.  —  PROFESSIONAL   LIFE 

AT  the  close  of  the  American  Revolution,  Abra 
ham  Van  Buren  was  a  farmer  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Hudson  River,  New  York.  He  was  of  Dutch 
descent,  as  was  his  wife,  whose  maiden  name  Hoes, 
corrupted  from  Goes,  is  said  to  have  had  distinction 
in  Holland.  But  it  would  be  mere  fancy  to  find  in 
the  statesman  particular  traits  brought  from  the 
dyked  swamp  lands  whence  some  of  his  ancestors 
came.  Those  who  farmed  the  rich  fields  of  Colum 
bia  county  were  pretty  thorough  Americans ;  their 
characteristics  were  more  immediately  drawn  from 
the  soil  they  cultivated  and  from  the  necessary 
habits  of  their  life  than  from  the  lands,  Dutch  or 
English,  from  which  their  forefathers  had  emi 
grated.  Late  in  the  eighteenth  century  they  were 
no  longer  frontiersmen.  For  a  century  and  more 
this  eastern  Hudson  River  country  had  been  peace 
fully  and  prosperously  cultivated.  There  was  no 
lack  of  high  spirit ;  but  it  was  shown  in  lawsuits 
and  political  feuds  rather  than  in  skirmishes  with 
red  men.  It  was  close  to  the  old  town  of  Albany 
with  its  official  and  not  undignified  life,  and  had 
comparatively  easy  access  to  New  York  by  sloop  or 


EARLY  YEARS  15 

the  post-road.  It  had  been  an  early  settlement  of 
the  colony.  Within  its  borders  were  now  the  es 
tates  and  mansions  of  large  landed  proprietors,  who 
inherited  or  acquired  from  a  more  varied  and  afflu 
ent  life  some  of  the  qualities,  good  and  bad,  of  a 
country  gentry.  It  was  a  region  of  easy,  orderly 
comfort,  sound  and  robust  enough,  but  not  sharing 
the  straight  and  precise,  though  meddling,  puritan 
ical  habits  which  a  few  miles  away,  over  the  high 
Berkshire  hills,  had  come  from  the  shores  of  New 
England. 

The  elder  Van  Buren  was  said  by  his  son's  ene 
mies  to  have  kept  a  tavern ;  and  he  probably  did. 
Farming  and  tavern-keeping  then  were  fairly  in 
terchangeable  ;  and  the  gracious  manner,  the  tact 
with  men,  which  the  younger  Van  Buren  developed 
to  a  marked  degree,  it  is  easy  to  believe  came 
rather  from  the  social  and  varied  life  of  an  inn 
than  from  the  harsher  isolation  of  a  farm.  The 
statesman's  boyish  days  were  at  any  rate  spent 
among  poor  neighbors.  He  was  born  at  Kinder- 
hook,  an  old  village  of  New  York,  on  the  5th  of 
December,  1782.  The  usual  years  of  schooling 
were  probably  passed  in  one  of  the  dilapidated, 
weather-beaten  schoolhouses  from  which  has  come 
so  much  of  what  is  best  in  American  life.  He 
studied  later  in  the  Kinderhook  Academy,  one  of 
the  higher  schools  which  in  New  York  have  done 
good  work,  though  not  equaling  the  like  schools  in 
Massachusetts.  Here  he  learned  a  little  Latin. 
But  when  at  fourteen  years  of  age  he  entered  a 


16  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

law  office,  he  had  of  course  the  chief  discipline  of 
book-learning  still  to  acquire.  In  1835  his  cam 
paign  biographer  rather  rejoiced  that  he  had  so 
little  systematic  education,  fearing  that  "  from  the 
eloquent  pages  of  Livy,  or  the  honeyed  eulogiums 
of  Virgil,  or  the  servile  adulation  of  Horace,  he 
might  have  been  inspired  with  an  admiration  for 
regal  pomp  and  aristocratic  dignity  uncongenial  to 
the  native  independence  of  his  mind,"  and  have 
imbibed  a  "  contempt  for  plebeians  and  common 
people,"  unless,  perhaps,  the  speeches  of  popular 
leaders  in  Livy  "  had  kindled  his  instinctive  love 
of  justice  and  freedom,"  or  the  sarcastic  vigor  of 
Tacitus  *'  had  created  in  his  bosom  a  fixed  hatred 
of  tyranny  in  every  shape."  At  an  early  age, 
however,  it  is  certain  that  Van  Buren,  like  many 
other  Americans  of  original  force  and  with  instinc 
tive  fondness  for  written  pictures  of  human  history 
and  conduct,  acquired  an  education  which,  though 
not  that  of  a  professional  scholar,  was  entirely 
appropriate  to  the  skillful  man  of  affairs  or  the 
statesman  to  be  set  in  conspicuous  places.  This 
work  must  have  been  largely  done  during  the  com 
parative  leisure  of  his  legal  apprenticeship. 

It  was  in  1796  that  he  entered  the  law  office  of 
Francis  Sylvester  at  Kinderhook,  where  he  re 
mained  until  his  twentieth  year.  He  there  read 
law.  It  is  safe  to  say  besides  that  he  swept  the 
office,  lighted  the  fires  in  winter,  and,  like  other 
j!aw  students  in  earlier  and  simpler  days,  had  to  do 
tjie  work  of  an  office  janitor  and  errand  boy,  as 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  17 

well  as  to  serve  papers  and  copy  the  technical 
forms  of  the  common  law,  and  the  tedious  but 
often  masterly  pleadings  of  chancery.  That  his 
work  as  a  student  was  done  with  great  industry 
and  thoroughness  is  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that 
at  an  early  age  he  became  a  successful  and  skillful 
advocate  in  arguments  addressed  to  courts  as  dis 
tinguished  from  juries,  a  division  of  professional 
work  in  which  no  skill  and  readiness  will  supply 
deficiencies  in  professional  equipment.  His  early 
reputation  for  cleverness  is  illustrated  by  the  story 
that  when  only  a  boy  he  successfully  summed  up  a 
case  before  a  jury  against  his  preceptor  Sylvester, 
being  made  by  the  justice  to  stand  upon  a  bench 
because  he  was  so  small,  with  the  exhortation, 
"  There,  Mat,  beat  your  master." 

In  1802  Van  Buren  entered  the  office  of  Wil 
liam  P.  Van  Ness,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to 
complete  his  seventh  and  final  year  of  legal  study. 
Van  Ness  was  himself  from  Columbia  county  and 
an  eminent  lawyer.  He  was  afterwards  appointed 
United  States  district  judge  by  Madison  ;  and  was 
then  an  influential  Republican  and  a  close  friend 
and  defender  of  Aaron  Burr,  then  the  vice-presi 
dent.  The  native  powers  and  fascination  of  Burr 
were  at  their  zenith,  though  his  political  character 
was  blasted.  Van  Buren  made  his  acquaintance, 
and  was  treated  with  the  distinguished  and  flatter 
ing  attention  which  the  wisest  of  public  men  often 
show  to  young  men  of  promise.  Van  Buren's  ene 
mies  were  absurdly  fond  of  the  fancy  that  in  this 


18  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

slight  intercourse  he  had  acquired  the  skill  and 
grace  of  his  manner,  and  the  easy  principles  and 
love  of  intrigue  which  they  ascribe  to  him.  Burr, 
for  years  after  he  was  utterly  disabled,  inspired  a 
childish  terror  in  American  politics.  The  mystery 
and  dread  about  him  were  used  by  the  opponents 
of  Jackson  because  Burr  had  early  pointed  him 
out  for  the  presidency,  and  by  the  opponents  of 
Clay  because  in  early  life  he  had  given  Burr  pro 
fessional  assistance.  But  upon  Burr's  candidacy 
for  governor  in  1804  Van  Buren's  freedom  from 
his  influence  was  clearly  enough  exhibited. 

In  1803  Van  Buren,  being  now  of  age  and  ad 
mitted  as  an  attorney,  returned  to  Kinderhook  and 
there  began  the  practice  of  his  profession.  The 
rank  of  counsellor-at-law  was  still  distinct  and 
superior  to  that  of  attorney.  His  half-brother  on 
his  mother's  side.  James  J.  Van  Alen,  at  once  ad' 
mitted  the  young  attorney  to  a  law  partnership. 
Van  Alen  was  considerably  older  and  had  a  prac 
tice  already  established.  Van  Buren's  career  as  a 
lawyer  was  not  a  long  one,  but  it  was  brilliant  and 
highly  successful.  After  his  election  to  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1821  his  practice  ceased  to  be 
very  active.  He  left  his  profession  with  a  fortune 
which  secured  him  the  ease  in  money  matters  so 
helpful  and  almost  necessary  to  a  man  in  public 
life.  Merely  professional  reputations  disappear 
with  curious  and  rather  saddening  promptness  and 
completeness.  Of  the  practice  and  distinction 
reached  by  Van  Buren  before  he  withdrew  from 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  19 

the  bar,  although  they  were  unsurpassed  in  the 
State,  no  vestige  and  few  traditions  remain  beyond 
technical  synopses  of  his  arguments  in  the  instruc 
tive  but  hardly  succulent  pages  of  Johnson's,  Wen 
dell's,  and  Cowen's  reports. 

At  an  early  day  the  legal  profession  reached  in 
our  country  a  consummate  vigor.  Far  behind  as 
Americans  were  in  other  learning  and  arts,  they 
had,  within  a  few  years  after  they  escaped  colonial 
dependence,  judges,  advocates,  and  commentators 
of  the  first  rank.  Marshall,  Kent,  and  Story  were 
securely  famous  when  hardly  another  American  of 
their  time  not  in  public  and  political  life  was 
known.  In  the  legal  art  Americans  were  even 
more  accomplished  than  in  its  science  ;  and  Co 
lumbia  county  and  the  valley  of  the  Hudson  were 
fine  fields  for  legal  practice.  Many  animosities 
survived  from  revolutionary  days.  The  landed 
families,  long  used  to  administer  the  affairs  of 
others  as  well  as  their  own,  saw  with  jealousy  and 
fear  the  rapid  spread  of  democratic  doctrines  and 
of  leveling  and  often  insolent  manners.  Political 
feuds  were  rife,  and  frequently  appeared  in  the 
professionally  profitable  collisions  of  neighbors  with 
vagrant  cows,  or  on  watercourses  insufficient  for 
the  needs  of  the  up-stream  and  the  down-stream 
proprietors.  There  were  slander  suits  and  libel 
suits,  and  suits  for  malicious  prosecution.  Into 
the  most  legitimate  controversies  over  doubts 
about  property  there  was  driven  the  bitterness 
which  turns  a  lawsuit  from  a  process  to  ascertain  a 
right  into  a  weapon  of  revenge. 


20  MARTIN    7AN   BUREN 

Van  Buren's  political  opinions  were  strong  and 
clear  from  the  beginning  of  his  law  practice ;  but 
he  was  in  a  professional  minority  among  the  rich 
Federalists  of  the  county.  The  adverse  discipline 
was  invaluable.  Through  zeal  and  skill  and  large 
industry,  he  soon  led  the  Republicans  as  their 
ablest  lawyer,  and  the  lawyers  of  Columbia  county 
were  famous.  William  W.  Van  Ness,  afterwards 
a  judge  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  State,  Gros- 
venor,  Elisha  Williams,  and  Jacob  R.  Van  Kens- 
selaer  were  active  at  the  bar.  Williams,  although 
his  very  name  is  nowadays  hardly  known,  we  can 
not  doubt  from  the  universal  testimony  of  con 
temporaries,  had  extraordinary  forensic  talents. 
He  was  a  Federalist ;  and  the  most  decisive  proof 
of  Van  Buren's  rapid  professional  growth  was  his 
promotion  to  be  Williams's  chief  competitor  and 
adversary.  Van  Buren's  extraordinary  application 
and  intellectual  clearness  soon  established  him  as 
the  better  and  the  more  successful  lawyer,  though 
not  the  more  powerful  advocate.  Williams  at  last 
said  to  his  rival,  "  I  get  all  the  verdicts,  and  you 
get  all  the  judgments."  A  famous  pupil  of  Van 
Buren  both  in  law  and  in  politics,  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  afterwards  attorney-general  in  his  cabinet, 
finely  contrasted  them  from  his  own  recollection 
of  their  conflicts  when  he  was  a  law  student. 
"  Never,"  he  said,  "  were  two  men  more  dissimilar. 
Both  were  eloquent;  but  the  eloquence  of  Williams 
was  declamatory  and  exciting,  that  of  Van  Buren 
insinuating  and  delightful.  Williams  had  the  live 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  21 

lier  imagination,  Van  Buren  the  sounder  judgment. 
The  former  presented  the  strong  points  of  his  case 
in  bolder  relief,  invested  them  in  a  more  brilliant 
coloring,  indulged  a  more  unlicensed  and  magni 
ficent  invective,  and  gave  more  life  and  variety  to 
his  arguments  by  his  peculiar  wit  and  inimitable 
humor.  But  Van  Buren  was  his  superior  in  ana 
lyzing,  arranging,  and  combining  the  insulated 
materials,  in  comparing  and  weighing  testimony, 
in  unraveling  the  web  of  intricate  affairs,  in  evis 
cerating  truth  from  the  mass  of  diversified  and 
conflicting  evidence,  in  softening  the  heart  and 
moulding  it  to  his  purpose,  and  in  working  into 
the  judgments  of  his  hearers  the  conclusions  of  his 
own  perspicuous  and  persuasive  reasonings."  Most 
of  this  is  applicable  to  Van  Bui-en's  career  on  the 
wider  field  of  politics ;  and  much  here  said  of  his 
early  adversary  on  the  tobacco-stained  floors  of 
country  court-houses  might  have  been  as  truly  said 
of  a  later  adversary  of  his,  the  splendid  leader  who, 
rather  than  Harrison,  ought  to  have  been  victor 
over  Van  Buren  in  1840,  and  over  whom  Van 
Buren  rather  than  Polk  ought  to  have  been  victor 
in  1844. 

In  a  few  years  Vim  Buren  outgrew  the  pro 
fessional  limitations  of  Kinderhook.  In  February. 
1807,  he  had  been  admitted  as  a  counsellor  of  the 
supreme  court ;  and  this  promotion  he  most  happily 
celebrated  by  marrying  Hannah  Hoes,  a  young 
lady  of  his  own  age,  and  also  of  Dutch  descent,  a 
kinswoman  of  his  mother,  and  with  whom  he  had 


22  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

been  intimate  from  his  childhood.  In  1808,  the 
council  of  appointment  becoming  Republican,  he 
was  made  surrogate  of  Columbia  county,  succeed 
ing  his  partner  and  half-brother  Van  Alen,  a  Fed 
eralist  in  politics,  who  was,  however,  returned  to 
the  place  in  1815,  when  the  Federalists  regained 
the  council.  The  office  was  a  respectable  one, 
concerned  with  the  probate  of  wills,  and  the  order 
ing  of  estates  of  deceased  persons.  Within  a  year 
after  this  appointment,  Van  Buren  removed  to  the 
new  and  bustling  little  city  of  Hudson,  directly  on 
the  river  banks.  Here  he  practiced  law  with 
rapidly  increasing  success  for  seven  years.  His 
pecuniary  thrift  now  enabled  him  to  purchase 
what  was  called  "  a  very  extensive  and  well-selected 
library."  With  this  advantage  he  applied  himself 
to  "  a  systematic  and  extended  course  of  reading," 
which  left  him  a  well,  even  an  amply,  educated 
man.  His  severity  in  study  did  not,  however,  ex 
clude  him  from  the  social  pleasures  of  which  he 
was  fond,  and  for  which  he  was  perfectly  fitted. 
He  learned  men  quite  as  fast  as  he  learned  books. 
A  country  surrogate,  though  then  enjoying  fees, 
since  commuted  to  a  salary,  had  only  a  meagre 
compensation.  But  the  duties  of  Van  Buren's 
office  did  not  interfere  with  his  activity  in  the 
private  practice  of  the  law.  On  the  contrary, 
the  office  enabled  him  to  make  acquaintances,  a 
process  which,  even  without  adventitious  aid.  he 
always  found  easy  and  delightful. 

In  1813,  having  been  elected  a  member  of  the 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  23 

Senate  of  the  State,  he  became  as  such  a  member 
of  the  court  for  the  correction  of  errors.  This 
was  the  court  of  last  resort,  composed,  until  1847, 
of  the  chancellor,  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court, 
the  lieutenant-governor,  and  the  thirty-two  sena 
tors.  The  latter,  though  often  laymen,  were  mem 
bers  of  the  court,  partly  through  a  curious  imitation 
of  the  theoretical  function  of  the  British  House  of 
Lords,  and  partly  under  the  idea,  even  now  feebly 
surviving  in  some  States,  that  some  besides  lawyers 
ought  to  sit  upon  the  bench  in  law  courts  to  con 
tribute  the  common  sense  which  it  was  fancied 
might  be  absent  from  their  more  learned  associates. 
It  was  not  found  unsuitable  for  members  of  this, 
the  highest  court,  to  be  active  legal  practitioners. 
While  Van  Buren  held  his  place  as  a  member  he 
was,  in  February,  1815,  made  attorney-general, 
succeeding  Abraham  Van  Vechten,  one  of  the 
famous  lawyers  of  the  State.  Van  Buren  was  then 
but  thirty-two  years  old,  and  the  professional  emi 
nence  accorded  to  the  station  was  greater  than 
now.  Among  near  predecessors  in  it  had  been 
Aaron  Burr,  Ambrose  Spencer  and  Thomas  Addis 
Emmett ;  among  his  near  successors  were  Thomas 
J.  Oakley,  Samuel  A.  Talcott,  Greene  C.  Bronsoii 
and  Samuel  Beardsley,  —  all  names  of  the  first 
distinction  in  the  professional  life  of  New  York. 
The  office  was  of  course  political,  as  it  has  always 
been,  both  in  the  United  States  and  the  mother 
country.  But  Van  Buren's  appointment,  if  it  were 
made  because  he  was  an  active  and  influential  Re- 


24  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

publican  in  politics,  would  still  not  have  been  made 
unless  his  professional  reputation  had  been  high. 
The  salary  was  85.50  a  day,  with  some  costs,  — 
not  an  unsuitable  salary  in  days  when  the  chancel 
lor  was  paid  but  §3000  a  year.  He  held  the  office 
until  July,  1819,  when,  upon  the  capture  of  the 
council  of  appointment  by  a  coalition  of  Clintonian 
Republicans  and  Federalists,  he  was  removed  to 
give  place  to  Oakley,  the  Federalist  leader  in  the 
State  Assembly. 

In  1816  Van  Buren,  now  rapidly  reaching  pro 
fessional  eminence,  removed  to  Albany,  the  capital 
of  New  York.  Though  then  a  petty  city  of  mean 
buildings  and  about  10,000  inhabitants,  it  had  a 
far  larger  relative  importance  in  the  professional 
and  social  life  of  the  State  than  has  the  later  city 
of  ten  times  the  population,  with  its  costly  and 
enormous  state-house,  its  beautiful  public  buildings, 
and  its  steep  and  numerous  streets  of  fine  resi 
dences.  In  1820  he  purposed  removing  to  New 
York ;  but,  for  some  reason  altering  his  plans,  con 
tinued  to  reside  at  Albany  until  appointed  secretary 
of  state  in  1829.  His  professional  career  was  there 
crowned  with  most  important  and  lucrative  work. 
Soon  after  moving  to  Albany,  he  took  into  partner 
ship  Butler,  just  admitted  to  the  bar.  Between 
the  two  men  there  were  close  and  life-long  relations. 
The  younger  of  them,  also  a  son  of  Columbia 
county,  reached  great  professional  distinction,  be 
came  a  politician  of  the  highest  type,  and  remained 
steadfast  in  his  attachment  to  Van  Buren's  political 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  25 

fortunes,  and  to  the  robust  and  distinctly  marked 
political  doctrines  and  practices  of  the  Albany 
Regency. 

The  law  reports  give  illustrations  of  Van  Buren's 
precision,  his  clear  and  forcible  common-sense,  and 
his  aptitude  for  that  learning  of  the  law  in  which 
the  great  counsel  of  the  time  excelled.  In  1813, 
soon  after  his  service  began  as  state  senator,  he  de 
livered  an  opinion  in  a  case  of  "  escape  ;  "  and  in 
very  courteous  words  exhibited  a  bit  of  his  dislike 
for  Kent,  then  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court, 
whose  judgment  he  helped  to  reverse,  as  well  as 
his  antipathy  to  imprisonment  for  debt,  which  he 
afterwards  helped  to  abolish.  It  was  a  petty  suit 
against  the  sureties  upon  the  bond  given  by  a  debtor. 
Under  a  relaxation  of  the  imprisonment  for  debt 
recently  permitted,  the  debtor  was,  on  giving  the 
bond,  released  from  jail,  but  upon  the  condition 
that  he  should  keep  within  the  "  jail  liberties," 
which  in  the  country  counties  was  a  prescribed  area 
around  the  jail.  His  bond  was  to  be  forfeit  if  he 
passed  the  "  liberties."  While  the  debtor  was 
driving  a  cow  to  or  from  pasture,  the  latter  con 
temptuously  deviated  "  four,  six,  or  ten  feet "  from 
the  liberties.  The  driver,  yielding  to  inevitable 
bucolic  impulse  and  forgetting  his  bond,  leaped  over 
the  imaginary  line  to  bring  back  the  cow.  He  was 
without  the  liberties  but  a  moment,  and  afterwards 
duly  kept  within  them.  But  the  creditor  was  watch 
ful,  and  for  the  technical  "  escape  "  sued  the  sure 
ties.  Although  the  debtor  was  within  the  limits 


26  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

when  suit  was  brought,  the  lower  court  refused  to 
pardon  the  debtor's  technical  and  unintentional 
fault.  At  common  law  the  creditor  was  entitled  to 
satisfaction  of  the  debtor's  body  ;  and  the  milder 
statute  establishing  jail  liberties  was,  the  court  said, 
to  be  strictly  construed  against  the  debtor ;  it  was 
not  enough  that  the  creditor  had  the  debtor's  body 
when  he  called  for  it.  The  supreme  court,  headed 
by  Kent,  affirmed  this  curiously  harsh  decision.  In 
the  court  of  errors,  Van  Buren  joined  Chancellor 
Lansing  in  reversing  the  rule  upon  an  elaborate  re 
view  of  the  law,  which  to  this  day  is  important  au 
thority,  and  which  could  not  have  been  more  care 
fully  done  had  something  greater  seemed  at  stake 
than  a  bovine  vagary  and  a  few  dollars.  The  young 
lawyer,  wearing  for  a  time  the  judicial  robes,  now 
sat  in  a  review,  by  no  means  unpleasant,  of  the  ut 
terances  of  magistrates  before  whom  he  had  until 
then  stood  in  considerable  awe  ;  and  seized  the  oppor 
tunity,  doubtless  with  a  keen  perception  of  the  drift 
of  popular  sentiment  on  matters  of  personal  liberty, 
to  enlarge  the  mild  policy  of  the  later  law.  When 
it  was  urged  that,  if  the  law  were  not  technically  ad 
ministered,  imprisoned  debtors  would  of  a  Sunday 
wander  beyond  the  "  limits,"  securely  able  to  return 
before  Monday,  when  the  creditor  could  sue,  —  Van 
Buren,  with  a  contemptuous  fling  at  the  supreme 
court,  confessed  in  Johnsonian  sentences  his  lenient 
temper  towards  these  "  stolen  pleasures,"  -  his 
willingness  that  debtors  should  snatch  the  "few 
moments  of  liberty  which,  although  soured  by  con- 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  27 

stant  perturbation  and  alarm,  are,  notwithstanding, 
deemed  fit  subjects  for  judicial  animadversion." 
His  rhetoric  was  rather  agreeably  florid  when  he 
declared  the  law  establishing  "  jail  liberties  "  to  be 
a  concession  for  humane  purposes  made  by  the  in 
flexible  spirit  which  authorized  imprisonment  for 
debt.  He  strongly  intimated  his  sympathy  to  be 
with  "  the  exertions  of  men  of  intelligence,  reflec 
tion,  and  philanthropy  to  mitigate  its  rigor  ;  of  men 
who  viewed  it  as  a  practice  fundamentally  wrong, 
a  practice  which  forces  their  fellow-creatures  from 
society,  from  their  friends,  and  their  agonized  fam 
ilies  into  the  c^-eary  walls  of  a  prison  ;  which  com 
pels  them  to  leave  all  those  fascinating  endearments 
to  become  an  inmate  with  vermin  ;  "  and  all  this, 
not  for  crime  or  frauds, "  but  for  the  misfortune  of 
being  poor,  of  being  unable  to  satisfy  the  all-digest 
ing  stomach  of  some  ravenous  creditor."  The  prac 
tice  was  one  "  confounding  virtue  and  vice,  and  de 
stroying  the  distinction  between  guilt  and  innocence 
which  should  unceasingly  be  cherished  in  every 
well-regulated  government."  Democrats  rejoiced 
over  this  passage  when  Van  Bnren  was  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  Richard  M.  Johnson,  then  his 
associate  upon  the  Democratic  ticket,  had  success 
fully  led  an  agitation  for  the  abolition  of  such  im 
prisonment  upon  judgments  rendered  in  the  federal 
courts. 

Van    Buren's  professional  life  terminated  with, 
his  election  as  governor  in  1828.     In  1830,  while 
of  state  at  Washington,  he  is  said  to  have 


28  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

appeared  before  the  federal  supreme  court  in  the 
great  litigation  between  Astor  and  the  Sailors'  Snug 
Harbor,  in  which  he  had  been  counsel  below ;  but 
no  record  is  preserved  of  his  argument  there.  His 
last  well-known  argument  was  before  the  court  of 
errors  at  Albany  in  Varick  v.  Jackson,  a  branch  of 
the  famous  Medcef  Eden  litigation.  This  long  and 
highly  technical  battle  was  lighted  up  by  the  fame 
and  competitions  of  the  counsel.  It  arose  upon  the 
question  whether  a  will  of  Eden  which  gave  a  landed 
estate  to  his  son  Joseph,  but  if  Joseph  died  without 
children,  then  to  his  surviving  brother,  Medcef  Eden 
the  younger,  created  for  Joseph  the  old  lawyers' 
delight  of  an  "  estate  tail."  If  it  were  an  "  estate 
tail,"  then  the  law  of  1782,  which,  in  the  general 
tendency  of  American  legislation  after  the  lie  volu 
tion,  was  directed  against  the  entailing  of  property, 
would  have  made  the  first  brother,  Joseph,  the  ab 
solute  owner,  and  have  defeated  the  later  claim  of 
Medcef.  Joseph  had  failed  while  in  possession  of 
the  property.  His  creditors,  accepting  the  opinion 
of  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  the  head  of  the  bar, 
insisted  that  he  had  been  the  absolute  owner,  that 
the  provision  for  his  brother  Medcef's  accession  to 
the  property  was  nugatory  as  an  attempt  to  entail 
the  estate  ;  and  upon  this  view  the  creditors  sold 
the  lands,  which  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  cit} 
soon  became  of  large  value.  Hamilton's  opinion 
for  years  daunted  the  younger  Medcef  and  his  chil 
dren  from  asserting  the  right  which  it  was  morally 
plain  his  father  had  intended  for  him.  Aaron  Burr, 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  29 

not  less  Hamilton's  rival  at  the  bar  than  in  the  pol 
itics  of  New  York,  gave  a  contrary  opinion  ;  but 
after  killing-  Hamilton  in  1804  and  yielding  up  the 
vice-presidency  in  1805,  his  brilliant  professional 
gifts  were  exiled  from  New  York.  On  his  return 
in  1812  from  years  of  conspiracy,  adventure,  and 
romance,  he  took  up  the  discredited  Medcef  Eden 
claim  ;  and  in  the  judicial  test  of  the  question  he, 
and  not  Hamilton,  proved  to  have  been  correct. 
The  struggle  went  on  in  a  number  of  suits  ;  and 
when  in  1823  the  question  was  to  be  finally  settled 
in  the  court  of  last  resort,  Burr,  fearing,  as  he  him 
self  intimated  to  the  court,  lest  the  profound  sus 
picion  under  which  he  rested  might  obscure  and 
break  the  force  of  his  legal  arguments,  or  conscious 
that  his  past  twenty  years  had  dimmed  his  faculties, 
called  to  his  aid  Van  Buren,  then  United  States 
senator  and  a  chief  of  the  profession.  As  Van 
Buren  and  Burr  attended  together  before  the  court 
of  errors,  they  doubtless  recalled  their  meetings  in 
Van  Ness's  office  twenty  years  before,  when  Burr, 
still  a  splendid  though  clouded  figure  in  American 
life,  hoped,  by  Federalist  votes  added  to  the  Repub 
lican  secession  which  he  led,  to  reach  the  governor 
ship  and  recover  his  prestige  ;  those  days  in  which 
the  unknown  but  promising  young  countryman  had 
interested  a  vice-president  and  enjoyed  the  latter's 
skillful  and  not  always  insincere  flattery.  The  firm 
and  orderly  procedure  of  Van  Buren's  life  was  now 
well  contrasted  with  the  discredited  and  profligate 
ability  of  the  returned  wanderer.  Against  this 


30  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

earlier  but  long  deposed,  and  against  this  later  and 
regnant  chief  in  the  Republican  politics  of  New 
York,  were  ranged  in  these  cases  David  B.  Ogden, 
the  famous  lawyer  of  the  Federalist  ranks,  Samuel 
A.  Talcott,  and  Samuel  Jones.  In  Van  Buren's 
long,  masterly,  and  successful  argument  there  was 
again  an  edge  to  the  zeal  with  which  he  attacked 
the  opinion  of  Kent,  the  Federalist  chancellor,  who 
asked  the  court  of  errors  to  overrule  its  earlier  de 
cisions,  and  the  chancellor's  own  decision  as  well, 
and  defeat  the  intention  of  the  elder  Medcef  Eden. 
Van  Buren's  professional  career  was  most  envi 
able.  It  lasted  twenty-five  years.  It  ended  before 
he  was  forty-six,  when  he  was  in  the  early  ripeness 
of  his  powers,  but  not  until  a  larger  and  more  shin 
ing  career  seemed  surely  opened  before  him.  He 
left  the  bar  with  a  competence  fairly  earned,  which 
his  prudence  and  skill  made  grow  into  an  ample 
fortune,  without  even  malicious  suggestion  in  the 
scurrility  of  politics  that  he  had  profited  out  of 
public  offices.  In  money  matters  he  was  more 
thrifty  and  cautious  than  most  Americans  in  public 
places.  His  enemies  accused  him  of  meanness  and 
parsimony,  but  apparently  without  other  reason 
than  that  he  did  not  practice  the  careless  and  use 
less  profusion  and  luxury  which  many  of  his  coun 
trymen  in  political  life  have  thought  necessary  to 
indulge  even  when  their  own  tastes  were  far  simpler. 
In  the  course  of  professional  employment  he  ac 
quired  an  important  estate  near  Oswego,  whose 
value  rapidly  enhanced  with  the  rauid  growth  of 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  31 

western  New  York  and  the  development  of  the  lake 
commerce  from  that  port. 

The  chief  interest  now  found  in  Van  Buren's  pro 
fessional  career  lies  in  its  relation  to  his  political 
life.  He  was  the  only  lawyer  of  conspicuous  and 
practical  and  really  great  professional  success  who 
has  reached  the  White  House.  In  the  long  prepa 
ration  for  the  bar,  in  the  many  hours  of  leisure  at 
Kinderhook  and  Hudson  and  even  Albany  per 
mitted  by  the  methods  of  practice  in  vogue  before 
there  were  railways  or  telegraphs,  and  when  travsl 
was  costly  and  slow  and  postage  a  shilling  or  more, 
he  gained  the  liberal  education  more  difficult  of 
access  to  the  busier  young  attorney  and  counsel  of 
these  crowded  days.  Great  lawyers  were  then 
fond  of  illustrations  from  polite  literature  ;  they 
loved  to  set  off  their  speeches  with  quotations  from 
the  classics,  and  to  give  their  style  finish  and  orna 
ment  not  practicable  to  the  precise,  prompt  methods 
which  their  successors  learn  in  the  driving  routine 
of  modern  American  cities.  Van  Buren  did  not, 
however,  become  a  great  orator  at  the  bar.  His  ad 
mirer,  Butler,  upon  returning  to  partnership  with 
him  in  1820,  wrote  indeed  to  an  intimate  friend, 
Jesse  Hoyt  (destined  afterwards  to  bring  grief  and 
scandal  upon  both  the  partners),  that  if  he  were 
Van  Buren  he  "  would  let  politics  alone,"  and  be 
come,  as  Van  Buren  might,  the  "  Erskine  of  the 
State."  But  though  his  success,  had  he  continued 
in  the  profession,  would  doubtless  have  been  of  the 
very  first  order,  his  oratory  would  never  have 


32  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

reached  the  warm  and  virile  splendor  of  Erskine, 
or  the  weighty  magnificence  of  Webster.  Van 
Buren's  work  as  a  lawyer  brought  him,  however, 
something  besides  wealth  and  the  education  and 
refinement  of  books,  and  something  which  neither 
Erskine  nor  Webster  gained.  The  profession  af 
forded  him  an  admirable  discipline  in  the  conduct 
of  affairs  ;  and  affairs,  in  the  law  as  out  of  it,  are 
largely  decided  by  human  nature  and  its  varying 
peculiarities.  The  preparation  of  details ;  the  keen 
and  far-sighted  arrangement  of  the  best,  because 
the  most  practicable,  plan  ;  the  refusal  to  fire  off 
ammunition  for  the  popular  applause  to  be  roused 
by  its  noise  and  flame  :  the  clear,  steady  bearing  in 
mind  of  the  end  to  be  accomplished,  rather  than 
the  prolonged  enjoyment  or  systematic  working  out 
of  intermediate  processes  beyond  a  utilitarian  ne 
cessity,  —  all  these  elements  Van  Buren  mastered 
in  a  signal  degree,  and  made  invaluable  in  legal 
practice.  To  men  more  superbly  equipped  for  tours 
deforce,  who  ignored  the  uses  of  long,  attentive, 
varied,  painstaking  work,  there  was  nothing  admir 
able  in  the  methods  which  Van  Buren  brought  into 
political  life  out  of  his  experience  in  the  law.  He 
was,  to  undisciplined  or  envious  opponents,  a  "  lit 
tle  magician,"  a  trickster.  The  same  thing  appears, 
in  every  department  of  human  activity,  in  the  anger 
which  failure  often  flings  at  success. 

The  predominance  of  lawyers  in  our  politics  was 
very /early  established,  and  has  been  a  characteristic 
distinction  between  politics  in  England  and  politics 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  33 

in  America.  Conspicuous  as  lawyers  have  been  in 
the  politics  of  the  older  country,  they  have  rarely 
been  figures  of  the  first  rank.  They  have  served 
in  all  its  modern  ministries,  and  sometimes  in 
other  than  professional  stations ;  but,  with  the 
unimportant  exception  of  Perceval,  not  as  the 
chief.  English  opinion  has  not  unjustly  believed 
its  greater  landed  proprietors  to  be  animated  with 
a  strong  and  peculiar  desire  for  English  greatness 
and  renown  ;  nor  has  the  belief  been  destroyed  by 
fcheir  frequent  opposition  to  the  most  beneficent 
popular  movements.  Among  these  proprietors  and 
those  allied  with  them,  even  when  not  strictly  in 
their  ranks,  England  has  found  her  statesmen.  To 
this  day,  the  speech  of  a  lawyer  in  the  British 
House  of  Commons  is  fancied  to  show  the  narrow 
ness  of  technical  training,  or  is  treated  as  a  bid 
for  promotion  to  some  of  the  splendid  seats  open 
to  the  English  bar.  In  America,  the  great  landed 
proprietor  very  early  lost  the  direction  of  public 
affairs.  All  the  members  of  the  "  Virginian  dy 
nasty  "  were,  it  is  true,  large  land-owners,  and  in 
the  politics  of  New  York  there  were  several  of 
them.  But  land-ownership  was  to  Jefferson,  Mad 
ison,  and  Monroe  simply  a  means  of  support  while 
they  attended  to  public  affairs  ;  it  was  not  one  of 
their  chief  recommendations  to  the  landed  interest 
throughout  the  country.  For  a  time  in  the  earl}* 
politics  of  New  York  the  landed  wealth  of  the 
Schuylers,  Van  Rensselaers,  and  Livingstons  was 
of  itself  a  source  of  strength  ;  but  in  the  spread  of 


34  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

democratic  sentiment  it  was  found  that  to  be  a 
great  landlord  was  entirely  consistent  with  dull 
ness,  narrowness,  and  timid  selfishness.  Among 
the  landlords  there  soon  and  inevitably  decayed 
that  sense  of  public  obligation  belonging  to  exalted 
position  and  leadership  which  sometimes  brings 
courage,  high  public  spirit,  and  even  a  sound  and 
active  political  imagination,  to  those  who  preside 
over  bodies  of  tenants.  The  laws  were  changed 
which  facilitated  family  accumulations  of  land. 
Since  these  early  years  of  the  century  a  great 
land-owner  has  been  in  politics  little  more  than  any 
other  rich  man.  Both  have  had  advantages  in  that 
as  in  any  other  field  of  activity.  Certain  easy 
graces  not  uncommon  to  inherited  wealth  have 
often  been  popular,  —  not,  however,  for  the  wealth, 
but  for  themselves.  Where  these  graces  have  ex 
isted  in  America  without  such  wealth,  they  have 
been  none  the  less  popular ;  but  in  England  a  life 
time  of  vast  public  service  and  the  finest  personal 
attainments  have  failed  to  overcome  the  distrust  of 
a  landless  man  as  a  sort  of  adventurer. 

When  Van  Buren's  career  began,  the  men  who 
were  making  money  in  trade  or  manufactures  were 
generally  too  busy  for  the  anxious  and  busy  cares 
of  public  life  ;  the  tradesmen  and  manufacturers 
who  had  already  made  money  were  past  the  time 
of  life  when  men  can  vigorously  and  skillfully  turn 
to  a  new  and  strange  calling.  There  was  no  lei 
sure  class  except  land-owners  or  retired  men  of 
business.  Lawyers,  far  more  than  those  of  any 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  35 

other  calling,  became  public  men,  and  naturally 
enough.  Their  experience  of  life  and  their  know 
ledge  of  men  were  large.  The  popular  interest  in 
their  art  of  advocacy  ;  their  travels  from  county 
seat  to  county  seat;  their  speeches  to  juries  in 
towns  where  no  other  secular  public  speaking  was 
to  be  heard ;  the  varieties  of  human  life  which 
lawyers  came  to  know,  —  varieties  far  greater 
where  the  same  men  acted  as  attorneys  and  advo 
cates  than  in  England  where  they  acted  in  only  one 
of  these  fields,  —  these  and  the  like,  combined  with 
the  equipment  for  the  forms  of  political  and  gov 
ernmental  work  which  was  naturally  gained  in 
legal  practice  and  tlu  systematic  study  of  law,  gave 
to  distinguished  lawyers  in  America  their  large 
place  in  its  political  life.  For  this  place  the  liber 
ality  of  their  lives  helped,  besides,  to  fit  them. 
They  had  ceased  to  be  disqualified  for  it  by  their 
former  close  alliance,  as  in  England,  with  the 
landed  aristocracy ;  and  they  had  not  yet  begun  to 
suffer  a  disqualification,  frequently  unjust,  for 
their  close  relations  with  corporate  interests,  be 
tween  which  and  the  public  there  often  arises  an 
antagonism  of  interests.  De  Tocqueville.  after  his 
visit  in  1832,  said  that  lawyers  formed  in  America 
its  highest  political  class  and  the  most  cultivated 
circle  of  society ;  that  the  American  aristocracy 
was  not  composed  of  the  rich,  but  that  it  occupied 
the  judicial  bench  and  the  bar.  And  the  descrip 
tions  of  the  liberal  and  acute  though  theoretical 
Frenchman  are  generally  trustworthy,  however 


36  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

often  his  striking  generalizations  are  at  fault. 
Such,  then,  was  the  intimacy  of  relations  between 
the  professions  of  law  and  politics  when  Van  Buren 
shone  in  both.  And  when,  in  his  early  prime,  he 
gave  up  the  law,  neither  forensic  habits  nor  those 
of  the  attorney  were  yet  too  strongly  set  to  permit 
the  easy  and  complete  diversion  of  his  powers  to 
the  more  generous  and  exalted  activity  of  public 
life. 

It  is  simpler  thus  separately  to  treat  Van  Buren's 
Jife  as  a  lawyer,  because  in  a  just  view  of  the  man 
it  must  be  subordinate  to  his  life  as  a  politician. 
It  is  to  be  remembered,  however,  that  in  his  earlier 
years  his  progress  in  politics  closely  attended  in 
time,  and  in  much  more  than  time,  his  professional 
progress.  When,  at  thirty,  he  sat  as  an  appellate 
judge  in  the  court  of  errors,  he  was  already  power 
ful  in  politics  ;  when,  at  thirty -two,  he  was  attorney- 
general,  he  was  the  leader  of  his  party  in  the  state 
senate ;  when,  at  forty-five,  he  had  perhaps  the 
most  lucrative  professional  practice  in  New  York, 
he  was  the  leader  of  his  party  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  But  it  will  be  easier  to  follow  his  political 
career  without  interruption  from  his  work  as  a 
lawyer,  honorable  and  distinguished  as  it  was,  and 
much  of  his  political  ability  as  he  owed  to  its  fine 
discipline. 

Van  Buren's  domestic  life  was  broken  up  by  the 
death  of  his  wife  at  Albany,  in  February,  1819, 
leaving  him  four  sons.  To  her  memory  Van  Buren 
remained  scrupulously  loyal  until  his  own  death 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE  37 

forty-three  years  afterwards.  We  may  safely  be 
lieve  political  enemies  when,  after  saying  of  him 
many  dastardly  things,  they  admitted  that  he  had 
been  an  affectionate  husband.  Nor  were  accusa 
tions  ever  made  against  the  uprightness  and  purity 
of  his  private  liit 


CHAPTER  in 

STATE  SENATOR.  — ATTORNEY-GENERAL.  —  MEMBER 
OF   THE   CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION 

THE  politics  of  New  York  State  were  never  more 
bitter,  never  more  personal,  than  when  Van  Buren 
entered  the  field  in  1803.  The  Federalists  were 
sheltered  by  the  unique  and  noble  prestige  of 
Washington's  name ;  and  were  conscious  that  in 
wealth,  education,  refinement,  they  far  excelled  the 
Republicans.  They  were  contemptuously  suspi 
cious  of  the  unlettered  ignorance,  the  intense  and 
exuberant  vanity,  of  the  masses  of  American  men. 
It  was  by  that  contempt  and  suspicion  that  they 
invited  the  defeat  which,  protected  though  they 
were  by  the  property  qualifications  required  of 
voters  in  New  York,  they  met  in  1800  at  the  hands 
of  a  people  in  whom  the  instincts  of  democracy 
were  strong  and  unsubmissive.  This  was  in  our 
history  the  one  complete  and  final  defeat  of  a  great 
national  party  while  in  power.  The  Federalists 
themselves  made  it  final,  —  by  their  silly  and  un 
worthy  anger  at  a  political  reverse ;  by  their  pro 
foundly  immoral  efforts  to  thwart  the  popular  will 
and  make  Burr  president ;  by  their  fatal  and 
ingrained  disbelief  in  common  men,  who,  they 


STATE  SENATOR  39 

thought,  foolishly  and  impiously  refused  to  accept 
wisdom  and  guidance  from  the  possessors  of  learn 
ing  and  great  estates ;  and  finally  by  their  unpatri 
otic  opposition  to  Jefferson  and  Madison  in  the 
assertion  of  American  rights  on  the  seas  during 
the  Napoleonic  wars.  All  these  drove  the  party, 
in  spite  of  its  large  services  in  the  past  and  its 
eminent  capacity  for  service  in  the  future,  forever 
from  the  confidence  of  the  American  people.  The 
Federalists  maintained,  it  is  true,  a  party  organiza 
tion  in  New  York  until  after  the  second  war  with 
England ;  but  their  efforts  were  rather  directed  to 
the  division  and  embarrassment  of  their  adversaries 
than  to  victories  of  their  own  strength  or  upon 
their  own  policy.  They  carried  the  lower  house 
of  the  legislature  in  1809,  1812,  and  1813.  There 
were  among  them  men  of  the  first  rank,  who  re 
tained  a  strong  hold  on  popular  respect,  among 
whom  John  Jay  and  Rufus  King  were  deservedly 
shining  figures.  But  never  after  1799  did  the 
Federalists  elect  in  New  York  a  governor,  or  con 
trol  both  legislative  houses,  or  secure  any  solid 
power,  except  by  coalition  with  one  branch  or  an 
other  of  the  Republicans. 

Van  Buren's  fondness  for  politics  was  soon  de 
veloped.  His  father  was  firmly  attached  to  the 
Jeffersonians  or  Republicans,  —  a  rather  discred 
ited  minority  among  the  Federalists  of  Columbia 
county  and  the  estates  of  the  Hudson  River  aristo 
cracy.  Inheriting  his  political  preferences,  Van 
Buren,  with  a  great  body  of  other  young  Ameri 


40  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

cans,  caught  the  half-doctrinaire  enthusiasm  which 
Jefferson  then  inspired,  an  enthusiasm  which  in 
Van  Buren  was  to  be  so  enduring  a  force,  and  to 
which  sixty  years  later  he  was  still  as  loyal  as  he 
had  been  in  the  hot  disputes  on  the  sanded  floors 
of  the  village  store  or  tavern.  During  these  boyish 
years  he  wrote  and  spoke  for  his  party  ;  and  before 
he  was  eighteen  he  was  formally  appointed  a  dele 
gate  to  a  Republican  convention  for  Columbia  and 
Rensselaer  counties. 

Van  Buren  returned  from  New  York  to  Colum 
bia  county  late  in  1803,  just  twenty-one  years  old. 
At  once  he  became  active  in  politics.  The  Repub 
lican  party,  though  not  strong  in  his  county,  was 
dominant  in  the  State ;  and  the  game  of  politics 
was  played  between  its  different  factions,  the  Fed 
eralists  aiding  one  or  the  other  as  they  saw  their 
advantage.  The  Republicans  were  Clintonians, 
Livingstonians,  or  Burrites.  George  Clinton,  in 
whose  career  lay  the  great  origin  of  party  politics 
of  New  York,  was  the  Republican  leader.  The 
son  of  an  Irish  immigrant,  he  had,  without  the  aid 
of  wealth  or  influential  connections,  made  himself 
the  most  popular  man  in  the  State.  He  was  the 
first  governor  after  colonial  days  were  over,  and 
was  repeatedly  reflected.  It  was  his  opposition 
which  most  seriously  endangered  New  York's  adop 
tion  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  But  in  spite  of 
the  wide  enthusiasm  which  the  completed  Union 
promptly  aroused,  this  opposition  did  not  prevent 
his  reelection  in  1789  and  1792.  The  majorities 


EARLY  NEW  YORK   POLITICS  41 

were  small,  however,  it  being  even  doubtful  whether 
in  the  latter  year  the  majority  were  fairly  given 
him.  In  1795  he  declined  to  be  a  candidate,  and 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  the  Republican  in  his  place, 
was  defeated.  In  1801  Clinton  was  again  elected. 
Later  he  was  vice-president  in  Jefferson's  second 
term  and  Madison's  first  term  ;  and  his  aspiration 
to  the  presidency  in  1808  was  by  no  means  un 
reasonable.  He  was  a  strong  party  leader  and  a 
sincerely  patriotic  man.  The  Livingston  family 
interest  in  New  York  was  very  great.  The  chan 
cellor,  Robert  R.  Livingston,  who  nowadays  is 
popularly  associated  with  the  ceremony  of  Wash 
ington's  inauguration,  had  been  secretary  for  for 
eign  affairs  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
and  had  left  the  Federalists  in  1790.  After  his 
sixty  years  had  under  the  law  disqualified  him  for 
judicial  office,  he  became  Jefferson's  minister  to 
France  and  negotiated  with  Bonaparte  the  Louis 
iana  treaty.  Brockholst  Livingston  was  a  judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York  in  1801.  In 
1807  Jefferson  promoted  him  to  the  federal  Su 
preme  Court.  Edward  Livingston,  younger  than 
his  brother,  the  chancellor,  by  seventeen  years, 
was  long  after  to  be  one  of  the  finest  characters  in 
our  politics.  Early  in  Washington's  administration 
he  had  become  a  strong  pro-French  Republican, 
and  had  opposed  Jay's  treaty  with  Great  Britain  ; 
though  forty  years  later,  when  Jackson  brought 
him  from  Louisiana  to  be  secretary  of  state,  he 
was  sometimes  reminded  of  his  still  earlier  Federal* 


42  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ism.  Morgan  Lewis,  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
and  afterwards  chief  justice,  and  still  later  gover 
nor,  was  a  brother-in-law  of  the  chancellor.  Smith 
Thompson,  also  a  judge  and  chief  justice,  and  later 
secretary  of  the  navy  under  Monroe  and  a  judge 
of  the  federal  Supreme  Court,  and  Van  Buren's 
competitor  for  governor  in  1828,  was  a  connection 
of  the  family.  There  were  sneers  at  the  Livingston 
conversion  to  Democracy  as  there  always  are  at 
political  conversions.  But  whether  or  not  Chan 
cellor  Livingston's  Democracy  came  from  jealousy 
of  Hamilton  in  1790,  it  is  at  least  certain  that  he 
and  his  family  connections  rendered  political  ser 
vices  of  the  first  importance  during  a  half  century. 
The  drafting  of  Jackson's  nullification  proclama 
tion  in  1833  by  Edward  Livingston  was  one  of  the 
noblest  and  most  signal  services  which  Americans 
have  had  the  fortune  to  render  to  their  country. 

The  best  offices  were  largely  held  by  the  Clinton 
and  Livingston  families  and  their  connections,  an 
arrangement  very  aristocratic  indeed,  but  which 
did  not  then  seem  inconsistent  with  efficient  and 
decorous  performance  of  the  public  business. 
Burr  naturally  gathered  around  him  those  restless, 
speculative  men  who  are  as  immoral  in  their  aspi 
rations  as  in  their  conduct,  and  whose  adherence 
has  disgraced  and  weakened  almost  every  demo 
cratic  movement  known  to  history.  Burr  had 
been  attorney-general ;  he  had  refused  a  seat  in 
the  Supreme  Court ;  he  had  been  United  States 
senator ;  and  now  in  the  second  office  of  the  nation 


EARLY   POLITICAL   CAREER  43 

he  presided  with  distinguished  grace  over  the  Fed 
eral  Senate.  His  hands  were  not  yet  red  with 
Hamilton's  blood  when  Van  Buren  met  him  at 
New  York  in  1803  ;  but  Democratic  faces  were 
averted  from  the  man  who,  loaded  with  its  honors 
and  enjoying  its  confidence,  had  intrigued  with  its 
enemies  to  cheat  his  exultant  party  out  of  their 
choice  for  president.  In  tribute  to  the  Kepubli- 
cans  of  New  York,  George  Clinton  had  already 
been  selected  in  his  place  to  be  the  next  vice-presi 
dent.  While  Van  Buren  was  near  the  close  of 
his  law  studies  at  New  York,  Burr  was  preparing 
to  restore  his  fortunes  by  a  popular  election,  for 
which  lie  had  some  Republican  support,  and  to 
which  the  fatuity  of  the  defeated  party,  again  re 
jecting  Hamilton's  advice,  added  a  considerable 
Federalist  support.  William  P.  Van  Ness,  as 
u  Aristides,"  one  of  the  classical  names  under 
which  our  ancestors  were  fond  of  addressing  the 
public,  had  in  the  Burr  interest  written  a  bitter 
attack  on  the  Clintons  and  Livingstons,  accusing 
them,  and  with  reason,  of  dividing  the  offices  be 
tween  themselves. 

Van  Buren  was  easily  proof  against  the  allure 
ments  of  Burr,  and  even  the  natural  influence  of 
so  distinguished  a  man  as  Van  Ness,  with  whom 
he  had  been  studying  a  year.  Sylvester,  his  first 
preceptor,  was  a  Federalist.  So  was  Van  Alen, 
his  half -brother,  soon  to  be  his  partner,  who  in 
May,  1806,  was  elected  to  Congress.  But  Van 
Buren  was  firm  and  resolute  in  party  allegiance. 


44  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

In  the  election  for  governor  in  April,  1804,  Burr 
was  badly  beaten  by  Morgan  Lewis,  the  Clinton- 
Livingston  candidate,  whom  Van  Bui-en  warmly 
supported,  and  Burr's  political  career  was  closed. 
The  successful  majority  of  the  Republicans  was 
soon  resolved  into  the  Clintonians,  led  by  Clinton 
and  Judge  Ambrose  Spencer,  and  the  Livingston- 
ians,  led  by  Governor  Lewis.  The  active  par 
ticipation  of  judges  in  the  bitter  politics  of  the 
time  illustrates  the  universal  intensity  of  political 
feeling,  and  goes  very  far  to  justify  Jefferson's  and 
Van  Buren's  distrust  of  judicial  opinions  on  po 
litical  questions.  Brockholst  Livingston,  Smith 
Thompson,  Ambrose  Spencer,  Daniel  D.  Tomp- 
kins,  —  all  judges  of  the  State  Supreme  Court,  — 
did  not  cease  when  they  donned  the  ermine  to 
be  party  politicians ;  neither  did  the  chancellors 
Robert  R.  Livingston  and  Lansing.  Even  Kent, 
it  is  pretty  obvious,  was  a  man  of  far  stronger  and 
more  openly  partisan  feelings  than  we  should  to 
day  think  fitting  so  great  a  judicial  station  as  he 
held.  The  quarrels  over  offices  were  strenuous 
and  increasing  from  the  very  top  to  the  bottom  of 
the  community. 

The  Federalists  in  1807  generally  joined  the 
Lewisites,  or  "  Quids."  Governor  Lewis,  finding 
that  the  jealousy  of  the  Livingston  interests  would 
defeat  his  renomination  by  the  usual  caucus  ot 
Republican  members  of  the  legislature,  became  the 
candidate  of  a  public  meeting  at  New  York,  and 
of  a  minority  caucus,  and  asked  help  from  the 


SURROGATE  4i> 

Federalists.  Such  an  alliance  always  seemed  mon 
strous  only  to  the  Republican  faction  that  felt 
strong'  enough  without  it.  The  regular  legislative 
caucus,  controlled  by  the  Clintonians,  nominated 
Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  then  a  judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  for  years  after  the  Republican  "  war- 
horse."  Van  Buren  adhered  to  the  purer,  older, 
and  less  patrician  Democracy  of  the  Clintonians. 
Tompkins  was  elected,  with  a  Clintonian  legisla 
ture  ;  and  the  result  secured-  Van  Buren's  first 
appointment  to  public  office.  A  Clintonian  coun 
cil  of  appointment  was  chosen.  The  council,  a 
complex  monument  of  the  distrust  of  executive 
power  with  which  George  III.  had  filled  his  re 
volted  subjects,  was  composed  of  five  members, 
-being  the  governor  and  one  member  from  each  of 
the  four  senatorial  districts,  who  were  chosen  by 
the  Assembly  from  among  the  six  senators  of  the 
district.  The  four  senatorial  members  of  the 
council  were  always,  therefore,  of  the  political 
faith  of  the  Assembly,  except  in  cases  where  all 
the  senators  from  a  district  belonged  to  the  mi 
nority  party  in  the  Assembly.  To  this  council 
belonged  nearly  every  appointment  in  the  State, 
even  of  local  officers.  Prior  to  1801  the  governor 
appointed,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
council.  After  the  constitutional  amendment  of 
that  year,  either  member  of  the  council  could 
nominate,  the  appointment  being  made  by  the 
najority.  Van  Bureu  became  surrogate  of  Co- 
Junibia  county  on  February  20,  1808.  There  was 


46  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

no  prescribed  term  of  office,  the  commission  really 
running  until  the  opposition  party  secured  the 
council  of  appointment.  Van  Buren  held  the 
office  about  live  years  and  until  his  removal  on 
March  19,  1813,  when  his  adversaries  had  secured 
control  of  the  council. 

At  this  time  the  system  of  removing  the  lesser 
as  well  as  the  greater  officers  of  government  for 
political  reasons  was  well  established  in  New  York. 
It  is  impossible  to  realize  the  nature  of  Van  Bu- 
ren's  political  education  without  understanding 
this  old  system  of  proscription,  whose  influence 
upon  American  public  life  has  been  so  prodigious. 
The  strife  over  the  Federal  Constitution  had  been 
fierce.  Its  friends,  after  their  victory,  sought, 
neither  unjustly  nor  unnaturally,  to  punish  Gov 
ernor  Clinton  for  his  opposition.  Although  Wash 
ington  wished  to  stand  neutral  between  parties, 
he  still  believed  it  politically  suicidal  to  appoint 
officers  not  in  sympathy  with  his  administration.1 
Hamilton  undoubtedly  determined  the  New  York 
appointments  when  the  new  government  was 
launched,  and  they  were  made  from  the  political 
enemies  of  Governor  Clinton,  —  a  course  provok 
ing  an  animosity  which  not  improbably  appeared 

1  "  I  shall  not,  whilst  I  ha,ve  the  honor  to  administer  the  gov 
ernment,  bring1  a  man  into  any  office  of  consequence,  knowingly, 
whose  political  tenets  are  adverse  to  the  measures  which  the  gen 
eral  government  are  pursuing  ;  for  this,  in  my  opinion,  would  be 
a  sort  of  political  suicide."  — Washington  to  Pickering,  secretary 
of  war,  September  27,  1795.  Vol.  11  of  Spar ks's  edition  of  Wash 
ington's  Writings,  74. 


EARLY  NEW  YORK   POLITICS  47 

in  the  more  numerous  state  appointments  controlled 
by  Clinton  and  the  Republican  council.  After  the 
excesses  of  the  French  Revolution  the  Republicans 
were  denounced  as  Jacobins  and  radicals,  danger 
ous  in  politics  and  corrupt  in  morals.  The  family 
feuds  aided  and  exaggerated  the  divisions  in  this 
small  community  of  freehold  voters.  Appointments 
were  made  in  the  federal  and  state  services  for 
political  reasons  and  for  family  reasons,  precisely  as 
they  had  long  been  made  in  England.  Especially 
along  the  rich  river  counties  from  New  York  to 
the  upper  Hudson  were  so  distributed  the  lucrative 
offices,  which  were  eagerly  sought  for  their  profit 
as  well  as  for  their  honor. 

The  contests  were  at  first  for  places  naturally 
vacated  by  death  or  resignation ;  the  idea  of  the 
property  right  of  an  incumbent  actually  in  office 
lingered  until  after  the  last  century  was  out.  It  is 
not  clear  when  the  first  removals  of  subordinate 
officers  took  place  for  political  reasons.  Some 
were  made  by  the  Federalists  during  Governor 
Jay's  administration  ;  but  the  first  extensive  re 
movals  seem  to  have  occurred  after  the  elections  of 
1801.  For  this  there  were  two  immediate  causes. 
In  that  year  the  exclusive  nominating  power  of  the 
governor  was  taken  from  him.  Each  of  the  other 
four  members  of  the  council  of  appointment  could 
now  nominate  as  well  as  confirm.  Appointments 
and  removals  were  made,  therefore,  from  that  year 
until  the  new  Constitution  of  1821,  by  one  of  the 
worst  of  appointing  bodies,  a  commission  of  several 


4=8  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

men  whose  consultations  were  secret  and  whose  re 
sponsibility  was  divided.  Systematic  abuse  of  the 
power  of  appointment  became  inevitable.  There 
was,  besides,  a  second  reason  in  the  anger  against 
Federalists,  which  they  had  gone  far  to  provoke, 
and  against  their  long  and  by  no  means  gentle 
domination.  This  anger  induced  the  Republicans 
to  seek  out  every  method  of  punishment.  But  for 
this,  the  abuse  might  have  been  long  deferred. 
Nor  is  it  unlikely  that  the  refusal  of  Jefferson,  in 
augurated  in  March  of  that  year,  to  make  a  '•'clean 
sweep  "  of  his  enemies,  turned  the  longing  eyes  of 
embittered  Republicans  in  New  York  move  eagerly 
to  the  fat  state  offices  enjoyed  by  their  insolent 
adversaries  of  the  past  twelve  years. 

The  Clintons  and  Livingstons  had  led  the  Re 
publicans  to  a  victory  at  the  state  election  in 
April,  1801.  Later  in  that  year  George1  Clinton, 
now  again  governor,  called  together  the  new  coun 
cil  with  the  nominating  power  vested  in  every  one 
of  its  five  members.  This  council  acted  under  dis 
tinguished  auspices,  and  it  deserves  to  be  long  re 
membered.  Governor  Clinton  presided,  and  his 
famous  nephew,  De  Witt  Clinton,  was  below  him 
in  the  board.  The  latter  represented  the  Clinton- 
ian  Republicans.1  Ambrose  Spencer,  a  man  of 
great  parts  and  destined  to  a  notable  career,  repre- 

1  I  use  the  political  name  then  in  vogue.  The  greater  part  of 
the  Republicans  have,  since  the  rearrangement  of  parties  in  John 
Quincy  Adams's  time,  or  rather  since  Jackson's  time,  been  known 
as  Democrats. 


SPOILS   SYSTEM  49 

sen  ted  the  Livingstons,  of  whom  he  was  a  family 
connection.  Roseboom,  the  other  Republican,  was 
easily  led  by  his  two  abler  party  associates.  The 
fifth  member  did  not  count,  for  he  was  a  Fede 
ralist.  Two  of  the  three  really  distinguished  men 
of  this  council,  De  Witt  Clinton  and  Ambrose 
Spencer,  it  is  not  unjust  to  say,  first  openly  and 
responsibly  established  in  New  York  the  "  spoils 
system  "  by  removals,  for  political  reasons,  of  offi 
cers  not  political.  The  term  of  office  of  the  four 
senatorial  members  of  this  council  had  commenced 
while  the  illustrious  Federalist  John  Jay  was  gov 
ernor  ;  but  they  rejected  his  nominations  until  he 
was  tired  of  making  them,  and  refused  to  call  them 
together.  When  Clinton  took  the  governor's  seat, 
he  promptly  summoned  the  board,  and  in  August, 
1801,  the  work  began.  De  Witt  Clinton  publicly 
formulated  the  doctrine,  but  it  did  not  yet  reach 
its  extreme  form.  He  said  that  the  principal  ex 
ecutive  offices  in  the  State  ought  to  be  filled  by 
the  friends  of  the  administration,  and  the  more 
unimportant  offices  ought  to  be  proportionately 
distributed  between  the  two  parties.  The  coun 
cil  rapidly  divided  the  chief  appointments  among 
the  Clintons  and  Livingstons  and  their  personal 
supporters.  Officers  were  selected  whom  Jay  had 
refused  to  appoint.  Edward  Livingston,  the  chan 
cellor's  brother,  was  given  the  mayoralty  of  New 
York,  a  very  profitable  as  well  as  important  sta 
tion  ;  Thomas  Tillotson,  a  brother-in-law  of  Chan 
cellor  Livingston,  was  made  secretary  of  state,  in 


50  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

place  of  Daniel  Hale,  removed  ;  John  V.  Henry,  a 
distinguished  Federalist  lawyer,  was  removed  from 
the  comptrollership  ;  the  district  attorney,  the  clerk 
and  the  recorder  of  New  York  were  removed  ; 
William  Coleman,  the  founder  of  the  "  Evening 
Post,"  and  a  strong  adherent  of  Hamilton,  was 
turned  out  of  the  clerkship  of  the  Circuit  Court. 
And  so  the  work  went  on  through  minor  offices. 
New  commissions  were  required  by  the  Constitu 
tion  to  be  issued  to  the  puisne  judges  of  the  county 
courts  and  to  justices  of  the  peace  throughout  the 
State  once  in  three  years.  Instead  of  renewing 
the  commissions  and  preserving  continuity  in  the 
administration  of  justice,  the  council  struck  out 
the  names  of  Federalists  and  inserted  those  of  lie- 
publicans.  The  proceedings  of  this  council  of  1801 
have  profoundly  affected  the  politics  of  New  York 
to  this  day.  Few  political  bodies  in  America  have 
exercised  as  serious  and  lasting  an  influence  upon 
the  political  habits  of  the  nation.  The  tradition 
that  Van  Buren  and  the  Albany  Regency  began 
political  proscription  is  untrue.  The  system  of 
removals  was  thus  established  several  years  before 
Van  Buren  held  his  first  office.  Its  founders,  De 
Witt  Clinton  and  Ambrose  Spencer,  were  long  his 
political  enemies.  Governor  Clinton,  whose  hon 
orable  record  it  was  that  during  the  eighteen  years 
of  his  governorship  he  had  never  consented  to  a 
political  removal,  entered  his  protest  —  not  a  very 
hearty  one,  it  is  to  be  feared  —  in  the  journal  of 
the  council ;  but  in  vain.  In  the  next  year  the  two 


SPOILS   SYSTEM  51 

chief  offenders  were  promoted,  —  De  Witt  Clinton 
to  be  United  States  senator  in  the  place  of  General 
Armstrong,  a  brother-in-law  of  Chancellor  Living 
ston,  and  Ambrose  Spencer  to  be  attorney-general ; 
and  two  years  later  Spencer  became  a  judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court. 

After  the  removals  there  began  a  disintegration 
of  the  party  hitherto  successfully  led  by  Burr,  the 
Clintons,  and  the  Livingstons.  Colonel  Swartwout, 
Burr's  friend,  was  called  by  De  Witt  Clinton  a  liar, 
scoundrel  and  villain  ;  although,  after  receiving  two 
bullets  from  Clinton's  pistol  in  a  duel,  he  was  as 
sured  by  the  latter,  with  the  courtesy  of  our  grand 
fathers,  that  there  was  no  personal  animosityo 
Burr's  friends  had  of  course  to  be  removed.  But 
in  1805,  after  the  Clintons  and  the  Livingstons  had 
united  in  the  election  of  Lewis  as  governor  over 
Burr,  they  too  quarreled,  —  and  naturally  enough, 
for  the  offices  would  not  go  around.  So,  after  the 
Clintonians  on  the  meeting  of  the  legislature  early 
in  1806  had  captured  the  council,  they  turned  upon 
their  recent  allies.  Maturin  Livingston  was  re 
moved  from  the  New  York  recordership,  and  Til- 
lotson  from  his  place  as  secretary  of  state.  The 
work  was  now  done  most  thoroughly.  Sheriffs, 
clerks,  surrogates,  county  judges,  justices  of  the 
peace,  had  to  go.  But  at  the  corporation  election 
in  New  York  in  the  same  year,  the  Livingstonians 
and  Federalists,  with  a  majority  of  the  common 
council,  in  their  fashion  righted  the  wrong,  and, 
with  a  vigor  not  excelled  by  their  successors  a  half 


52  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

century  later,  removed  at  once  all  the  subordinate 
municipal  officers  subject  to  their  control  who  were 
Clintonians.  In  1807  the  Livingstonian  Republi 
cans,  or,  as  they  were  now  called  from  the  governor, 
the  Lewisites,  with  the  Federalists  and  Burrites, 
secured  control  of  the  state  council ;  and  proceeded 
promptly  to  the  work  of  removals,  defending  it  as 
a  legitimate  return  for  the  prescriptive  course  01 
their  predecessors.  In  1808  the  Clintonians  re 
turned  to  the  council,  and,  through  its  now  famil 
iar  labors,  to  the  offices  from  which  the  Lewisites 
were  in  their  turn  driven.  In  1810  the  Federalists 
controlled  the  Assembly  which  chose  the  council ; 
and  they  enjoyed  a  "  clean  sweep  "  as  keenly  as  had 
the  contending  Republican  factions.  But  the  elec 
tion  of  this  year,  the  political  record  tells  us,  taught 
a  lesson  which  politicians  have  ever  since  refused 
to  learn,  perhaps  because  it  has  not  always  been 
taught.  The  removal  of  the  Republicans  from 
office  u  had  the  natural  tendency  to  call  out  all  their 
forces."  The  Clintonians  in  1811,  therefore,  were 
enabled  by  the  people  to  reverse  the  Federalist  pro 
scription  of  1810.  The  Federalists,  again  in  power 
in  1813,  again  followed  the  uniform  usage  then 
twelve  years  old.  Political  removals  had  become 
part  of  the  unwritten  law. 

At  this  time  Van  Buren  suffered  the  loss  of  his 
office  as  surrogate,  but  doubtless  without  any  sense 
of  private  or  public  wrong.  It  was  the  customary 
fate  of  war.  In  1812  he  was  nominated  for  state 
senator  from  the  middle  district,  composed  of 


STATE  SENATOR  53 

Columbia,  Dutchess,  Orange,  Ulster,  Delaware, 
Chenaiigo,  Greene,  and  Sullivan  counties,  as  the 
candidate  of  the  Clintonian  Republicans  against 
Edward  P.  Livingston,  the  candidate  of  the  Lewis 
ites  or  Livingstonians  and  Burrites  as  well  as  the 
Federalists.  Livingston  was  the  sitting  member, 
and  a  Republican  of  powerful  family  and  political 
connections.  Van  Buren,  not  yet  thirty,  defeated 
him  by  a  majority  of  less  than  two  hundred  out  of 
twenty  thousand  votes.  In  November,  1812,  he 
took  his  seat  at  Albany,  and  easily  and  within  a 
few  months  reached  a  conspicuous  and  powerful 
place  in  state  politics. 

These  details  of  the  establishment  of  the  u  spoils 
system  "  in  New  York  politics  seem  necessary  to  be 
told,  that  Van  BureiTs  own  participation  in  the 
wrong  may  be  fairly  judged.  It  is  a  common  his 
torical  vice  to  judge  the  conduct  of  men  of  earlier 
times  by  standards  which  they  did  not  know.  Van 
Buren  found  thoroughly  and  universally  established 
at  Albany,  when  he  entered  its  life,  the  rule  that, 
upon  a  change  in  the  executive,  there  should  be  a 
change  in  the  offices,  without  reference  to  their  po 
litical  functions.  He  had  in  his  own  person  expe 
rienced  its  operation  both  to  his  advantage  and  to 
his  disadvantage.  Federalists  and  Republicans 
were  alike  committed  to  the  rule.  The  most  dis 
tinguished  and  the  most  useful  men  in  active  public 
life,  whatever  their  earlier  opinion  might  have  been, 
had  acquiesced  and  joined  in  the  practice.  Nor 
was  the  practice  changed  or  extended  after  Van 


54  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Buren  came  into  state  politics.  It  continued  as  it 
had  thus  begun,  until  he  became  a  national  figure. 
Success  in  it  required  an  ability  and  skill  of  which 
he  was  an  easy  master  ;  nor  does  he  seem  to  have 
shrunk  from  it.  But  he  was  neither  more  nor  less 
reprehensible  than  the  universal  public  sense  about 
him.  For  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  "  spoils 
system  "  was  not  then  offensive  to  the  more  enlight 
ened  citizens  of  New  York.  The  system  was  no 
excess  of  democracy  or  universal  suffrage.  It  had 
arisen  amidst  a  suffrage  for  governor  and  senators 
limited  to  those  who  held  in  freehold  land  worth  at 
least  XI 00,  and  for  assemblymen  limited  to  those 
who  held  in  freehold  land  worth  £20,  or  paid  a 
yearly  rent  of  forty  shillings,  and  who  were  rated 
and  actually  paid  taxes.  It  was  practiced  by  men 
of  aristocratic  habits  chosen  by  the  well-to-do  classes. 
It  grew  in  the  disputes  of  great  family  interests, 
a,nd  in  the  bitterness  of  popular  elements  met  in  a 
new  country,  still  strange  or  even  foreign  to  one 
another,  and  permitted  by  their  release  from  the 
dangers  of  war  and  the  fear  of  British  oppression 
to  indulge  their  mutual  dislikes. 

The  frequent  "  rotation  "  in  office  which  was 
soon  to  be  pronounced  a  safeguard  of  republican 
institutions,  and  which  Jackson  in  December,  1829, 
told  Congress  was  a  "  leading  principle  in  the  lie- 
publicans'  creed,"  was  by  no  means  an  unnatural 
step  towards  an  improvement  of  the  civil  service 
of  the  State.  Reformers  of  our  day  lay  great  stress 
upon  the  fundamental  rule  of  democratic  govern* 


SPOILS   SYSTEM  55 

ment,  that  a  public  office  is  simply  a  trust  for  the 
people ;  and  they  justly  find  the  chief  argument 
against  the  abuses  of  patronage  in  the  notorious  use 
of  office  for  the  benefit  of  small  portions  of  the  peo 
ple,  to  the  detriment  of  the  rest.  In  England,  how 
ever,  for  centuries  (and  to  some  extent  the  idea 
survives  there  in  our  own  time),  there  was  in  an 
office  a  quality  of  property  having  about  it  the 
same  kind  of  sacred  immunity  which  belongs  to 
real  or  personal  estate.  There  were  reversions  to 
offices  after  the  deaths  of  their  occupants,  like 
vested  remainders  in  lands.  It  was  offensive  to  the 
ordinary  sense  of  decency  and  justice  that  the  right 
of  a  public  officer  to  appropriate  so  much  of  the 
public  revenue  should  be  attacked.  It  did  not  of 
fend  the  public  conscience  that  great  perquisites 
should  belong  to  officers  performing  work  of  the 
most  trifling  value  or  none  at  all.  The  same  prac 
tices  and  traditions,  weakened  by  distance  from 
England  and  by  the  simpler  life  and  smaller  wealth 
of  the  colonists,  came  to  our  forefathers.  They  ex 
isted  when  the  democratic  movement,  stayed  during 
the  necessities  of  war  and  civil  reconstruction,  re 
turned  at  the  end  of  the  last  century  and  became 
all-powerful  in  1801.  To  break  this  idea  of  pro 
perty  and  right  in  office,  to  make  it  clear  that  every 
office  was  a  mere  means  of  service  of  the  people  at 
the  wish  of  the  people,  there  seemed,  to  very  patri 
otic  and  generally  very  wise  men,  no  simpler  way 
than  that  the  people  by  their  elections  should  take 
away  and  distribute  offices  in  utter  disregard  of  the 


66  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

interests  of  those  who  held  them.  The  odious  re 
sult  to  which  this  afterwards  led,  of  making  offices 
the  mere  property  of  influential  politicians,  was  but 
imperfectly  foreseen.  Nor  did  that  result,  inevit 
able  as  it  was,  follow  for  many  years.  There  seems 
no  reason  to  believe  that  the  incessant  and  exten 
sive  changes  in  office  which  began  in  1801,  seri 
ously  lowered  the  standard  of  actual  public  service 
until  years  after  Van  Buren  was  a  powerful  and 
conspicuous  politician.  Political  parties  were  pretty 
generally  in  the  hands  of  honest  men.  The  prosti 
tuted  and  venal  disposition  of  u  spoils,"  though  a 
natural  sequence,  was  to  come  long  after.  Rotation 
was  practiced,  or  its  fruits  were  accepted  and  en 
joyed  with  satisfaction,  by  public  men  of  the  State 
who  were  really  statesmen,  who  had  high  standards 
of  public  honor  and  duty,  whose  minds  were  directed 
towards  great  and  exalted  public  ends.  If  it  seemed 
right  to  De  Witt  Clinton,  Edward  Livingston, 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  and  Ambrose  Spencer,  surely 
lesser  gods  of  our  early  political  Olympus  could  not 
be  expected  to  refuse  its  advantages  or  murmur  at 
its  hardships.  Nor  was  the  change  distasteful  to 
the  people,  if  we  may  judge  by  their  political  be 
havior.  No  faction  or  party  seems  to  have  been 
punished  by  public  sentiment  for  the  practice  ex 
cept  in  conspicuous  cases  like  those  of  De  Witt 
Clinton  and  Van  Buren,  where  sometimes  blows 
aimed  at  single  men  roused  popular  and  often  an 
undeserved  sympathy.  The  idea  that  a  public  offi 
cer  should  easily  and  naturally  go  from  the  ranks 


SPOILS   SYSTEM  57 

of  the  people  without  special  equipment,  and  as 
easily  return  to  those  ranks,  has  been  popularly 
agreeable  wherever  the  story  of  Cincinnatus  has 
been  told.  Early  in  this  century  the  closeness  of 
offices  to  ordinary  life,  and  the  absence  of  an  or^ 
ganized  bureaucracy  controlling  or  patronizing  the 
masses  of  men,  seemed  proper  elements  of  the  great 
democratic  reform.  There  had  not  yet  arisen  the 
very  modern  and  utilitarian  and  the  vastly  better 
conception  of  a  service,  the  responsible  directors  of 
whose  policy  should  be  changed  with  popular  senti 
ment,  but  whose  subordinates  should  be  treated  by 
the  public  as  any  other  employer  would  treat  them, 
upon  simple  and  unsentimental  rules  of  business. 
Another  practical  consideration  makes  more  intelli 
gible  the  failure  of  our  ancestors  to  perceive  the 
dangers  of  the  great  change  they  permitted.  Offices 
were  not  nearly  as  technical,  their  duties  not  nearly 
as  uniform,  as  they  have  grown  to  be  in  the  more 
complex  procedures  of  our  enormously  richer  and 
more  populous  time.  Every  officer  did  a  multitude 
of  things.  Intelligent  and  active  men  in  unofficial 
life  shifted  with  amazing  readiness  and  success 
from  one  calling  to  another.  A  general  became  a 
judge,  or  a  judge  became  a  general,  —  as,  indeed, 
we  have  seen  in  later  days.  A  merchant  could  learn 
to  survey ;  a  farmer  could  keep  or  could  learn  to 
keep  fair  records. 

In  the  art  of  making  of  the  lesser  offices  ammu 
nition  with  which  to  fight  great  battles  over  great 
questions,  Van  Buren  became  a  master.  His  im- 


58  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

perturbable  temper  and  patience,  his  keen  reading 
of  the  motives  and  uses  of  men,  gave  him  so  firm 
a  hold  upon  politicians  that  it  has  been  common  to 
forget  the  undoubted  hold  he  long  had  upon  the 
people.  In  April,  1816,  he  was  reflected  senator 
for  a  second  term  of  four  years.  His  eight  years 
of  service  in  the  senate  expired  in  1820. 

In  November,  1812,  the  first  session  of  the  new 
legislature  was  held  to  choose  presidential  electors. 
Not  until  sixteen  years  later  were  electors  chosen 
directly  by  the  people.  Van  Buren  voted  for  the 
candidates  favorable  to  De  Witt  Clinton  for  presi 
dent  as  against  Madison.  In  the  successful  strug 
gle  of  the  Clintonians  for  these  electors,  he  is  said 
in  this,  his  first  session,  to  have  shown  the  address 
and  activity  which  at  once  made  him  a  Republican 
leader.  For  his  vote  against  Madison  Van  Buren's 
friends  afterwards  made  many  apologies ;  his  ad 
versaries  declared  it  unpardonable  treachery  to 
one  of  the  revered  Democratic  fathers.  But  the 
young  politician  was  not  open  to  much  condemna 
tion.  De  Witt  Clinton,  though  he  had  but  just 
reached  the  beginning  of  middle  life,  was  a  very 
able  and  even  an  illustrious  man.  He  had  been 
unanimously  nominated  in  an  orderly  way  by  a 
caucus  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  legisla 
ture  of  1811  and  1812  of  which  Van  Buren  was 
not  a  member.  He  had  accepted  the  nomination 
and  had  declined  to  withdraw  from  it.  There  was 
a  strong  Republican  opposition  to  the  declaration 
of  war  at  that  time,  because  preparation  for  it  had 


STATE   SENATOR  59 

not  been  adequately  made.  Most  of  the  Repub- 
lican  members  of  Congress  from  New  York  had 
voted  against  the  declaration.  The  virtues  and 
abilities  of  Madison  were  not  those  likely  to  make 
a  successful  war,  as  the  event  amply  proved. 
There  was  natural  and  deserved  discontent  with 
the  treatment  by  Jefferson's  administration,  in 
which  Madison  had  charge  of  foreign  relations, 
and  by  Madison's  own  administration,  of  the  diffi 
culties  caused  by  the  British  Orders  in  Council, 
the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  of  Napoleon,  and  the 
unprincipled  depredations  of  both  the  great  belli 
gerents.  Van  Buren  is  said  by  Butler,  then  an 
inmate  of  his  family,  to  have  been  an  open  and 
decided  advocate  of  the  embargo,  and  of  all  the 
strong  measures  proposed  against  Great  Britain 
and  of  the  war  itself.  Nor  was  this  very  inconsis 
tent  with  his  vote  for  Clinton.  He  had  a  stronger 

O 

sense  of  allegiance  to  his  party  in  the  State  than 
to  his  party  at  Washington  ;  and  the  Republican 
party  of  New  York  had  regularly  declared  for 
Clinton.  For  once  at  least  Van  Buren  found  him 
self  voting  with  the  great  body  of  the  Federalists, 
men  who  had  not,  like  John  Quincy  Adams,  be 
come  reconciled  to  the  strong  and  obvious,  though 
sometimes  ineffective,  patriotism  of  Jefferson's  and 
Madison's  administrations.  But  whatever  had  been 
the  motives  which  induced  Van  Buren  to  support 
Clinton,  they  soon  ceased  to  operate.  Within  a 
few  months  after  this  the  political  relations  be 
tween  the  two  men  were  dissolved  ;  and  they  were 


60  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

politically  hostile,  until  Clinton's  death  fourteen 
years  afterwards  called  from  Van  Buren  a  pathetic 
tribute. 

Although  the  youngest  man  but  one,  it  was  said, 
until  that  time  elected  to  the  state  senate,  Van 
Buren  was  in  January,  1814,  chosen  to  prepare 
the  answer  then  customarily  made  to  the  speech  of 
the  governor.  In  it  he  defended  the  war,  which 
had  been  bitterly  assailed  in  the  address  to  the 
governor  made  by  the  Federalist  Assembly.  Polit 
ical  divisions  even  when  carried  to  excess  were, 
he  said,  inseparable  from  the  blessings  of  freedom  ; 
but  such  divisions  were  unfit  in  their  resistance  of 
a  foreign  enemy.  The  great  body  of  the  New  York 
Republicans,  with  Governor  Tompkins  at  their 
head,  now  gave  Madison  vigorous  support ;  al 
though  their  defection  in  1812  had  probably  made 
possible  the  Federalist  success  at  the  election  for 
the  Assembly  in  1813,  which  embarrassed  the  na 
tional  administration.  Van  Buren  warmly  sup 
ported  Tompkins  for  his  reelection  in  April,  1813, 
and  prepared  for  the  legislative  caucus  a  highly 
declamatory,  but  clear  and  forcible,  address  to  Re 
publican  electors  in  his  behalf.  The  provocations 
to  war  were  strongly  set  out.  It  was  declared  that 
"  war  and  war  alone  was  our  only  refuge  from 
national  degradation  ;  "  the  "  two  great  and  crying 
grievances"  were  "the  destruction  of  our  com 
merce,  and  the  impressment  of  our  seamen  ; "  for 
Americans  did  not  anticipate  the  surrender  at 
Ghent  two  years  later  to  the  second  wrong.  While 


STATE   SENATOR  61 

American  sailors'  "deeds  of  heroic  valor  make  old 
Ocean  smile  at  the  humiliations  of  her  ancient 
tyrant,"  the  address  urged  Americans  to  mark  the 
man,  meaning  the  trading  Federalist,  who  believed 
"in  commuting  our  sailors'  rights  for  the  safety  of 
our  merchants'  goods."  In  the  sophomoric  and 
solemn  rhetoric  of  which  Americans,  and  English 
men  too,  were  then  fond,  it  pointed  out  that  the 
favor  of  citizens  was  not  sought  "  by  the  seductive 
wiles  and  artful  blandishments  of  the  corrupt  min 
ions  of  aristocracy,"  who  of  course  were  Federal 
ists,  but  that  citizens  were  now  addressed  "  in  the 
language  which  alone  becomes  freemen  to  use,  — 
the  language  to  which  alone  it  becomes  freemen  to 
listen." 

In  the  legislative  sessions  of  1813  and  1814  Van 
Buren  gave  a  practical  and  skillful  support  to  ad 
ministration  measures.  But  many  of  them  were 
balked  by  the  Federalists,  until  in  the  election  of 
April,  1814,  the  rising  patriotism  of  the  country, 
undaunted  by  the  unskillful  and  unfortunate  con 
duct  of  the  war,  pronounced  definitely  in  favor  of 
a  strong  war  policy.  The  Republicans  recovered 
control  of  the  Assembly ;  and  there  were  already  a 
Republican  governor  and  Senate.  An  extra  session 
was  summoned  in  September,  1814,  through  which 
exceedingly  vigorous  measures  were  carried  against 
Federalist  opposition.  Van  Buren  now  definitely 
led.  Appropriations  were  made  from  the  state 
treasury  for  the  pay  of  militia  in  the  national  ser 
vice.  The  State  undertook  to  enlist  twelve  thou« 


62  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

sand  men  for  two  years,  a  corps  of  sea  fencibles 
consisting  of  twenty  companies,  and  two  regiments 
of  colored  men  ;  slaves  enlisting  with  the  consent 
of  their  masters  to  be  freed.  Van  Buren's  "  classi 
fication  act "  Ben  ton  afterwards  declared  to  be  the 
"  most  energetic  war  measure  ever  adopted  in  this 
country."  By  it  the  whole  military  population  was 
divided  into  12,000  classes,  each  class  to  furnish- 
one  able-bodied  man,  making  the  force  of  12,000 
to  be  raised.  If  no  one  volunteered  from  a  class, 
then  any  member  of  the  class  was  authorized  to 
procure  a  soldier  by  a  bounty,  the  amount  of  which 
should  be  paid  by  the  members  of  the  class  accord 
ing  to  their  ability,  to  be  determined  by  assessors. 
If  no  soldier  from  the  class  were  thus  procured, 
then  a  soldier  was  to  be  peremptorily  drafted  from 
each  class.  Van  Buren  was  proud  enough  of  this 
act  to  file  the  draft  of  it  in  his  own  handwriting 
with  the  clerk  of  the  Senate,  indorsed  by  himself : 
"  The  original  Classification  Bill,  to  be  preserved 
as  a  memento  of  the  patriotism,  intelligence,  and 
firmness  of  the  legislature  of  1814—15.  M.  V.  B. 
Albany,  Feb.  15,  1815." 

Cheered,  after  many  disasters,  by  the  victory  at 
Plattsburg  and  the  creditable  battle  of  Lundy's 
Lane,  the  Senate,  in  Van  Buren's  words,  congrat 
ulated  Governor  Tompkins  upon  "  the  brilliant 
achievements  of  our  army  and  navy  during  the 
present  campaign,  which  have  pierced  the  gloom 
that  for  a  time  obscured  our  political  horizon." 
The  end  of  the  war  left  in  high  favor  the  Repub« 


ATTORNEY-GENERAL  63 

licans  who  had  supported  it.  The  people  were 
good-hum oredly  willing  to  forget  its  many  ineffi 
ciencies,  to  recall  complacently  its  few  glories,  and 
to  find  little  fault  with  a  treaty  which,  if  it  estab 
lished  no  disputed  right,  at  least  brought  peace 
without  surrender  and  without  dishonor.  Jack 
son's  fine  victory  at  New  Orleans  after  the  treaty 
was  signed,  though  it  came  too  late  to  strengthen 
John  Quincy  Adams's  dauntless  front  in  the  peace 
conference,  was  quickly  seized  by  the  people  as  the 
summing  up  of  American  and  British  prowess. 
The  Republicans  now  had  a  hero  in  the  West,  as 
well  as  a  philosopher  at  Monticello.  Van  Buren 
drafted  the  resolution  giving  the  thanks  of  New 
York  "  to  Major- General  Jackson,  his  gallant  offi 
cers  and  troops,  for  their  wonderful  and  heroic 
victory." 

In  the  method  then  well  established  the  Repub 
licans  celebrated  their  political  success  in  1814. 
Among  the  removals,  Abraham  Van  Vechten  lost 
the  post  of  attorney-general,  which  011  February 
17,  1815,  was  conferred  upon  Van  Buren  for  his 
brilliant  and  successful  leadership  in  the  Senate. 
He  remained,  however,  a  senator  of  the  State.  At 
thirty-two,  therefore,  he  was,  next  to  the  governor, 
the  leader  of  the  Tompkins  Republicans,  now  so 
completely  dominant ;  he  held  two  political  offices 
of  dignity  and  importance  ;  and  he  was  conducting 
besides  an  active  law  practice. 

De  Witt  Clinton,  after  his  defeat  for  the  presi 
dency,  suffered  other  disasters.  It  was  in  January, 


64  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

1813,  that  he  and  Van  Buren  broke  their  political 
relations ;  and  the  Republicans  very  largely  fell  off 
from  him.  The  reasons  for  this  do  not  clearly 
appear ;  but  were  probably  Clinton's  continuance 
of  hostility  to  the  national  administration,  which 
seemed  unpatriotic  to  the  Republicans,  and  some 
of  the  mysterious  matters  of  patronage  in  which 
Clinton  had  been  long  and  highly  proscriptive. 
In  1815  the  latter  was  removed  from  the  mayoralty 
of  New  York  by  the  influence  of  Governor  Tomp- 
kins  in  the  council.  He  had  been  both  mayor  and 
senator  for  several  years  prior  to  1812.  He  was 
mayor  and  lieutenant-governor  when  he  was  a  can 
didate  for  the  presidency. 

In  1816  the  Republicans  in  the  Assembly,  then 
closely  divided  between  them  and  the  Federalists 
(who  seemed  to  be  favored  by  the  apportionment), 
sought  one  of  those  immoral  advantages  whose 
wrong  in  times  of  high  party  feeling  seems  invisible 
to  men  otherwise  honorable.  In  the  town  of  Pen- 
uington  a  Federalist,  Henry  Fellows,  had  been 
fairly  elected  to  the  Assembly  by  a  majority  of  30  ; 
but  49  of  his  ballots  were  returned  as  reading 
"  Hen.  Fellows  ;  "  and  his  Republican  competitor, 
Peter  Allen,  got  the  certificate  of  appointment. 
The  Republicans,  acting,  it  seems,  in  open  con 
ference  with  Van  Buren,  insisted  not  only  upon 
organizing  the  house,  which  was  perhaps  right,  but 
upon  what  was  wrong  and  far  more  important. 
They  elected  the  council  of  appointment  before 
Fellows  was  seated,  as  he  afterwards  was  bv  an 


ATTORNEY-GENERAL  65 

almost  unanimous  vote.  The  "  Peter  Allen  legis 
lature  "is  said  to  have  become  a  term  of  reproach. 
But,  as  with  electoral  abuses  in  later  days,  the 
Federalists  were  not  as  much  aided  as  they  ought 
to  have  been  by  this  sharp  practice  of  their  rivals ; 
the  people  perhaps  thought  that,  as  they  were  in 
the  minority  everywhere  but  in  the  Assembly,  they 
ought  not  to  have  been  permitted,  by  a  capture  of 
the  council,  to  remove  the  Republicans  in  office. 

At  any  rate  the  election  in  April,  1816,  while 
the  "  Peter  Allen  legislature  "  was  still  in  office, 
went  heavily  in  favor  of  the  Republicans,  Van 
Buren  receiving  his  second  election  to  the  Senate. 
On  March  4,  1816,  he  was  chosen  by  the  legisla 
ture  a  regent  of  the  University  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  an  office  which  he  held  until  1829.  The 
University  was  then,  as  now,  almost  a  myth,  being 
supposed  to  be  the  associated  colleges  and  aca 
demies  of  the  State.  But  the  regents  have  had  a 
varying  charge  of  educational  matters. 

In  1817  the  agitation,  so  superbly  and  with  such 
foresight  conducted  by  De  Witt  Clinton,  resulted 
in  the  passage  of  the  law  under  which  the  con 
struction  of  the  Erie  Canal  began.  Van  Buren 's 
enmity  to  Clinton  did  not  cause  him  to  oppose 
the  measure,  of  which  Hammond  says  he  was  an 
"early  friend."  With  a  few  others  he  left  his 
party  ranks  to  vote  with  Clinton's  friends ;  and 
this  necessary  accession  from  the  u  Bucktails  "  is 
said  by  the  same  fair  historian  to  have  been  pro 
duced  by  Van  Buren's  "  efficient  and  able  efforts." 


66  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

In  his  speech  favoring  it  he  declared  that  his  vote 
for  the  law  would  be  "  the  most  important  vote  he 
ever  gave  in  his  life  ;  "  that  "  the  project,  if  exe 
cuted,  would  raise  the  State  to  the  highest  possible 
pitch  of  fame  and  grandeur,"  an  expression  not 
discredited  by  the  splendid  and  fruitful  result  of 
the  enterprise.  Clinton,  after  hearing  the  speech, 
forgot  for  a  moment  their  political  collisions,  and 
personally  thanked  Van  Buren. 

In  April,  1817,  Clinton  was  elected  governor  by 
a  practically  unanimous  vote.  His  resolute  cour 
age  and  the  prestige  of  the  canal  policy  compelled 
this  tribute  from  the  Republicans,  in  spite  of  his 
sacrilegious  presidential  aspiration  in  1812,  and 
his  dismissal  from  the  mayoralty  of  New  York  in 
1815.  Governor  Tompkins,  now  vice-president, 
was  Clinton's  only  peer  in  New  York  politics. 
The  popular  tide  was  too  strong  for  the  efforts  of 
Tompkins,  Van  Buren,  and  their  associates.  In 
the  eagerness  to  defeat  Clinton,  it  was  even  sug 
gested  that  Tompkins  should  serve  both  as  gov 
ernor  and  vice-president ;  should  be  at  once  ruler 
at  Albany  and  vice-ruler  at  Washington.  Van 
Buren  did  not,  however,  go  with  the  hot-heads  of 
the  legislature  in  opposing  a  bill  for  an  election  to 
fill  the  vacancy  left  by  the  resignation,  which  it 
was  at  last  thought  necessary  for  Tompkins  to 
make,  of  the  governorship.  No  one  dared  run 
against  Clinton  ;  and  he  triumphantly  returned  to 
political  power.  Under  this  administration  of  his, 
the  party  feud  took  definite  form.  Clinton's  Ke- 


ATTORNEY-GENERAL  67 

publican  adversaries  were  dubbed  "  Bucktails  " 
from  the  ornaments  worn  on  ceremonial  occasions 
by  the  Tammany  men  who  had  long  been  Clinton's 
enemies.  The  Bucktails  and  their  successors  were 
the  "  regular "  Republicans,  or  the  Democrats  as 
they  were  later  called ;  and  they  kept  their  regu 
larity  until,  long  afterwards,  the  younger  arid 
greater  Bucktail  leader,  when  venerable  and  laden 
with  honors,  became  the  titular  head  of  the  Barn 
burner  defection.  The  merits  of  the  feud  between 
Bucktails  and  Clintonians  it  is  now  difficult  to 
find.  Each  accused  the  other  of  coquetting  with 
the  Federalists;  and  the  accusation  was  nearly 
always  true  of  one  or  the  other  of  them.  Politics 
was  a  highly  developed  and  extremely  interesting 
game,  whose  players,  though  really  able  and  patri 
otic  men,  were  apparently  careless  of  the  undigni 
fied  parts  they  were  playing.  Nor  are  Clintonians 
and  Bucktails  alone  in  political  history.  Cabinets 
of  the  greatest  nations  have,  in  more  modern  times, 
broken  on  grounds  as  sheerly  personal  as  those 
which  divided  Clinton  and  Van  Buren  in  1818. 
British  and  French  ministries,  as  recent  memoirs 
and  even  recent  events  have  shown,  have  fallen  to 
pieces  in  feuds  of  as  little  essential  dignity  as  be 
longed  to  those  of  New  tYork  seventy  years  ago. 

In  1819  the  Bucktails  suffered  the  fate  of  war  ; 
and  Van  Buren,  their  efficient  head,  was  removed 
from  the  attorney-general's  office.  Thurlow  Weed, 
then  a  country  editor,  grotesquely  wrote  at  the 
time  that  "  rotation  in  office  is  the  most  striking 


88  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

and  brilliant  feature  of  excellence  in  our  benign 
form  of  government  ;  and  that  by  this  doctrine, 
bottomed,  as  it  is,  upon  the  Magna  Charta  of  our 
liberties,  Van  Buren's  removal  was  not  only  sanc 
tioned,  but  was  absolutely  required."  The  latter 
still  remained  state  senator,  and  soon  waged  a 
short  and  decisive  campaign  to  recover  political 
mastery.  He  now  came  to  the  aid  of  Governor 
Tompkins,  who  during  the  war  witli  England  had 
borrowed  money  for  public  use  upon  his  personal 
responsibility,  and  in  the  disbursement  of  several 
millions  of  dollars  for  war  purposes  had,  through 
carelessness  in  bookkeeping  or  clerical  detail,  ap 
parently  become  a  debtor  of  the  State.  The  comp 
troller,  in  spite  of  a  law  passed  in  1819  to  indem 
nify  Tompkins  for  his  patriotic  services,  took  a 
hostile  attitude  which  threatened  the  latter  with 
pecuniary  destruction.  In  March,  1820,  Van 
Buren  threw  himself  into  the  contest  with  a  skill 
and  generous  fervor  which  saved  the  ex-governor. 
Van  Buren's  speech  of  two  days  for  the  old  chief 
of  the  Bucktails,  is  described  by  Hammond,  a 
political  historian  of  New  York  not  unduly  friendly 
to  Van  Buren,  to  have  been  tk  ingenious,  able,  and 
eloquent." 

It  was  also  in  1820  that  Van  Buren  promoted 
the  reelection  of  Rufus  King,  the  distinguished 
.Federalist,  to  the  United  States  Senate.  His  mo 
tives  in  doing  this  were  long  bitterly  assailed  ;  but 
as  the  choice  was  intrinsically  admirable,  Van 
Bureu  was  probably  glad  to  gratify  a  patriotic 


STATE   SENATOR  69 

impulse  which  was  not  very  inconsistent  with  party 
advantage.  In  1819  the  Republican  caucus,  the 
last  at  which  the  Bucktails  and  Clintonians  both 
attended,  was  broken  up  amid  mutual  recrimina 
tions.  John  C.  Spencer,  the  son  of  Ambrose 
Spencer,  and  afterwards  a  distinguished  Whig,  was 
the  Clintonian  candidate,  and  had  the  greater 
number  of  Republican  votes.  In  the  legislature 
there  was  no  choice,  Rufus  King  having  fewer 
votes  than  either  of  the  Republicans.  When  the 
legislature  of  1820  met,  there  appeared  a  pamphlet 
skillfully  written  in  a  tone  of  exalted  patriotism. 
This  decided  the  election  for  Kin<r.  Van  Buren 

O 

was  its  author,  and  was  said  to  have  been  aided  by 
William  L.  Marcy.  Both  had  suffered  at  thft 
hands  of  Clinton.  However  much  they  may  havfi 
been  so  influenced  in  secret,  they  gave  in  public- 
perfectly  sound  and  weighty  reasons  for  returning 
this  old  and  distinguished  statesman  to  the  place 
he  had  honored  for  many  years.  In  1813  King 
had  received  the  votes  of  a  few  Republicans,  with 
out  whom  he  would  have  been  defeated  by  a  Re 
publican  competitor.  The  Clintonians  and  their 
adversaries  had  since  disputed  which  of  them  had 
then  been  guilty  of  party  disloyalty.  But  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted  that  King's  high  character  and 
great  ability,  with  the  revolutionary  glamour  about 
him,  made  his  choice  seem  patriotic  and  popular, 
and  therefore  politically  prudent. 

Van  Buren's  pamphlet  of   1820  was   addressed 
ao  the  Republican  members  of  the  legislature  by  a 


70  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

"  fellow-member  "  who  told  them  that  he  knew  and 
was  personally  known  to  most  of  them,  and  that 
he  had,  "  from  his  infancy,  taken  a  deep  interest 
in  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  the  party."  This 
anonymous  "fellow-member"  pronounced  the  sup 
port  of  King  by  Republicans  to  "  be  an  act  honor 
able  to  themselves,  advantageous  to  the  country, 
and  just  to  him."  He  declared  that  the  only  re 
luctance  Republicans  had  to  a  public  avowal  of 
their  sentiments  arose  from  a  "  commendable  ap 
prehension  that  their  determination  to  support  him 
under  existing  circumstances  might  subject  them 
to  the  suspicion  of  having  become  a  party  to  a 
political  bargain,  to  one  of  those  sinister  commu 
tations  of  principle  for  power,  which  they  think 
common  with  their  adversaries,  and  against  which 
they  have  remonstrated  with  becoming  spirit."  He 
showed  that  there  were  degrees  even  among  Feder 
alists  ;  that  some  in  the  war  had  been  influenced 
by  "  most  envenomed  malignity  against  the  admin 
istration  of  their  own  government ;  "  that  a  second 
and  "  very  numerous  and  res})ectable  portion  "  had 
been  those  u  who,  inured  to  opposition  and  heated 
by  collision,  were  poorly  qualified  to  judge  dispas 
sionately  of  the  measures  of  government,"  who 
thought  the  war  impolitic  at  the  time,  but  who 
were  ignorantly  but  honestly  mistaken  ;  but  that  a 
third  class  of  them  had  risen  "  superior  to  the  pre 
judices  and  passions  of  those  with  whom  they  once 
acted."  In  the  last  class  had  been  Rufus  King; 
at  home  and  in  the  Senate  he  had  supported  the 


STATE   SENATOR  71 

administration ;  he  had  helped  procure  loans  to  the 
State  for  war  purposes.  The  address  skillfully 
recalled  his  Revolutionary  services,  his  membership 
in  the  convention  which  framed  the  Federal  Con 
stitution,  his  appointment  by  Washington  as  min 
ister  to  the  English  court,  and  his  continuance  there 
under  Jefferson.  He  was  declared  to  be  opposed 
to  Clinton.  The  address  concluded  by  reciting  that 
there  had  been  in  New  York  "  exceptionable  and 
unprincipled  political  bargains  and  coalitions," 
which  with  darker  offenses  ought  to  be  proved,  to 
vindicate  the  great  body  of  citizens  "from  th( 
charge  of  participating  in  the  profligacy  of  the  few, 
and  to  give  rest  to  that  perturbed  spirit  which  now 
haunts  the  scenes  of  former  moral  and  political 
debaucheries  ;  "  but  added  that  the  nature  of  a  vote 
for  King  precluded  such  suspicions. 

The  last  statement  was  just.  King's  return  was 
free  from  other  suspicion  than  that  he  probably 
preferred  the  Van  Buren  to  the  Clinton  Repub 
licans.  Van  Buren,  seeing  that  the  Federalist 
party  was  at  an  end,  was  glad  both  to  do  a  public 
service  and  to  ally  with  his  party,  in  the  divisions 
of  the  future,  some  part  of  the-' element  so  finely 
represented  by  Rufus  King.  In  private  Van  Buren 
urged  the  support  of  King  even  more  emphatically. 
"  We  are  committed,"  he  wrote,  "  to  his  support. 
It  is  both  wise  and  honest,  and  we  must  have  no 
fluttering  in  our  course.  Mr.  King's  views  towards 
us  are  honorable  and  correct.  .  .  .  Let  us  not, 
then,  have  any  halting.  I  will  put  my  head  on  its 


72  MARTIN  VAN    BURP]N 

propriety."  Van  Buren's  partisanship  always  had 
a  mellow  character.  He  practiced  the  golden  rule 
of  successful  politics,  to  foresee  future  benefits 
rather  than  remember  past  injuries.  Indeed,  it  is 
just  to  say  more.  In  sending  King  to  the  Senate 
he  doubtless  experienced  the  lofty  pleasure  which 
a  politician  of  public  spirit  feels  in  his  occasional 
ability  to  use  his  power  to  reach  a  beneficent  end, 
which  without  the  power  he  could  not  have  readied, 
—  a  stroke  which  to  a  petty  politician  would  seem 
dangerous,  but  which  the  greater  man  accomplishes 
without  injury  to  his  party  standing.  A  year  or 
two  after  King's  election,  when  Van  Buren  joined 
him  at  Washington,  there  were  established  the 
most  agreeable  relations  between  them.  The  re 
finement  and  natural  decorum  of  the  younger  man 
easily  fell  in  with  the  polished  and  courtly  manner 
of  the  old  Federalist.  Benton,  who  had  then  just 
entered  the  Senate,  said  it  was  delightful  to  behold 
the  deferential  regard  which  Van  Buren  paid  to  his 
venerable  colleague,  a  regard  always  returned  by 
King  with  marked  kindness  and  respect. 

In  this  year  the  era  of  good  feeling  was  at  its 
height.  Monroe  was  reflected  president  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote,  with  Tompkins  again  as 
vice-president.  The  good  feeling,  however,  was 
among  the  people,  and  not  among  the  politicians. 
The  Republican  party  was  about  to  divide  by  rea 
son  of  the  very  completeness  of  its  supremacy. 
The  Federalist  party  was  extinguished  and  its 
members  scattered.  The  greater  number  of  them 


STATE   SENATOR  73 

in  New  York  went  with  the  Clintoniaii  Repub 
licans,  with  whom  they  afterwards  formed  the  chief 
body  of  the  Whig-  party.  A  smaller  number  of 
them,  among  whom  were  James  A.  Hamilton  and 
John  C.  Hamilton,  the  sons  of  the  great  founder 
of  the  Federalist  party,  William  A.  Duer,  John  A. 
King  (the  son  of  the  reflected  senator),  and  many 
others  of  wealth  and  high  social  position,  ranged 
themselves  for  a  time  in  the  Bucktail  ranks  under 
Van  Buren's  leadership.  In  the  slang  of  the  day, 
they  were  the  u  high-minded  Federalists,"  because 
they  had  declared  that  Clinton's  supporters  prac 
ticed  a  personal  subserviency  "  disgusting  to  high- 
minded  and  honorable  men."  With  this  addition, 
the  Bucktails  became  the  Democratic  party  in  New 
York.  In  April,  1820,  the  gubernatorial  election 
was  between  the  Clintonians  supporting  Clinton, 
and  the  Bucktails  supporting  Tompkins,  the  Vice- 
President.  Clinton's  recent  and  really  magnificent 
public  service  made  him  successful  at  the  polls,  but 
his  party  was  beaten  at  other  points. 

Rufus  Kind's  reelection  to  the  Senate  was  be- 

O 

lieved  to  have  some  relation  to  the  Missouri  ques 
tion,  then  agitating  the  nation.  In  one  of  his  let 
ters  urging  his  Republican  associates  to  support 
King,  Van  Buren  declared  that  the  Missouri  ques 
tion  concealed  no  plot  so  far  as  King  was  concerned, 
but  that  he,  Van  Buren,  and  his  friends,  would 
"give  it  a  true  direction."  King's  strong  opposi 
tion  to  the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave  State 
was,  however,  perfectly  open.  If  he  returned  to 


74  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

the  Senate,  it  was  certain  he  would  steadily  vote 
against  any  extension  of  slavery.  Van  Buren 
knew  all  this,  and  doubtless  meant  that  King  was 
bargaining  away  none  of  his  convictions  for  the 
senatorship.  But  what  the  "  true  direction  "  was 
which  was  to  be  given  the  Missouri  question,  is 
not  clear.  About  the  time  of  King's  reelection 
Van  Buren  joined  in  calling  a  public  meeting  at 
Albany  to  protest  against  extending  slavery  beyond 
the  Mississippi.  He  was  absent  at  the  time  of  the 
meeting,  and  refused  the  use  of  his  name  upon  the 
committee  to  send  the  anti-slavery  resolutions  to 
Washington.  Nor  is  it  clear  whether  his  absence 
and  refusal  were  significant.  He  certainly  did  not 
condemn  the  resolutions  ;  and  in  January,  1820, 
he  voted  in  the  state  Senate  for  an  instruction  to 
the  senators  and  representatives  in  Congress  "  to 
oppose  the  admission,  as  a  State  in  the  Union,  of 
any  territory  not  comprised  within  the  original 
boundary  of  the  United  States,  without  making 
the  prohibition  of  slavery  therein  an  indispensable 
condition  of  admission."  This  resolution  undoubt 
edly  expressed  the  clear  convictions  of  the  Repub 
licans  in  New  York,  whether  on  Van  Buren's  or 
Clinton's  side,  as  well  as  of  the  remaining  Feder 
alists. 

Van  Buren's  direct  interest  in  national  politics 
had  already  begun.  In  1816  he  was  present  in 
Washington  (then  a  pretty  serious  journey  from 
Albany)  when  the  Republican  congressional  cau 
cus  was  held  to  nominate  a  president.  Governor 


STATE   SENATOR  75 

Tompkins,  after  a  brief  canvass,  retired  ;  and  Craw 
ford,  then  secretary  of  war,  became  the  candidate 
against  Monroe,  and  was  supported  by  most  of  the 
Republicans  from  New  York.  Van  Buren's  prefer 
ence  was  not  certainly  known,  though  it  is  sup 
posed  he  preferred  Monroe.  In  1820  he  was 
chosen  a  presidential  elector  in  place  of  an  absen 
tee  from  the  electoral  college,  and  participated  in 
the  all  bnt  unanimous  vote  for  Monroe.  He  voted 
with  the  other  New  York  electors  for  Tompkins 
for  the  vice-presidency.  In  April,  1820,  he  wrote 
to  Henry  Meigs,  a  Bucktail  congressman  then  'at 
Washington,  that  the  rascality  of  some  of  the  de 
puty  postmasters  in  the  State  was  intolerable,  and 
cried  aloud  for  relief  ;  that  it  was  impossible  to 
penetrate  the  interior  of  the  State  with  friendly 
papers  ;  and  that  two  or  three  prompt  removals 
were  necessary.  The  postmaster-general  was  to  be 
asked  u  to  do  an  act  of  justice  and  render  us  a  par 
tial  service "  by  the  removal  of  the  postmasters 
at  Bath,  Little  Falls,  and  Oxford,  and  to  appoint 
successors  whom  Van  Buren  named.  In  January, 
1*21,  Governor  Clinton  sent  this  letter  to  the  leg 
islature,  with  a  message  and  other  papers  so  nu 
merous  as  to  be  carried  in  a  green  bag,  which  gave 
the  name  to  the  message,  in  support  of  a  charge 
that  the  national  administration  had  interfered  in 
the  state  election.  But  the  4i>  green-bag  message  " 
did  Van  Buren  little  harm,  for  Clinton's  own  pro- 
seriptive  rigor  had  been  great,  and  it  was  only 
two  years  before  that  Van  Buren  himself  had  been 


T6  MARTI  X   VAN   BUREN 

removed  from  the  attorney-generalship.  In  1821 
the  political  division  of  the  New  York  Republicans 
was  carried  to  national  politics.  When  a  speaker 
was  to  be  chosen  in  place  of  Clay,  Taylor  of  New 
York,  the  Republican  candidate,  was  opposed  by 
the  Bucktail  congressmen,  because  he  had  sup 
ported  Clinton. 

In  February,  1821,  Van  Buren  gained  the  then 
dignified  promotion  to  the  federal  Senate.  He  was 
elected  by  the  Bucktails  against  Nathan  Sanford, 
the  sitting  senator,  who  was  supported  by  the  Clin- 
tonians  and  Federalists.  Van  Buren  was  now 
thirty-eight  years  old,  and  in  the  early  prime  of  his 
powers.  He  had  run  the  gauntlet  of  two  popular 
elections  ;  he  had  been  easily  first  among  the  Re 
publicans  of  the  state  Senate ;  he  had  there  shown 
extraordinary  political  skill  and  an  intelligent  and 
public  spirit ;  he  had  ably  administered  the  chief 
law  office  of  the  State  which  was  not  judicial. 
Though  not  yet  keenly  interested  in  any  federal 
question, — for  his  activity  and  thought  had  been 
sufficiently  engaged  in  affairs  of  his  own  State,  — 
he  turned  to  the  new  field  with  an  easy  confidence, 
amply  justified  by  his  mastery  of  the  problems  with 
which  he  had  so  far  grappled.  He  reached  Wash 
ington  the  undoubted  leader  of  his  party  in  the 
State.  The  prestige  of  Governor  Tompkins,  al 
though  just  reelected  vice-president,  had  suffered 
from  his  recent  defeat  for  the  governorship,  and 
from  his  pecuniary  and  other  difficulties  ;  and  be 
sides,  he  obviously  had  not  Van  Buren's  unrivaled 
equipment  for  political  leadership.  • 


CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION  77 

Before  Van  Buren  attended  his  first  session  in 
the  federal  capital  he  performed  for  the  public 
most  honorable  service  in  the  state  constitutional 
convention  which  sat  in  the  autumn  of  1821.  This 
body  illustrated  the  earnest  and  wholesome  temper 
in  which  the  most  powerful  public  men  of  the 
State,  after  many  exhibitions  of  partisan,  personal, 
and  even  petty  animosities,  could  treat  so  serious 
and  abiding  a  matter  as  its  fundamental  law.  The 
Democrats  sent  Vice-President  Tompkins,  both  the 
United  States  senators,  King-  and  Van  Buren,  the 
late  senator,  San  ford,  and  Samuel  Nelson,  then 
beginning  a  long  and  honorable  career.  The  Clin- 
tonians-  and  Federalists  sent  Chancellor  Kent  and 
Ambrose  Spencer,  the  chief  justice.  Van  Buren 
was  chosen  from  Otsego,  and  not  from  his  own 
county,  probably  because  the  latter  was  politically 
unfavorable  to  him. 

This  convention  was  one  of  the  steps  in  the 
democratic  march.  It  was  called  to  broaden  the 
suffrage,  to  break  up  the  central  source  of  patron 
age  at  Albany,  and  to  enlarge  local  self-adminis 
tration.  The  government  of  New  York  had  so  far 
been  a  freeholders'  government,  with  those  great 
virtues,  and  those  greater  and  more  enduring  vices, 
which  were  characteristic  of  a  government  con 
trolled  exclusively  by  the  owners  of  land.  The 
painful  apprehension  aroused  by  the  democratic 
resolution  to  reduce,  if  not  altogether  to  destroy, 
the  exclusive  privileges  of  land-owners,  was  ex 
pressed  in  the  convention  by  Chancellor  Kent. 


78  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

He  would  not  "bow  before  the  idol  of  universal 
suffrage  ; "  this  extreme  democratic  principle,  he 
said,  had  "  been  regarded  with  terror  by  the  wise 
men  of  every  age  ;  "  wherever  tried,  it  had  brought 
"corruption,  injustice,  violence,  and  tyranny  ;  "  if 
adopted,  posterity  would  "  deplore  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes  the  delusion  of  the  day."  He  wished  no 
laws  to  pass  without  the  free  consent  of  the  owners 
of  the  soil.  He  did  not  foresee  English  parlia 
ments  elected  in  1885  and  1886  by  a  suffrage  not 
very  far  from  universal,  or  a  royal  jubilee  cele 
brated  by  democratic  masses,  or  the  prudent  con 
servatism  in  matters  of  property  of  the  enfran 
chised  French  democracy,  —  he  foresaw  none  of 
these  when  he  declared  that  England  and  France 
could  not  sustain  the  weight  of  universal  suffrage  ; 
that  "  the  radicals  of  England,  with  the  force  of 
that  mighty  engine,  would  at  once  sweep  away  the 
property,  the  laws,  and  the  liberty  of  that  island 
like  a  deluge."  Van  Buren  distinguished  himself 
in  the  debate.  Upon  this  exciting  and  paramount 
topic  he  did  not  share  the  temper  which  possessed 
most  of  his  party.  His  speech  was  clear,  explicit, 
philosophical,  and  really  statesmanlike.  It  so  im 
pressed  even  his  adversaries  ;  and  Hammond,  one 
of  them,  declared  that  he  ought  for  it  to  be  ranked 
"  among  the  most  shining  orators  and  able  states 
men  of  the  age." 

In  reading  this,  or  indeed  any  of  the  utterances 
of  Van  Buren  where  the  occasion  required  distinct 
ness,  it  is  difficult  to  find  the  ground  of  the  charge 


CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION  79 

of  "  noncommittalism  "  so  incessantly  made  against 
him.  He  doubtless  refrained  from  taking  sides  on 
questions  not  yet  ripe  for  decision,  however  clear, 
and  whatever  may  have  been  his  speculative  opin 
ions.  But  this  is  the  duty  of  every  statesman  ;  it 
has  been  the  practice  of  every  politician  who  has 
promoted  reform.  Van  Buren  now  pointed  out 
how  completely  the  events  of  the  forty  years  past 
had  discredited  the  grave  speculative  fears  of 
Franklin,  Hamilton,  and  Madison  as  to  the  result 
of  some  provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
With  Burke  he  believed  experience  to  be  the  only 
unerring  touchstone.  He  conclusively  showed  that 
property  had  been  as  safe  in  those  American  com 
munities  which  had  universal  suffrage  as  in  the 
few  which  retained  a  property  qualification  ;  that 
venality  in  voting,  apprehended  from  the  change, 
already  existed  in  the  grossest  forms  at  the  parlia 
mentary  elections  of  England.  Going  to  the  truth 
which  is  at  the  dynamic  source  of  democratic  in 
stitutions,  he  told  the  chancellor  that  when  among 
the  masses  of  America  the  principles  of  order  and 
good  government  should  yield  to  principles  of  an 
archy  and  violence  and  permit  attacks  on  private 
propert}^  or  an  agrarian  law,  all  constitutional  pro 
visions  would  be  idle  and  unavailing,  because  they 
would  have  lost  all  their  force  and  influence. 
With  a  true  instinct,  however,  Van  Buren  wished 
the  steps  to  be  taken  gradually.  He  was  not  yet 
ready,  he  said,  to  admit  to  the  suffrage  the  shifting 
population  of  cities,  held  to  the  government  by  no 


80  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

other  ties  than  the  mere  right  to  vote.  He  was 
not  ready  for  a  really  universal  suffrage.  The 
voter  ought,  if  he  did  not  participate  in  the  gov 
ernment  by  paying  taxes  or  performing  militia 
duty,  to  be  a  man  who  was  a  householder  with 
some  of  the  elements  of  stability,  with  something 
at  stake  in  the  community.  Although  they  had 
reached  "  the  verge  of  universal  suffrage,"  he 
could  not  with  his  Democratic  friends  take  the 
**  one  step  beyond  ;  "  he  would  not  cheapen  the  in 
valuable  right  by  conferring  it  with  indiscrimina- 
ting  hand  u  on  every  one,  black  or  white,  who 
would  be  kind  enough  to  condescend  to  accept  it." 
Though  a  Democrat  he  was  opposed,  he  said,  to 
a  "  precipitate  and  unexpected  prostration  of  all 
qualifications ; "  he  looked  with  dread  upon  in 
creasing  the  voters  in  New  York  city  from  thirteen 
or  fourteen  thousand  to  twenty-five  thousand,  be 
lieving  (curious  prediction  for  a  father  of  -the 
Democratic  party !)  that  the  increase  "  would  ren 
der  their  elections  rather  a  curse  than  a  blessing," 
and  "  would  drive  from  the  polls  all  sober-minded 
people." 

The  universal  suffrage  then  postponed  was  wisely 
adopted  a  few  years  later.  Democracy  marched 
steadily  on  ;  and  Van  Buren  was  willing,  proba 
bly  very  willing,  to  be  guided  by  experience.  He 
opposed  in  the  convention  a  proposal  supported 
by  most  of  his  party  to  restrict  suffrage  to  white 
citizens,  but  favored  a  property  qualification  foi 
black  men,  the  $ 250  freehold  ownership  until  then 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION  81 

required  of  white  voters.  He  wouH  not,  he  said, 
draw  from  them  a  revenue  and  yet  deny  them  the 
right  of  suffrage.  Twenty-five  years  later,  in  1846, 
nearly  three-fourths  of  the  voters  of  the  State  re= 
fused  equal  suffrage  to  the  blacks  ;  and  even  in 
1869,  six  years  after  the  emancipation  proclama 
tion,  a  majority  still  refused  to  give  them  the  same 
rights  as  white  men. 

The  question  of  appointments  to  office  was  the 
chief  topic  in  the  convention.  Van  Buren,  as 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  this  subject,  made 
an  interesting  and  able  report.  It  was  unani 
mously  agreed  that  the  use  of  patronage  by  the 
council  of  appointment  had  been  a  scandal.  Only 
a  few  members  voted  to  retain  the  council,  even  K 
it  were  to  be  elected  by  the  people.  He  recom 
mended  that  military  officers,  except  the  highest, 
be  elected  by  the  privates  and  officers  of  militia. 
Of  the  6663  civil  officers  whose  appointment  and 
removal  by  the  council  had  for  twenty  years  kept 
the  State  in  turmoil,  he  recommended  that  3643, 
being  notaries,  commissioners,  masters  and  exami 
ners  in  chancery,  and  other  lesser  officers,  should 
be  appointed  under  general  laws  to  be  enacted  by 
the  legislature  ;  the  clerks  of  courts  and  district 
attorneys  should  be  appointed  by  the  common  pleas 
courts ;  mayors  and  clerks  of  cities  should  be  ap 
pointed  by  their  common  councils,  except  in  New 
York,  where  for  years  afterwards  the  mayors  were 
appointed ;  the  heads  of  the  state  departments 
should  be  appointed  by  the  legislature  ;  and  all 


82  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

other  officers,  including  surrogates  and  justices  of 
the  peace  as  well  as  the  greater  judicial  officers, 
should  be  appointed  by  the  governor  upon  the 
confirmation  of  the  Senate.  Van  Buren  declared 
himself  opposed,  here  again  separating  himself 
from  many  of  his  party  associates,  to  the  popular 
election  of  any  judicial  officers,  even  the  justices 
of  the  peace.  Of  all  this  he  was  long  after  to  be 
reminded  as  proof  of  his  aristocratic  contempt  for 
democracy.  His  recommendations  were  adopted 
in  the  main  ;  although  county  clerks  and  sheriffs, 
whom  he  would  have  kept  appointive,  were  made 
elective.  Upon  this  question  he  was  in  a  small 
minority  with  Chancellor  Kent  and  Rufus  King, 
having  most  of  his  party  friends  against  him. 
Thus  was  broken  up  the  enormous  political  power 
so  long  wielded  at  Albany,  and  the  patronage  dis 
tributed  through  the  counties.  The  change,  it  was 
supposed,  would  end  a  great  abuse.  It  did  end  the 
concentration  of  patronage  at  the  capital ;  but  the 
partisan  abuses  of  patronage  were  simply  trans 
ferred  to  the  various  county  seats,  to  exercise  a 
different  and  wider,  though  probably  a  less  danger 
ous,  corruption. 

The  council  of  revision  fell  with  hardly  a  friend 
to  speak  for  it.  It  was  one  of  those  checks  upon 
popular  power  of  which  Federalists  had  been  fond. 
It  consisted  of  the  governor  with  the  chancellor 
and  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  had  a 
veto  power  upon  bills  passed  by  the  legislature. 
As  the  chancellor  and  judges  held  office  during 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION  83 

good  behavior  until  they  had  reached  the  limit 
of  age,  the  council  was  almost  a  chamber  of  life 
peers.  The  exercise  of  its  power  had  provoked 
great  animosity.  The  chief  judicial  officers  of  the 
State,  judges,  and  chancellors,  to  whom  men  of  our 
day  look  back  with  a  real  veneration,  had  been 
drawn  by  it  into  a  kind  of  political  warfare,  in 
which  few  of  our  higher  magistrates,  though  pop 
ularly  elected  and  for  terms,  would  dare  to  engage. 
An  act  had  been  passed  by  the  legislature  in  1814 
to  promote  privateering ;  but  Chancellor  Kent  as  a 
member  of  the  council  objected  to  it.  Van  Buren 
maintained  with  him  an  open  and  heated  discussion 
upon  the  propriety  of  the  objections, —  a  discussion 
in  which  the  judicial  character  justly  enough  af 
forded  no  protection.  Van  Buren's  feeling  against 
the  judges  who  were  his  political  adversaries  was 
often  exhibited.  He  said  in  the  convention  :  "  I 
object  to  the  council,  as  being  composed  of  the 
judiciary,  who  are  not  directly  responsible  to  the 
people.  I  object  to  it  because  it  inevitably  con 
nects  the  judiciary  —  those  who,  with  pure  hearts 
and  sound  heads,  should  preside  in  the  sanctuaries 
of  justice  —  with  the  intrigues  and  collisions  of 
party  strife ;  because  it  tends  to  make  our  judges 
politicians,  and  because  such  has  been  its  practical 
effect."  He  further  said  that  he  would  not  join  in 
the  rather  courtly  observation  that  the  council  was 
abolished  because  of  a  personal  regard  for  the 
peace  of  its  members.  He  would  have  it  expressly 
remembered  that  JJie  council  had  served  the  ends 


84:  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

of  faction ;  though  he  added  that  he  should  regard 
the  loss  of  Chancellor  Kent  from  his  judicial  sta 
tion  as  a  public  calamity.  In  his  general  position 
Van  Buren  was  clearly  right.  Again  and  again 
have  theorists,  supposing  judges  to  be  sanctified 
and  illumined  by  their  offices,  placed  in  their  hands 
political  power,  which  had  been  abused,  or  it  was 
feared  would  be  abused,  by  men  fancied  to  occupy 
less  exalted  stations.  Again  and  again  has  the  re 
sult  shown  that  judges  are  only  men,  with  human 
passions,  prejudices,  and  ignorance  ;  men  who,  if 
vested  with  functions  not  judicial,  if  freed  from  the 
checks  of  precedents  and  law  and  public  hearings 
and  appellate  review,  fall  into  the  same  abuses  and 
act  on  the  same  motives,  political  and  personal* 
which  belong  to  other  men.  In  the  council  of  re 
vision  before  1821  and  the  electoral  commission  of 
1877  were  signally  proved  the  wisdom  of  restrict 
ing  judges  to  the  work  of  deciding  rights  between 
parties  judicially  brought  before  them. 

Van  Buren's  far  from  "  non-committal "  talk 
about  the  judges  was  not  followed  by  any  support 
of  the  proposal  to  "  constitutionize  "  them  out  ol 
office.  The  animosity  of  a  majority  of  the  mem 
bers  against  the  judges  then  in  office  was  intense  ; 
and  they  were  not  willing  to  accept  the  life  of  the 
council  of  revision  as  a  sufficient  sacrifice.  Nor 
was  the  animosity  entirely  unreasonable.  Butler, 
in  one  of  his  early  letters  to  Jesse  Hoyt,  described 
the  austerity  with  which  Ambrose  Spencer,  the 
chief  justice,  when  the  young  lawyer  sought  to 


CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION  85 

address  him,  told  him  to  wait  until  his  seniors  had 
been  heard.  In  the  convention  there  were  doubt 
less  many  who  had  been  offended  with  a  certain 
insolence  of  place  which  to  this  day  characterizes 
the  bearing  of  many  judges  of  real  ability ;  and 
the  opportunity  of  making  repayment  was  eagerly 
seized.  Nor  was  it  unreasonable  that  laymen 
should,  from  the  proceedings  of  judges  when  act 
ing  upon  political  matters  which  laymen  understood 
as  well  as  they,  make  inferences  about  the  fairness 
of  their  proceedings  on  the  bench  upon  which  lay 
men  could  not  always  safely  speak.  By  a  vote  of 
66  to  39,  the  convention  refused  to  retain  the 
judges  then  in  office,  —  a  proceeding  which,  with 
all  the  faults  justly  or  even  naturally  found  with 
them,  was  a  gross  violation  of  the  fundamental 
rule  which  ought  to  guide  civilized  lands  in  chan 
ging  their  laws.  For  the  retention  of  the  judges 
was  perfectly  consistent  with  the  judicial  scheme 
adopted.  Van  Buren  put  all  this  most  admirably 
before  voting  with  the  minority.  He  told  the  con 
vention,  and  doubtless  truly,  that  from  the  bench 
of  judges,  whose  official  fate  was  then  at  their 
mercy,  he  had  been  assailed  u  with  hostility,  politi 
cal,  professional,  and  personal,  —  hostility  which 
had  been  the  most  keen,  active,  and  unyielding  ;  " 
but  that  he  would  not  indulge  individual  resent 
ment  in  the  prostration  of  his  private  and  political 
adversary.  The  judicial  officer,  who  could  not  be 
leached  by  impeachment  or  the  proceeding  for 
lemoval  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  ought  not  to  be  dis* 


86  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

turbed.  They  should  amend  the  constitution,  he 
told  the  convention,  upon  general  principles,  and 
not  descend  to  pull  down  obnoxious  officers.  He 
begged  it  not  to  ruin  its  character  and  credit  by 
proceeding  to  such  extremities.  But  the  removal 
of  the  judges  did  not  prove  unpopular.  Only 
eight  members  of  the  convention  voted  against  the 
Constitution  ;  only  fifteen  others  did  not  sign  it. 
And  the  freeholders  of  the  State,  while  deliberately 
surrendering  some  of  their  exclusive  privileges, 
adopted  it  by  a  vote  of  75,422  to  41,497. 

Van  Buren's  service  in  this  convention  was  that 
of  a  firm,  sensible,  far-seeing  man,  resolute  to  make 
democratic  progress,  but  unwilling,  without  fur 
ther  light  from  experience,  to  take  extreme  steps 
difficult  to  retrace.  With  a  strong  inclination  to 
wards  great  enlargement  of  the  suffrage,  he  pointed 
out  that  a  mistake  in  going  too  far  coul'd  never  be 
righted  "except  by  the  sword."  The  wisdom  of 
enduring  temporary  difficulties,  rather  than  to 
make  theoretical  changes  greater  than  were  neces 
sary  to  obviate  serious  and  great  wrongs,  was  com 
mon  to  him  with  the  highest  and  most  influential 
type  of  modern  law-makers.  With  some  men  of 
the  first  rank,  the  convention  had  in  it  very  many 
others  crudely  equipped  for  its  work  ;  and  it  met 
in  an  atmosphere  of  personal  and  political  asperity 
unfavorable  to  deliberations  over  organic  law. 
Van  Buren  was  politically  its  most  powerful  mem 
ber.  It  is  clear  that  his  always  conservative  tem 
per,  aided  by  his  tact  and  by  his  temperate  and 


CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION  87 

persuasive  eloquence,  held  back  his  Democratic 
associates,  headed  by  the  impetuous  and  angered 
General  Root,  from  changes  far  more  radical  than 
those  which  were  made.  Though  eminent  as  a 
party  man,  he  showed  on  this  conspicuous  field 
undoubted  courage  and  independence  and  high 
sense  of  duty.  Entering  national  politics  he  was 
fortunate  therefore  to  be  known,  not  only  as  a 
skillful  and  adroit  and  even  managing  politician, 
as  a  vigorous  and  clear  debater,  as  a  successful 
leader  in  popular  movements,  but  also  as  a  man  of 
firm  and  upright  patriotism,  with  a  ripe  and  edu 
cated  sense  of  the  complexity  of  popular  govern 
ment,  and  a  sober  appreciation  of  the  kind  of 
dangers  so  subtly  mingled  with  the  blessings  of 
democracy. 


CHAPTER  IV 

UNITED      STATES       SENATOR.  —  REESTABLISHMEN1 
OF    PARTIES.  —  PARTY    LEADERSHIP 

IN  December,  1821,  Van  Buren  took  his  seat  in 
the  United  States  Senate.  The  "  era  of  good  feel 
ing  "  was  then  at  its  height.  It  was  with  perfect 
sincerity  that  Monroe  in  his  message  of  the  preced 
ing  year  had  said :  "  I  see  much  cause  to  rejoice  in 
the  felicity  of  our  situation."  He  had  just  been 
reflected  president  with  but  a  single  vote  against 
him.  The  country  was  in  profound  peace.  The 
burdens  of  the  war  with  England  were  no  longer 
felt ;  and  its  few  victories  were  remembered  with 
exuberant  good-nature.  Two  years  before,  Florida 
had  been  acquired  by  the  strong  and  persisting 
hand  of  the  younger  Adams.  Wealth  and  comfort 
were  in  rapid  increase.  The  moans  and  rage  of  the 
defeated  and  disgraced  Federalists  were  suppressed, 
or,  if  now  and  then  feebly  heard,  were  complacently 
treated  as  outbursts  of  senility  and  impotence. 
People  were  not  only  well-to-do  in  fact,  but,  what 
was  far  more  extraordinary,  they  believed  them 
selves  to  be  so.  In  his  great  tariff  speech  but  three 
or  four  years  later,  Hayne  called  it  the  "  period  of 
general  jubilee."  Every  great  public  paper  and 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  89 

speech  described  the  "  felicity  "  of  America.  The 
president  pointed  out  to  his  fellow-citizens  "  the 
prosperous  and  happy  condition  of  our  country  in 
all  the  great  circumstances  which  constitute  the 
felicity  of  a  nation ;  "  he  told  them  that  they  were 
"  a  free,  virtuous,  and  enlightened  people  ;  "  the 
unanimity  of  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  his 
"  humble  pretensions  "  indicated,  he  thought,  "the 
great  strength  and  stability  of  our  Union."  And 
all  was  reciprocated  by  the  people.  This  modest, 
gentle  ruler  was  in  his  very  mediocrity  agreeable 
to  them.  He  symbolized  the  comfort  and  order,  the 
supreme  respectability  of  which  they  were  proua. 
When  in  1817  he  made  a  tour  through  New  Eng 
land,  which  had  seen  neither  Jefferson  nor  Madison 
as  visitors  during  their  terms  of  office,  and  in  his 
military  coat  of  domestic  manufacture,  his  light 
small-clothes  and  cocked  hat,  met  processions  and 
orators  without  end,  it  was  obvious  that  this  was 
not  the  radical  minister  whom  Washington  had  re 
called  from  Jacobin  Paris  for  effusively  pledging 
eternal  friendship  and  submitting  to  fraternal  em 
braces  in  the  National  Convention.  Such  youthful 
frenzy  was  now  long  past.  America  was  enjoying 
a  great  national  idyl.  Even  the  Federalists,  except 
of  course  those  who  had  been  too  violent  or  who 
were  still  unrepentant,  were  not  utterly  shut  out 
from  the  light  of  the  placid  high  noon.  Jackson 
had  urged  Monroe  in  181b'  "to  exterminate  that 
monster  called  party  spirit,"  and  to  let  some  Fed 
eralists  come  to  the  board.  Monroe  thought,  how- 


90  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

ever,  "  that  the  administration  should  rest  strongly 
on  the  Republican  party,"  though  meaning  to  bring 
all  citizens  "  into  the  Republican  fold  as  quietly  as 
possible."  Party,  he  declared,  was  unnecessary  to 
free  government ;  all  should  be  Republicans.  And 
when  Van  Buren  reached  the  sprawling,  slatternly 
American  capital  in  1821,  all  were  Republicans. 

There  were  of  course  personal  feuds  in  this  great 
political  family.  Those  of  New  York  were  the 
most  notorious  ;  but  there  were  many  others.  But 
such  rivalries  and  quarrels  were  only  a  proof  of  the 
political  calm.  When  families  are  smugly  prosper 
ous  they  indulge  petty  dislikes,  which  disappear 
before  storm  or  tragedy.  The  halcyon  days  could 
not  last.  Monroe's  dream  of  a  country  with  but 
one  party,  and  that  basking  in  perpetual  "  felicity," 
was,  in  spite  of  what  seemed  for  the  moment  a  close 
realization,  as  far  from  the  truth  as  the  dreams  of 
later  reformers  who  would  in  politics  organize  all 
the  honest,  respectable  folk  together  against  all  the 
dishonest. 

The  heat  of  the  Missouri  question  was  ended  at 
the  session  before  Van  Buren's  senatorial  term  be 
gan.  It  seemed  only  a  thunder-storm  passing  across 
a  rich,  warm  day  in  harvest  time,  angry  and  agi 
tating  for  the  moment,  but  quickly  forgotten  by 
dwellers  in  the  pastoral  scene  when  the  rainbow  of 
compromise  appeared  in  the  delightful  hues  of 
Henry  Clay's  eloquence.  The  elements  of  the  tre 
mendous  struggle  yet  to  come  were  in  the  atmo 
sphere,  but  they  were  not  visible.  The  slavery 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  91 

question  had  no  political  importance  to  Van  Buren 
until  fourteen  years  afterwards.  In  judging  the 
men  of  that  day  we  shall  seriously  mistake  if  we 
set  up  our  own  standards  among  their  ideas.  The 
moral  growth  in  the  twenty -five  years  since  the 
emancipation  makes  it  irksome  to  be  fair  to  the 
views  of  the  past  generation,  or  indeed  to  the  former 
views  of  half  of  our  present  generation.  Slavery 
has  come  to  seem  intrinsically  wicked,  hideous,  to 
be  hated  everywhere.  But  sixty-five  years  ago  it 
still  lingered  in  several  of  the  Northern  States.  It 
was  wrong  indeed ;  but  the  temper  of  condemnation 
towards  it  was  Platonic,  full  of  the  unavailing  and 
unpoignant  regret  with  which  men  hear  of  poverty 
and  starvation  and  disease  and  crime  which  they 
do  not  see  and  which  they  cannot  help.  Nor  did 
slavery  then  seem  to  the  best  of  men  so  very  great 
a  wrong  even  to  the  blacks ;  there  were,  it  was 
thought,  many  ameliorations  and  compensations. 
Men  were  glad  to  believe  and  did  believe  that  the 
human  chattels  were  better  and  happier  than  they 
would  have  been  in  Africa.  The  economic  waste 
of  slavery,  its  corrupting  and  enervating  effect  upon 
the  whites,  were  thought  to  be  objections  quite  as 
serious.  Besides,  it  was  widely  fancied  to  be  at 
worst  but  a  temporary  evil.  Jefferson's  dislike  of 
it  was  shared  by  many  throughout  the  South  as  well 
as  the  North.  The  advantages  of  a  free  soil  were 
becoming  so  apparent  in  the  strides  by  which  the 
North  was  passing  the  South  in  every  material  ad- 
•^ Outage,  that  the  latter,  it  seemed,  must  surely  learn 


92  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

the  lesson.  For  the  institution  within  States  already 
admitted  to  the  Union,  anti-slavery  men  felt  no  re 
sponsibility.  Forty  years  later  the  great  leader  of 
the  modern  Republican  party  would  not,  he  sol 
emnly  declared  in  the  very  midst  of  a  pro-slavery 
rebellion,  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  if  the 
Union  could  be  saved  without  disturbing  it.  If  men 
in  South  Carolina  cared  to  maintain  a  ruinous  and 
corrupting  domestic  institution,  even  if  it  were  a 
greater  wrong  against  the  slaves  than  it  was  believed 
to  be,  or  even  if  it  were  an  injury  to  the  whites 
themselves,  still  men  of  Massachusetts  and  New 
York  ought,  it  seemed  to  them,  to  be  no  more  dis 
turbed  over  it  than  we  feel  bound  to  be  over  poly 
gamy  in  Turkey. 

But  as  to  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi 
not  yet  formed  into  States,  there  was  a  different 
sentiment  held  by  a  great  majority  at  the  North 
and  by  many  at  the  South.  Slavery  was  not  es 
tablished  there.  The  land  was  national  domain, 
whose  forms  of  political  and  social  life  were  yet  to 
be  set  up.  Why  not,  before  the  embarrassments 
of  slave  settlement  arose,  devote  this  new  land  to 
freedom,  —  not  so  much  to  freedom  as  that  shining 
goddess  of  mercy  and  right  and  justice  who  rose 
clear  and  obvious  to  our  purged  vision  out  of  the 
civil  war,  as  to  the  less  noble  deities  of  economic 
well-being,  thrift,  and  industrial  comfort?  Demo 
crats  at  the  North,  therefore,  were  almost  unani 
mous  that  Missouri  should  come  in  free  or  not  at 
all ;  and  so  with  the  rest  of  the  territory  beyond 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  93 

the  Mississippi,  except  the  old  slave  settlement  of 
Louisiana,  already  admitted  as  a  State.  The  reso 
lution  in  the  legislature  of  New  York  in  January, 
1820,  supported  by  Van  Bureii,  that  freedom  be 
u  an  indispensable  condition  of  admission"  of  new 
States,  was  but  one  of  many  exhibitions  of  feeling 
at  the  North.  Monroe  and  the  very  best  of  Amer 
icans  did  not,  however,  think  the  principle  so  sacred 
or  necessary  as  to  justify  a  struggle.  John  Quincy 
Adams,  hating  slavery  as  did  but  few  Americans, 
distinctly  favored  the  compromise  by  which  Mis 
souri  came  in  with  slavery,  and  by  which  the  other 
new  territory  north  of  the  present  southern  line  of 
Missouri  extended  westward  was  to  be  free,  and  the 
territory  south  of  it  slave.  With  no  shame  he  ac 
quiesced  in  the  very  thing  about  which  forty  years 
later  the  nation  plunged  into  war.  "  For  the  pre 
sent,"  he  wrote,  "  this  contest  is  laid  asleep."  So 
the  stream  of  peaceful  sunshine  and  prosperity  re 
turned  over  the  land. 

Van  Buren's  views  at  this  time  were  doubtless 
clear  against  the  extension  of  slavery.  He  disliked 
the  institution ;  and  in  part  saw  how  inconsistent 
were  its  odious  practices  with  the  best  civic  growth, 
how  debasing  to  whites  and  blacks  alike.  In 
March,  1822,  he  voted  in  the  Senate,  with  Harrison 
Gray  Otis  of  Massachusetts  and  Rufus  King,  foi 
a  proviso  in  the  bill  creating  the  new  Territory  of 
Florida  by  which  the  introduction  of  slaves  was 
forbidden  except  by  citizens  removing  there  for 
actual  settlement,  and  by  which  slaves  introduced 


94  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

in  violation  of  the  law  were  to  be  freed.  But  he 
was  in  a  minority.  Northern  senators  from  Rhode 
Island,  New  Jersey,  and  Indiana  refused  to  inter 
fere  with  free  trade  in  slaves  between  the  Southern 
States  and  this  southernmost  territory. 

Among  the  forty-eight  members  of  the  Senate 
which  met  in  December,  1821,  neither  Clay  nor 
Calhoun  nor  Webster  had  a  seat.  The  first  was 
restless  in  one  of  his  brief  absences  from  official 
life ;  the  second  was  secretary  of  war ;  and  Web 
ster,  out  of  Congress,  was  making  great  law  argu 
ments  and  greater  orations.  Benton  was  there 
from  the  new  State  of  Missouri,  just  beginning  his 
thirty  years.  The  warm  friendship  and  political 
alliance  between  him  and  Van  Buren  must  have 
soon  begun.  During  all  or  nearly  all  Van  Buren's 
senatorship  the  two  occupied  adjoining  seats.  Two 
years  later  Andrew  Jackson  was  sent  to  the  Senate 
by  Tennessee,  as  a  suitable  preliminary  to  his  pre 
sidential  canvass.  During  the  next  two  sessions 
Van  Buren,  Benton,  and  Jackson  were  thrown 
together ;  and  without  doubt  the  foundations  were 
laid  of  their  lifelong  intimacy  and  political  affec 
tion.  Benton  and  Jackson,  personal  enemies  years 
before,  had  become  reconciled.  Among  these  asso 
ciates  Van  Buren  adhered  firmly  enough  to  his 
own  clear  views ;  he  did  not  turn  obsequiously  to 
the  rising  sun  of  Tennessee.  William  II.  Craw 
ford,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  had,  in  the 
Republican  congressional  caucus  of  1816,  stood 
next  Monroe  for  the  presidential  nomination.  For 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  95 

reasons  which  neither  history  nor  tradition  seems 
sufficiently  to  have  brought  us,  he  inspired  a  strong 
and  even  enthusiastic  loyalty  among  many  of  his 
party.  His  candidacy  in  1824  was  more  "  regular  " 
than  that  of  either  Adams,  Jackson,  or  Clay,  whose 
friends  combined  against  him  as  the  strongest ' 
of  them  all.  Though  Crawford  had  been  pros 
trated  by  serious  disease  in  1823,  Van  Buren  re 
mained  faithful  to  him  until,  in  1825,  after  refusing 
a  seat  in  Adams's  cabinet,  he  retired  from  national 
public  life  a  thoroughly  broken  man. 

The  first  two  sessions  of  Congress,  after  Van 
Buren's  service  began,  seemed  drowsy  enough. 
French  land-titles  in  Louisiana,  the  settlement  of 
the  accounts  of  public  officers,  the  attempt  to  abol 
ish  imprisonment  for  debt,  the  appropriation  for 
money  for  diplomatic  representatives  to  the  new 
South  American  states  and  their  recognition, — 
nothing  more  exciting  than  these  arose,  except 
Monroe's  veto,  in  May,  1822,  of  the  bill  author 
izing  the  erection  of  toll-gates  upon  the  Cumber 
land  road  and  appropriating  $9000  for  them. 
This  brought  distinctly  before  the  public  the  great 
question  of  internal  improvements  by  the  federal 
government,  which  Van  Buren,  Benton,  and  Jack 
son  afterwards  chose  as  one  of  the  chief  battle 
grounds  for  their  party.  For  this  bill  Van  Buren 
indeed  voted,  while  Benton  afterwards  boasted  that 
he  was  one  of  the  small  minority  of  seven  who  dis 
cerned  its  true  character.  But  this  trifling  appro 
priation  was  declared  by  Barbour,  who  was  in 


06  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

charge  of  the  measure,  not  to  involve  the  general 
question  ;  it  was  said  to  be  a  mere  incident  neces 
sary  to  save  from  destruction  a  work  for  which 
earlier  statesmen  were  responsible.  Monroe,  though 
declaring  in  his  veto  that  the  power  to  adopt  and 
execute  a  system  of  internal  improvements  national 
in  their  character  would  have  the  happiest  effect  on 
all  the  great  interests  of  the  Union,  decided  that 
the  Constitution  gave  no  such  power.  Six  years 
later,  in  a  note  to  his  speech  upon  the  power  of  the 
Vice-President  to  call  to  order  for  words  spoken  in 
debate  in  the  Senate,  Van  Buren  apologized  for  his 
vote  on  the  bill,  because  it  was  his  first  session,  and 
because  he  was  sincerely  desirous  to  aid  the  West 
ern  country  and  had  voted  without  full  examina 
tion.  He  added  that  if  the  question  were  again 
presented  to  him,  he  should  vote  in  the  negative  ; 
and  that  it  had  been  his  only  vote  in  seven  years 
of  service  which  the  most  fastidious  critic  could 
torture  into  an  inconsistency  with  his  principles 
upon  internal  improvements.  In  January,  1823, 
during  his  second  session,  Van  Buren  spoke  and 
voted  in  favor  of  the  bill  to  repair  the  road,  but 
still  took  no  decided  ground  upon  the  general 
question.  He  said  that  the  large  expenditure  al 
ready  made  on  the  road  would  have  been  worse 
than  useless  if  it  were  now  suffered  to  decay ;  that 
the  road,  being  already  constructed,  ought  to  be 
preserved ;  but  whether  he  would  vote  for  a  new 
construction  he  did  not  disclose.  Even  Benton, 
who  was  proud  to  have  been  one  of  the  small 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  97 

minority  against  the  bill  of  the  year  before  for  toll- 
gates  upon  the  road,  was  now  with  Van  Buren^ 
constitutional  scruples  yielding  to  the  statesman 
like  reluctance  to  waste  an  investment  of  millions 
of  dollars  rather  than  spend  a  few  thousands  tc 
save  it. 

In  January,  1824,  Van  Buren  proposed  to  solve 
these  difficulties  by  a  constitutional  amendment. 
Congress  was  to  have  power  to  make  roads  and 
canals,  but  the  money  appropriated  was  to  be  ap 
portioned  among  the  States  according  to  popula 
tion.  No  road  or  canal  was  to  be  made  within  any 
State  without  the  consent  of  its  legislature ;  and 
the  money  was  to  be  expended  in  each  State  under 
the  direction  of  its  legislature.  This  proposal 
seems  to  have  fallen  still-born  and  deservedly.  It 
illustrated  Van  Buren's  jealousy  of  interference 
with  the  rights  of  States.  But  the  right  of  each 
State  to  be  protected,  he  seemed  to  forget,  involved 
its  right  not  to  be  taxed  for  improvements  in  other 
States  which  it  neither  controlled  nor  promoted. 
Van  Buren's  speech  in  support  of  the  proposal 
would  to-day  seem  very  heretical  to  his  party.  A 
dozen  years  later  he  himself  would  probably  have 
admitted  it  to  be  so.  He  then  believed  in  the 
abstract  proposition  that  such  funds  of  the  nation 
as  could  be  raised  without  oppression,  and  as  were 
not  necessary  to  the  discharge  of  indispensable 
demands  upon  the  government,  should  be  expended 
upon  internal  improvements  under  restrictions 
guarding  the  sovereignty  and  equal  interests  of  the 


98  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

States.  Henry  Clay  would  not  in  theory  have  gone 
much  further.  But  to  this  subject  in  its  national 
aspect  Van  Buren  had  probably  given  but  slight 
attention.  The  success  of  the  Erie  Canal,  with 
him  doubtless  as  with  others,  made  adverse  theories 
of  government  seem  less  impressive.  But  Van 
Buren  and  his  school  quickly  became  doubtful  and 
soon  hostile  to  the  federal  promotion  of  internal 
improvements.  The  opposition  became  popular  on 
the  broader  reasoning  that  great  expenditures  for 
internal  improvements  within  the  States  were  not 
only,  as  the  statesmen  at  first  argued,  violations 
of  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  whose  sanctity 
could,  however,  be  saved  by  proper  amendment, 
but  were  intrinsically  dangerous,  and  an  unwhole 
some  extension  of  the  federal  power  which  ought 
not  to  take  place  whether  within  the  Consti 
tution  or  by  amending  it.  Aided  by  Jackson's 
powerful  vetoes,  this  sentiment  gained  a  strength 
with  the  people  which  has  come  down  to  our  day. 
We  have  river  and  harbor  bills,  but  they  are  sup 
posed  to  touch  directly  or  indirectly  our  foreign 
commerce,  which,  under  the  Constitution  and  upon 
the  essential  theory  of  our  confederation,  is  a  sub 
ject  proper  to  the  care  of  the  Union. 

In  the  same  session  Van  Buren  spoke  at  length 
in  favor  of  the  bill  to  abolish  imprisonment  for 
debt,  and  drew  with  precision  the  distinction  wisely 
established  by  modern  jurisprudence,  that  the  pro 
perty  only,  and  not  the  body  of  the  debtor,  should 
be  at  the  mercy  of  his  creditor,  where  the  debt  in* 
Solved  no  fraud  or  breach  of  trust. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  09 

The  session  of  1823-1824  was  seriously  influ 
enced  by  the  coming'  presidential  election.  The 
protective  tariff  of  1824  was  christened  with  the 
absurd  name  of  the  "  American  system,"  though  it 
was  American  in  no  other  or  better  sense  than  for 
eign  war  to  protect  fancied  national  rights  is  an 
American  system,  and  though  the  system  had  come 
from  the  middle  ages  in  the  company  of  other  re 
strictions  upon  the  intercourse  of  nations.  It  was 
carried  by  the  factitious  help  of  this  designation 
and  the  fine  leadership  of  Clay.  With  Jackson 
and  Benton,  Van  Buren  voted  for  it,  against  men 
differing  as  widely  from  each  other  as  his  associate, 
the  venerable  Federalist  Rufus  King,  differed  from 
Hayne,  the  brilliant  orator  of  South  Carolina. 
Upon  the  tariff  V<\i\  Buren  then  had  views  clearer, 
at  least,  than  upon  internal  improvements.  In 
1824  he  was  unmistakably  a  protectionist.  The 
moderation  of  his  views  and  the  pressure  from  his 
own  State  were  afterwards  set  up  as  defenses  for 
this  early  attitude  of  his.  Bnt  he  declared  himself 
with  sufficient  plainness  not  only  to  believe  in  the 
constitutionality  of  a  protective  tariff,  but  that  1824 
was  a  fit  year  in  which  to  extend  its  protective 
features,  lie  acted,  too,  with  the  amplest  light  upon 
the  subject.  The  dislike  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  the 
hated  recollections  of  the  Orders  in  Council  and 
the  Napoleonic  decrees,  the  idea  that,  for  self- 
defense  in  times  of  war,  the  country  must  be  forced 
to  produce  many  goods  not  already  produced,  — 
these  considerations  had  great  weight,  as  very  well 


100  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

appears  in  the  speech  for  the  bill  delivered  by 
Richard  M.  Johnson  of  Kentucky,  afterwards 
Van  Buren's  associate  on  the  presidential  ticket. 
"  When  the  monarchs  of  Europe  are  assembled 
together,  do  you  thi  ik,"  he  asked,  "  that  we  are 
not  a  subject  of  their  holy  consultations  ?  "  Bui 
the  support  of  the  bill  was  upon  broader  considera* 
tions.  The  debates  upon  the  tariff  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  February,  March,  and  April., 
and  in  the  Senate  in  April,  1824,  were  admirable 
presentations  of  the  subject.  Webs:er  in  iha 
House  and  Hayne  in  the  Senate  put  the  iVee 
trade  side.  The  former,  still  speaking  his  v>wn 
sentiments,  declared  that  "  the  best  apology  for  laws 
of  prohibition  and  laws  of  monopoly  will  be  found 
in  that  state  of  society,  not  only  unenlightened  but. 
sluggish,  in  which  they  are  most  generally  estab 
lished."  But  now,  he  said,  "  competition  comes  in 
place  of  monopoly,  and  intelligence  and  industry 
ask  only  for  fair  play  and  an  open  field."  Pie 
repudiated  the  principle  of  protection.  "  On  the 
contrary,"  said  he,  "  I  think  freedom  of  trade  to 
be  the  general  principle,  and  restriction  the  excep 
tion." 

Nor  was  Van  Buren  then  left  without  the  light 
which  afterwards  leached  him  on  the  constitutional 
question.  Rufas  King  said  that,  if  gentlemen 
wished  to  encourage  the  production  of  hemp  and 
iron,  they  ought  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  give  bounties 
on  those  articles  ;  for  there  was  tha  same  constitu 
tional  right  to  grant  bounties  as  to  levy  restrictive 


UNITED   STATES  SEN.ATOR  ioi 


duties  upon  foreign  products.  Hay-ne  made 
really  eloquent  and  masterly  speech  to?  ivine-h  -he 
ouglit  to  stand  in  the  first  rank  of  orators,  tincl. 
which  summed  up  as  well  for  free-traders  now  as 
then  the  most  telling  arguments  against  artificial 
restrictions.  He  skillfully  closed  with  Washing 
ton's  words  :  "  Our  commercial  policy  should  hold 
an  equal  and  impartial  hand,  neither  seeking  nor 
granting  exclusive  favors  or  preferences  ;  consult 
ing  the  natural  course  of  things;  diffusing  and 
diversifying  by  gentle  means  the  streams  of  com 
merce,  but  forcing  nothing."  Hayne  did  not  con 
fine  himself  to  the  doctrines  of  Adam  Smith,  or 
the  hardships  which  protection  meant  to  a  planting 
region  like  his  own.  For  the  chief  interest  of  the 
South  was  in  cotton  ;  and  the  price  of  cotton  was 
largely  determined  by  the  ability  of  foreigners  to 
import  it  from  America,  —  an  ability  in  its  turn 
dependent  upon  the  willingness  of  America  to  take 
her  pay,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  foreign  commodi 
ties.  Hayne,  however,  went  further.  He  clearly 
raised  the  question,  whether  the  encouragement  of 
manufactures  could  constitutionally  be  made  a 
Federal  object. 

Sitting  day  after  day  under  this  long  debate  in 
the  little  senate  chamber  then  in  use,  where  men 
listened  to  speeches,  if  for  no  other  reason,  because 
they  were  easily  heard,  Van  Buren  could  not,  with 
his  ability  and  readiness,  have  misunderstood  the 
general  principles  involved.  Early  in  the  debate, 
upon  a  motion  to  strike  out  the  duty  on  hemp,  he 


102  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

iraofly  but  explicitly  said  that  "  he  was  in  favor  of 
increasing  the  duty  on  hemp,  with  a  view  of  afford 
ing  protection  to  its  cultivation  in  this  country.' 
He  voted  against  limiting  the  duty  on  wool  to 
twenty-five  per  cent.,  but  voted  against  a  duty  of 
twenty-five  per  cent,  on  India  silks,  —  a  revenue 
rather  than  a  protective  duty.  He  voted  for  duties 
on  wheat  and  wheat  flour  and  potatoes.  He  voted 
against  striking  out  the  duty  on  books,  in  spite  of 
Hayne's  grotesque  but  forcible  argument  that  they 
were  to  be  considered  "  a  raw  material,  essential  to 
the  formation  of  the  mind,  the  morals,  and  the 
character  of  the  people."  It  is  difficult  to  under 
stand  the  significance  of  all  Van  Buren's  votes  on 
the  items  of  the  bill ;  but  the  record  shows  them 
to  have  been,  on  the  whole,  protectionist,  with  a 
preference  for  moderate  rates,  but  a  firm  assertion 
of  the  wool  interests  of  New  York.  Benton  tells 
us  that  Van  Buren  was  one  of  the  main  speakers 
for  the  bill;  but  the  assertion  is  not  borne  out  by 
the  record.  He  delivered  no  general  speech  upon 
the  subject,  as  did  most  of  the  senators,  but  seems 
to  have  spoken  only  upon  some  of  the  details  as 
they  were  considered  in  committee  of  the  whole. 
The  best  to  be  said  in  Van  Buren's  behalf  is,  that 
his  judgment  was  not  yet  so  ripe  upon  the  matter 
as  not  to  be  still  open  to  great  change.  He  was  in 
his  third  session,  and  stiR  new  to  national  politics, 
and  there  was  before  him  the  plain  and  strong 
argument  that  his  State  wanted  protection.  In 
1835  Butler,  speaking  for  him  as  a  presidential 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  103 

candidate,  said  that  his  personal  feelings  had  been 
"  at  all  times  adverse  to  the  high  tariff  policy." 
But  "  high  tariff  "  was  then,  as  now,  a  merely  rela 
tive  term.  His  votes  placed  him  in  that  year  very 
near  Ileiiry  Clay.  That  from  1824  he  grew  more 
and  more  averse  to  the  necessary  details  and  results 
of  a  protective  policy  is  probably  true.  Nor  ought 
it  to  be,  even  from  the  standpoint  of  free-traders^ 
serious  accusation  that  a  public  man  varies  his 
political  utterances  upon  the  tariff  question,  if  the 
variation  be  progressive  and  steadily  towards  what 
they  deem  a  greater  liberality.  To  Van  Buren, 
however,  the  tariff  question  never  had  a  capital 
importance.  Even  thirty-two  years  later,  while 
rehearsing  from  his  retirement  the  achievements  of 

O 

his  party  in  excuse  of  the  support  he  reluctantly 
gave  Buchanan,  he  did  not  name  among  its  ser 
vices  its  insistence  upon  merely  revenue  duties, 
although  he  had  then  for  years  been  himself  com 
mitted  to  that  doctrine. 

Van  Buren's  vote  for  the  tariff  of  1824  had  no 
very  direct  relation  to  his  political  situation.  His 
own  successor  was  not  to  be  chosen  for  nearly  three 
years.  Crawford,  whom  he  supported  for  the  presi 
dency,  was  the  only  one  of  the  four  candidates 
opposed  to  the  bill.  Adams  was  consistently  a. 
protectionist ;  he  believed  in  actively  promoting 
the  welfare  of  men,  though  chiefly  if  not  exclusive 
ly  American  men,  even  when  they  resisted  their 
own  welfare.  He,  like  his  father,  was  perfectly 
ready  to  use  the  power  of  government  where  it 


104  MARTIN  VAN 

seemingly  promised  to  be  effective,  without  caring 
much  for  economical  theories  or  constitutional  re 
strictions.  Jackson  himself  was  far  enough  away 
from  the  ranks  of  strict  constructionists  on  the 
tariff.  In  April,  1824,  in  the  midst  of  the  debate, 
and  while  a  presidential  candidate,  he  wrote  from 
the  Senate  what  free-traders,  who  afterwards  sup 
ported  him,  would  have  deemed  the  worst  of  her 
esies.  Like  most  candidates,  ancient  and  modern, 
he  was  "  in  favor  of  a  judicious  examination  and 
revision  of  "  the  tariff.  He  would  advocate  a  tariff 
so  far  as  it  enabled  the  country  to  provide  itself 
with  the  means  of  defense  in  war.  But  he  would 
go  further.  The  tariff  ought  to  "  draw  from  agri 
culture  the  superabundant  labor,  and  employ  it  in 
mechanism  and  manufactures  ;  "  it  ought  to  "  give 
a  proper  distribution  to  our  labor,  to  take  from 
agriculture  in  the  United  States  GOO.,000  men,  wo 
men,  and  children."  It  is  time,  he  cried,  and  quite 
as  extravagantly  as  Clay,  that  "  we  should  become 
a  little  more  Americanized."  How  slight  a  con 
nection  the  tariff  had  with  the  election  of  1824  is 
further  seen  in  the  fact  that  Jackson,  who  thus 
supported  the  bill,  received  the  vote  of  several  of 
the  States  which  strongly  opposed  the  tariff. 

In  March,  1824,  Van  Buren  urged  the  Senate  to 
act  upon  a  constitutional  amendment  touching  the 
election  of  president.  As  the  amendment  could 
not  be  adopted  in  time  to  affect  the  pending  can 
vass,  there  was,  he  said,  no  room  for  partisan  feel 
ing.  He  insisted  that  if  there  were  110  majority 


UNITED   STATES  SENATOR  105 

choice  by  the  electors,  the  choice  should  not  rest 
with  the  house  of  representatives  voting  by  States, 
but  that  the  electors  should  be  reconvened,  and 
themselves  choose  between  the  highest  two  can 
didates.  The  debate  soon  became  thoroughly  par 
tisan.  Rufus  King,  with  but  thinly  veiled  re 
ference  to  Crawford's  nomination,  denounced  the 
practice  by  which  a  caucus  at  Washington  deprived 
the  constitutional  electors  of  any  free  choice  ;  mem 
bers  of  Congress  were  attending  to  president-mak 
ing  rather  than  to  their  duties.  He  thought  that 
the  course  of  events  had  "led  near  observers  to 
suspect  a  connection  existing  between  a  central 
power  of  this  description  at  the  seat  of  the  general 
government  and  the  legislatures  of  Georgia,  North 
Carolina,  Virginia,  and  New  York,  and  perhaps  of 
other  States."  To  this  it  was  pointed  out  with 
much  force  that  such  a  caucus  had  chosen  Jeffer 
son,  Madison,  and  Monroe  without  scandal  or  in 
jury  ;  that  members  of  Congress  were  distinguished 
and  representative  persons  familiar  with  national 
affairs,  who  might  with  great  advantage  respect 
fully  suggest  a  course  of  action  to  their  fellow- 
citizens.  Van  Buren  went  keenly  to  the  real  point 
of  the  belated  objection  to  the  system ;  it  lay  in 
the  particular  action  of  the  recent  caucus.  He  did 
not  think  it  worth  while  to  consider  "those  nice 
distinctions  which  challenged  respect  for  the  pro 
ceedings  of  conventions  of  one  description  ana 
denied  it  to  others  ;  or  to  detect  those  still  more 
subtle  refinements  which  regarded  meetings  of  tn» 


106  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

same  character  as  sometimes  proper,  and  at  others 
destructive  of  the  purity  of  elections  and  dangerous 
to  the  liberties  of  the  people."  After  much  talk 
about  the  will  of  the  people,  the  Senate  by  a  vote 
of  30  to  13  postponed  the  consideration  of  the 
amendments  until  after  the  election.  Benton 
joined  Van  Buren  in  the  minority,  although  they 
did  not  agree  upon  the  form  of  amendment ;  but 
Jackson,  perhaps  because  he  was  a  candidate,  did 
not  vote. 

It  was  highly  probable  that  there  would  be  em 
barrassment  in  choosing  the  next  president.  It 
was  already  nearly  certain  that  neither  candidate 
would  have  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes.  The 
decision  was  then,  as  in  our  own  time,  supposed  to 
rest  with  New  York ;  and  naturally  therefore  Van 
Buren's  prestige  was  great,  gained,  as  it  had  been, 
in  that  difficult  and  opulent  political  field.  His 
attachment  to  Crawford  was  proof  against  the  signs 
of  the  latter's  decaying  strength.  Crawford  was 
to  him  the  Republican  candidate  regularly  chosen, 
and  one  agreeable  to  his  party  by  the  vigorous 
democracy  of  his  sentiments.  His  opposition  to 
Jefferson's  embargo,  and  his  vote  for  a  renewal  of 
the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  had 
been  forgotten  since  his  warm  advocacy  of  the  late 
war  with  England.  His  formal  claims  to  the  nomi 
nation  were  great.  For  he  had  been  in  the  Senate 
as  early  as  1807,  and  its  president  upon  the  death 
of  Vice-President  Clinton  in  1812;  afterwards  he 
had  been  minister  to  France,  and  was  now  secretary 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  107 

of  tfie  treasury.  In  the  caucus  of  1816  he  had 
nearly  as  many  votes  as  Monroe  ;  and  those  votes 
were  cast  for  him,  it  was  said,  though  without 
much  probability,  in  spite  of  his  peremptory  refusal 
to  compete  with  Monroe.  Moreover,  Crawford  had 
a  majesty  and  grace  of  personal  appearance  which, 
witli  undoubtedly  good  though  not  great  abilities, 
had,  apart  from  these  details  of  his  career,  made 
him  conspicuous  in  the  Republican  ranks  ;  and  in 
its  chief  service  he  was,  after  the  retirement  of 
Monroe,  the  senior,  except  Adams,  whose  candidacy 
was  far  more  recent.  Crawford's  claim  to  the  suc 
cession  was  therefore  very  justifiable ;  he  was  the 
most  obvious,  the  most  "  regular,"  of  the  candi 
dates. 

It  has  been  said  that  Van  Buren  was  at  first 
inclined  to  Adams.  The  latter's  unequaled  public 
experience  and  discipline  of  intellect  doubtless 
seemed,  to  Van  Buren's  precise  and  orderly  mind, 
eminent  qualifications  for  the  first  office  in  the  land. 
Adams  at  this  time,  by  a  coincidence  not  inexpli 
cable,  thought  highly  of  Van  Buren.  He  entered 
in  his  diary  a  remark  of  his  own,  in  February, 
1825,  that  Van  Buren  was  "a  man  of  great  talents 
and  of  good  principles  ;  but  he  had  suffered  them 
to  be  too  much  warped  by  party  spirit."  This 
from  an  Adams  may  be  taken  as  extreme  praise. 
It  is  pretty  certain  that  if  Van  Buren  had  repre- 
hensibly  shifted  his  position  from  Adams  to  Craw 
ford,  we  should  find  a  record  of  it  in  the  vast 
treasure-house  of  damnations  which  Adams  left. 


108  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

Nor  is  there  good  reason  to  suppose  that  Van  Buren 
was  influenced  by  the  nomination  which  Craw 
ford's  friends  in  Georgia  gave  him  in  1824  for  the 
vice-presidency.  This  showed  that  New  York  had 
already  surrendered  her  favorite  "  son  to  the  na 
tion  ;  "  he  was  now  definitely  to  be  counted  a  power 
in  national  politics,  where  he  was  known  as  the 
14  Albany  director."  Crawford's  enemies  in  Geor 
gia,  the  Clarkites,  ridiculed  this  nomination  with 
the  coarse  and  silly  abuse  which  active  politicians 
to  this  day  are  always  ready  to  use  in  their  cynical 
under-estimate  of  popular  intelligence,  —  abuse 
which  they  are  by  and  by  pretty  sure  to  be  glad  to 
forget.  Van  Buren  was  pictured  as  half  man  and 
half  cat,  half  fox  and  half  monkey,  half  snake  and 
half  mink.  He  was  dubbed  "  Blue  Whiskey  Van  " 
and  "  Little  Van."  The  Clarkites,  being  only  a 
minority  in  the  Georgia  Assembly,  delighted  to 
vote  for  him  as  their  standing  candidate  for  door 
keeper  and  the  like  humbler  positions. 

New  York  was  greatly  disturbed  through  1824 
over  the  presidency.  Its  politics  were  in  the  posi 
tion  described  by  Senator  Cobb,  one  of  Crawford's 
Georgia  supporters.  "  Could  we  hit  upon  a  few 
great  principles,"  he  wrote  home  from  Washington 
in  January,  1825,  "and  unite  their  support  with 
that  of  Crawford,  we  should  succeed  beyond 
doubt."  But  the  great  principles  were  hard  to 
find.  The  people  and  the  greater  politicians  were 
therefore  swayed  by  personal  preferences,  with 
out  strong  reason  for  either  choice ;  and  the  lesser 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  109 

politicians  were  simply  watching  to  see  how  the  tide 
ran.  Adams  was  the  most  natural  choice  of  the 
New  York  Republicans.  The  South  had  had  the 
presidency  for  six  terms.  His  early  secession  from 
the  Federalists ;  his  aid  in  solidifying  the  Repub 
lican  sentiment  at  the  North  ;  his  support  of  Jeffer 
son  in  the  patriotic  embargo  struggle  ;  his  long, 
eminent,  and  fruitful  services ;  and  his  place  of. 
secretary  of  state,  from  which  Madison  and  Monroe 
had  in  turn  been  promoted  to  the  presidency,  — 
all  these  commended  him  to  Northern  Republicans 
as  a  proper  candidate. 

De  Witt  Clinton  admired  and  supported  General 
Jackson.  In  1819  the  latter  had  at  a  dinner  in 
Tammany  Hall  amazed  and  affronted  the  former's 
Bucktail  enemies  by  giving  as  his  toast,  "  De  Witt 
Clinton,  the  enlightened  statesman  and  governor 
of  the  great  and  patriotic  State  of  New  York."  In 
January,  1824,  Clinton  was  the  victim  of  a  political 
outrage  which  illustrated  the  harsh  partisanship 
then  ruling  in  New  York  politics,  and  may  well 
have  determined  the  choice  of  president.  Clinton 
had  retired  from  the  governor's  chair ;  but  he  still 
held  the  honorary  and  unpaid  office  of  canal  com 
missioner,  to  which  he  brought  distinguished  honor 
but  which  brought  none  to  him,  and  whose  import 
ance  he  more  than  any  other  man  had  created. 
The  Crawford  men  in  the  legislature  feared  a  com 
bination  of  the  men  of  the  new  People's  party 
with  the  Clintonians  on  the  presidential  question. 
Clinton  seemed  at  the  time  an  unpopular  character* 


110  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

To  embarrass  the  People's  party,  Clinton's  ene 
mies  suddenly,  and  just  before  the  rising  of  the 
legislature,  offered  a  resolution  removing  him  from 
the  canal  commissionership.  The  People's  party, 
it  was  thought,  by  opposing  the  resolution,  would 
incur  popular  dislike  through  their  alliance  with  the 
few  and  unpopular  Clintonians ;  while  by  support 
ing  the  resolution  they  would  forfeit  the  support 
of  the  latter  upon  which  they  relied.  In  either 
case  the  Crawford  men  would  apparently  profit  by 
the  trick.  The  People's  party  men,  including  those 
favoring  Adams  for  president,  at  once  seized  the 
wrong  horn  of  the  dilemma,  and  voted  for  Clinton's 
removal,  which  was  thus  carried  by  an  almost 
unanimous  vote.  But  the  people  them  selves  were 
underrated  ;  the  outrage  promptly  restored  Clinton 
to  popular  favor.  In  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the 
politicians,  he  was,  in  the  fall  of  1824,  elected  by 
a  large  majority  to  the  governor's  seat,  to  which, 
or  to  any  great  office,  it  had  been  supposed  he 
could  never  return  ;  and  this,  although  at  the  same 
time  and  upon  the  same  ticket  one  of  those  who 
had  voted  for  his  removal  was  chosen  lieutenant- 
governor.  Van  Buren  was  no  party  to  this  re 
moval,  although  his  political  friends  at  Albany  were 
the  first  movers  in  the  scheme.  He  himself  was 
far-sighted  enough  to  see  the  probable  effect  of  so 
gross  and  indecent  a  use  of  political  power.  Nor 
was  he  so  relentless  a  partisan  as  to  remember  in 
unfruitful  vengeance  Clinton's  own  proscriptive 
conduct,  or  to  remove  the  latter  from  an  honorary 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  111 

seat  which  belonged  to  him  above  all  other  men. 
By  this  silly  blunder  Clinton  was  again  raised  to 
deserved  power,  which  he  held  until  his  death. 

The  popular  outburst  consequent  upon  Clinton's 
removal  in  January,  1824,  made  it  very  dangerous 
for  the  Bucktails  to  leave  to  the  people  in  the  fall 
the  choice  of  presidential  electors.  The  rise  of  the 
People's  party  for  a  time  seriously  threatened  Van 
Buren's  influence.  Until  1824  the  presidential 
electors  of  New  York  had  been  chosen  by  its  legisla 
ture.  The  opponents  of  Crawford  and  Van  Buren, 
fearing  that  the  latter's  superior  political  skill 
would  more  easily  capture  the  legislature  in  Novem 
ber,  1824,  raised  at  the  legislative  elections  of  1823 
a  cry  against  the  Albany  Regency,  and  demanded 
that  presidential  electors  should  be  chosen  directly 
by  the  people.  The  Regency,  popularly  believed 
to  have  been  founded  by  Van  Buren,  consisted  of 
a  few  able  followers  of  his,  residing  or  in  office  at 
Albany.  They  were  also  called  the  u  conspirators." 
Chief  among  them  were  William  L.  Marcy,  the 
comptroller ;  Samuel  A.  Talcott,  the  attorney-gen 
eral  ;  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  then  district  attorney 
of  Albany  county ;  Edwin  Croswell,  the  state 
printer;  Roger  Skinner,  the  United  States  dis 
trict  judge  ;  and  Benjamin  Knower,  the  state  trea 
surer.  Later  there  joined  the  Regency,  Silas 
Wright,  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  Thomas  W.  Olcott,  and 
Charles  E.  Dudley.  Its  members  were  active, 
skillful,  shrewd  politicians  ;  and  they  were  much 
more.  They  were  men  of  strong  political  convic- 


112  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

fcions,  holding  and  observing  a  high  standard  for 
the  public  service,  and  of  undoubted  personal  in 
tegrity.  In  1830  John  A.  Dix  gave  as  a  chief  rea 
son  for  accepting  office  at  Albany  that  he  should 
there  be  "one  of  the  Regency."  His  sou,  Dr. 
Morgan  Dix,  describes  their  aggressive  honesty, 
their  refusal  "  to  tolerate  in  those  whom  they  could 
control  what  their  own  fine  sense  of  honor  did  not 
approve ; "  and  he  quotes  a  remark  made  to  him 
by  Thurlow  Weed,  their  long  and  most  formidable 
enemy,  "  that  he  had  never  known  a  body  of  men 
who  possessed  so  much  power  and  used  it  so  well." 
In  his  Memoirs,  Weed  describes  their  *'  great  abil 
ity,  great  industry,  indomitable  courage."  Two 
at  least  of  the  original  members,  Marcy  and  But 
ler,  afterwards  justly  rose  to  national  distinction. 
Even  to  our  own  day,  the  Albany  Regency  has 
been  a  strong  and  generally  a  sagacious  influence 
in  its  party.  John  A.  Dix,  Horatio  Seymour, 
Dean  Richmond,  and  Samuel  J.  Tilden  long  di 
rected  its  policy;  and  from  the  chief  seat  in  its 
councils  the  late  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Daniel 
Manning,  was  chosen  in  1885. 

In  November,  1823,  the  People's  party  elected 
only  a  minority  of  the  legislature  ;  but  many  of  the 
Democrats  were  committed  to  the  support  of  an 
electoral  law,  and  the  movement  was  clearly  popu 
lar.  A  just,  though  possibly  an  insufficient  objec 
tion  to  the  law  was  its  proposal  of  a  great  change 
in  anticipation  of  a  particular  election  whose  can 
didates  were  already  before  the  public.  But  there 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  113 

was  no  resort  to  frank  argument.  Its  indirect  de 
feat  was  proposed  by  the  Democratic  managers, 
and  accomplished  \v  itli  the  cooperation  of  many 
supporters  of  Adams  and  Clay.  A  bill  was  re 
ported  in  the  Assembly,  where  the  Regency  was  in 
a  minority,  giving  the  choice  of  the  electors  to  the 
people  directly,  but  cunningly  requiring  a  majority 
instead  of  a  plurality  vote  to  elect.  If  there  were 
no  majority,  then  the  choice  was  to  be  left  to  the 
legislature.  The  Adams  and  Clay  men  were  un 
willing  to  let  a  plurality  elect,  lest  in  the  uncertain 
state  of  public  feeling  some  other  candidate  might 
be  at  the  head  of  the  poll ;  and  they  were  probably 
now  quite  as  confident  as  the  Bucktails,  and  with 
more  reason,  of  their  strength  upon  joint  ballot  in 
the  legislature.  Divided  as  the  people  of  New 
York  were  between  the  four  presidential  candi 
dates,  it  was  well  known  that  this  device  would 
really  give  them  no  choice.  The  consideration  of 
the  electoral  law  was  postponed  in  the  Senate  upon 
a  pretense  of  objection  to  the  form  of  the  bill,  and 
with  insincere  protestations  of  a  desire  to  pass  it. 
The  outcome  of  all  this  was  that  in  the  election  of 
November,  1824,  the  Democrats  were  punished  at 
the  polls  both  for  the  wanton  attack  on  Clinton 
and  for  their  unprincipled  treatment  of  the  elec 
toral  bill.  The  llegency  got  no  more  than  a  small 
minority  in  the  legislature ;  and  De  Witt  Clinton, 
as  has  been  said,  was  chosen  governor  by  a  great 
majority. 

Crawford's  supporters   at  Washington  believed 


114  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

that  in  a  congressional  caucus  he  would  have  a 
larger  vote  than  any  other  candidate.  His  oppo 
nents,  in  the  same  belief,  refused  to  join  in  a  cau 
cus,  in  spite  of  the  cry  that  their  refusal  was  a 
treason  to  old  party  usage.  The  Republicans  at 
Albany,  probably  upon  Van  Buren's  advice,  had 
in  April,  1823,  declared  in  favor  of  a  caucus,  but 
without  effect.  Two  thirds  of  Congress  would  not 
assent.  At  last,  in  February,  1824,  a  caucus  was 
called,  doubtless  in  the  hope  that  many  who  had  re 
fused  their  assent  would,  finding  the  caucus  inevi 
table,  attend  through  force  of  party  habit.  But  of 
the  261  members  of  Congress,  only  66  attended  ; 
and  they  were  chiefly  from  New  York,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina  and  Georgia.  In  the  caucus  62 
voted  for  Crawford  for  president  and  57  for  Albert 
Gallatin  for  vice  -  president.  A  cry  was  soon 
raised  against  the  latter  as  a  foreigner ;  so  that  in 
spite  of  his  American  residence  of  forty-five  years, 
and  his  invaluable  services  to  the  country  and  to 
the  Republican  party  through  nearly  all  this  pe 
riod,  he  felt  compelled  to  withdraw. 

The  failure  of  the  caucus  almost  destroyed  Craw 
ford's  chances,  though  Van  Buren  steadily  kept  up 
courage.  A  few  days  later  he  wrote  a  confidential 
letter  complaining  of  the  subserviency  and  ingrati 
tude  of  the  non-attendants,  who  had  "  partaken 
largely  of  the  favor  of  the  party  ;  "  but  despond 
ency,  he  said,  was  a  weakness  with  which  he  was 
but  little  annoyed,  and  if  New  York  should  be 
firm  and  promptly  explicit,  the  election  would  be 


UNITED   STATES  SENATOR  115 

substantially  settled.  But  New  York  was  neithei 
firm  nor  promptly  explicit.  Its  electoral  vote  was 
in  doubt  until  the  meeting  of  the  legislature  in 
November.  The  Adams  and  Clay  forces  then 
united,  securing  31  out  of  the  36  electors,  although 
one  of  the  31  seems  finally  to  have  voted  for  Jack 
son.  Five  Crawford  electors  were  chosen  with  the 
help  of  the  Adams  men,  who  wished  to  keep  Clay 
at  the  foot  of  the  poll  of  presidential  electors,  and 
thus  prevent  his  eligibility  as  one  of  the  highest 
three  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  This  de 
vice  of  the  Adams  men  may  have  deprived  Clay  of 
the  presidency.  Thus  Van  Buren's  New  York 
campaign  met  defeat  even  in  the  legislature,  where 
his  friends  had  incurred  odium  rather  than  sur 
render  the  choice  of  electors  to  the  people,  while 
his  forces  were  being  thoroughly  beaten  by  the 
people  at  the  polls.  In  the  electoral  college  Craw 
ford  received  only  41  votes  ;  Adams  had  84  and 
Jackson  99  ;  while  Clay  with  only  37  was  fourth  in 
the  race,  and  could  not  therefore  enter  the  contest 
in  the  House.  Georgia  cast  9  electoral  votes  for 
Van  Buren  as  vice-president. 

Van  Buren  did  not  figure  in  the  choice  of  Adams 
in  the  House  by  the  coalition  of  Adams  and  Clay 
forces.  Nor  does  his  name  appear  in  the  traditions 
of  the  maneuvering  at  Washington  in  the  winter 
of  1824-25,  except  in  a  vague  and  improbable 
story  that  he  wished,  by  dividing  the  New  York 
delegation  in  the  House  on  the  first  vote  by  States, 
fco  prevent  a  choice,  and  then  to  throw  the  votes  of 


116  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

the  Crawford  members  for  Adams,  and  thus  secure 
the  glory  and  political  profit  of  apparently  electing 
him.  He  did  not  join  in  the  cry  that  Adams's 
election  over  Jackson  was  a  violation  of  the  demo 
cratic  principle.  Nor  was  it  a  violation  of  that 
principle.  Jackson  had  but  a  minority  of  the  pop 
ular  vote.  Clay  was  in  political  principles  and 
habits  nearer  to  Adams  than  Jackson.  It  was 
clearly  Clay's  duty  to  take  his  strength  to  the  can 
didate  whose  administration  was  most  likely  to  be 
agreeable  to  those  opinions  of  his  own  which  had 
made  him  a  candidate.  The  coalition  was  per 
fectly  natural  and  legitimate  ;  and  it  was  whole 
some  in  its  consequences.  It  established  the  Whig 
party ;  it  at  least  helped  to  establish  the  modern 
Democratic  party.  That  the  acceptance  of  office 
by  Clay  would  injure  him  was  probable  enough. 
Coalitions  have  always  been  unpopular  in  America 
and  England,  when  there  has  seemed  to  follow  a 
division  of  offices.  They  offend  the  strong  belief 
in  party  government  which  lies  deep  in  the  politi 
cal  conscience  of  the  two  countries. 

In  the  congressional  session  of  1824-25  presi 
dent-making  in  the  House  stood  in  the  way  of 
everything  else  of  importance.  Van  Buren,  with 
increasing  experience,  was  taking  a  greater  and 
greater  part  in  congressional  work.  He  joined  far 
more  frequently  in  the  debates.  Again  he  spoke 
for  the  abolition  of  imprisonment  for  debt,  his  col 
league,  Rufus  King,  differing  from  him  on  this  as 
be  now  seemed  to  differ  from  him  on  most  disputed 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  117 

questions.  King  had  not  been  reflected  senator, 
having  declined  to  be  a  candidate,  because,  as  he 
said,  of  his  advancing  years.  But  doubtless  Van 
Buren  was  correct  in  telling  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  the  latter  was  correct  in  believing,  as  his  diary 
records,  that  King  could  not  have  been  re-chosen. 

At  this  session  Van  Buren  took  definite  stand 
against  the  schemes  of  internal  improvement.  On 
February  11,  1825,  differing  even  from  Ben  ton,  he 
voted  against  topographical  surveys  in  anticipation 
of  public  works  by  the  Federal  government.  On 
February  23  he  voted  against  an  appropriation  of 
$150,000  to  extend  the  Cumberland  road,  while 
Jackson  and  Benton  both  voted  for  it.  So,  also, 
the  next  day,  when  Jackson  voted  for  federal  sub 
scriptions  to  help  construct  the  Delaware  and  Ches 
apeake  Canal  and  the  Dismal  Swamp  Canal,  Van 
Buren  was  against  him.  Two  days  before  the 
session  closed  he  voted  against  the  bill  for  the 
occupation  of  Oregon,  Benton  and  Jackson  voting 
in  the  affirmative.  Van  Buren  was  one  of  the  sen 
atorial  committee  to  receive  the  new  president  upon 
his  inauguration.  It  was  doubtless  with  the  easy 
courtesy  which  was  genuine  with  him  that  he  wel 
comed  John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  political  battle 
so  disastrous  to  the  latter. 

When  Congress  met  again,  in  December,  1825, 
Van  Buren  took  a  more  important  place  than  ever 
before  in  national  politics.  He  now  became  a  true 
parliamentary  leader  ;  for  he,  like  Clay,  had  the 
really  parliamentary  career  which  has  rarely  been 


118  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

seen  in  this  country.  Dealing  with  amorphous  po 
litical  elements,  Van  Buren  created  out  of  them  a 
party  to  promote  his  policy,  and  seized  upon  the 
vigor  and  popular  strength  of  Jackson  to  lead  both 
party  and  policy  to  supreme  power.  While,  before 
1825,  Van  Buren  had  not  represented  in  the  Senate 
a  party  distinctly  constituted,  from  1825  to  1828 
he  definitely  led  the  formation  of  the  modern  Dem 
ocratic  party.  In  this  work  he  was  clearly  chief. 
From  the  floor  of  the  Senate  he  addressed  those  of 
its  members  inclined  to  his  creed,  and  the  sympa 
thetic  elements  throughout  the  country,  and  firmly 
guided  and  disciplined  them  after  that  fashion 
which  in  very  modern  days  is  best  familiar  to  us 
in  the  parliamentary  conflicts  of  Great  Britain. 
Since  Van  Buren  wielded  this  organizing  power, 
there  has  been  in  America  no  equally  authoritative 
and  decisive  leadership  from  the  Senate';  although 
he  has  since  been  surpassed  there,  not  only  as 
an  orator,  but  in  other  kinds  of  senatorial  work. 
Seward  seemed  to  exercise  a  like  leadership  in  the 
six  years  or  more  preceding  Lincoln's  election  :  but 
he  was  far  more  the  creature  of  the  stupendous 
movement  of  the  time  than  he  was  its  creator.  So, 
in  the  two  years  before  General  Grant's  renomina- 
tion  in  1872,  Charles  Sumner  and  Carl  Schurz, 
speaking  from  the  Senate,  created  a  new  party  sen 
timent  ;  but  the  sentiment  died  in  a  "  midsummer 
madness"  but  for  which  our  later  political  history 
might  have  been  materially  different.  In  the  in 
teresting  and  fruitful  three  years  of  Van  Buren's 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  119 

senatorial  opposition,  he  showed  the  same  qualities 
of  firmness,  supple  tact,  and  distinct  political  aims 
which  had  given  him  his  power  in  New  York ;  but 
all  now  upon  a  higher  plane. 

In  December,  1825,  Jackson  was  no  longer  in 
the  Senate.  His  Tennessee  friends  had  placed  him 
there  as  in  a  fitting  vestibule  to  the  White  House ; 
but  it  seemed  as  hard  then  as  it  has  been  since,  to 
go  from  the  Senate  over  the  apparently  broad  and 
easy  mile  to  the  west  on  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 
So  Jackson  returned  to  the  Hermitage,  to  await, 
in  the  favorite  American  character  of  Cincinnatus, 
the  popular  summons  which  he  believed  to  be  only 
delayed.  Van  Buren,  now  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  general,  saw  in  him  the  strongest  titular 
leader  of  the  opposition.  It  is  pretty  certain,  how 
ever,  that  Van  Buren's  preference  was  recent.  The 
"  Albany  Argus,"  a  Van  Buren  paper,  had  but 
lately  declared  that  "  Jackson  has  not  a  single  feel 
ing  in  common  with  the  Republican  party,  and 
makes  the  merit  of  desiring  the  total  extinction 
of  it ;  "  while  Jackson  papers  had  ridiculed  Craw 
ford's 

"  Shallow  knaves  with  forms  to  mock  us, 
Straggling,  one  by  one,  to  caucus." 

It  has  been  the  tradition,  carefully  and  doubt 
less  sincerely  begun  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  and 
adopted  by  most  writers  dealing  with  this  period, 
that  Adams  met  his  first  Congress  in  a  spirit  which 
should  have  commanded  universal  support;  and 
that  it  was  a  factious  opposition,  cunningly  led  by 


120  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

Van  Buren,  which  thwarted  his  patriotic  purposes. 
But  this  is  an  untrue  account  of  the  second  great 

o 

party  division  in  the  United  States.  The  younger 
Adams  succeeded  to  an  administration  which  had 
represented  no  party,  or  rather  which  had  repre 
sented  a  party  now  become  so  dominant  as  to  prac 
tically  include  the  whole  country.  As  president 
he  found  himself  able  to  promote  opinions  with  a 
weighty  authority  which  he  had  not  enjoyed  while 
secretary  of  state  in  an  era  of  good  feeling,  and 
under  a  president  who  was  firm,  even  if  gentle. 
Nor  was  it  likely  that  Adams,  with  his  unrivaled 
experience,  his  resolute  self-reliance,  and  his  ag 
gressively  patriotic  feeling,  would  fail  to  impress 
his  own  views  upon  the  public  service,  lest  he  might 
disturb  a  supposititious  unanimity  of  sentiment. 
His  first  message  boldly  sounded  the  notes  of  party 
division.  The  second  war  with  England  was  well 

O 

out  of  the  public  mind  ;  and  his  old  Federalist 
associations,  his  belief  in  a  strong,  active,  beneficent 
federal  government,  his  traditional  dislike  of  what 
seemed  to  him  extreme  democratic  tendencies  and 
constitutional  refinings  away  of  necessary  federal 
power,  —  all  these  made  him  promptly  and  ably 
take  an  attitude  very  different  from  that  of  his 
predecessors.  The  compliment  was  perfectly  sin 
cere  which,  in  his  inaugural  address,  he  had  paid 
the  Republican  and  Federalist  parties,  saying  of 
them  that  both  had  "contributed  splendid  talents, 
spotless  integrity,  ardent  patriotism,  and  disinter 
ested  sacrifices  to  the  formation  and  administra- 


UNITED  STATES   SENATOR  121 

tiori"  of  the  government.  But  it  was  idle  for  him 
to  suppose  that  the  successors  of  these  parties,  al 
though  from  both  had  come  his  own  supporters, 
and  although,  as  in  his  offer  of  the  treasury  to 
Crawford,  he  showed  his  desire,  even  in  the  chief 
offices,  to  ignore  political  differences,  would  re 
main  united  under  him,  if  he  espoused  causes  upon 
which  they  widely  differed.  After  recapitulating 
the  tenets  of  American  political  faith,  and  showing 
that  most  discordant  elements  of  public  opinion 
were  now  blended  into  harmony,  he  was  again  per 
fectly  sincere  in  saying  that  only  an  effort  of  mag 
nanimity  needed  to  be  made,  that  individuals  should 
discard  every  remnant  of  rancor  against  each  other. 
This  advice  he  was  himself  unable  to  follow ;  and 
so  were  other  men.  In  his  inaugural  he  distinctly 
adopted  as  his  own  the  policy  of  internal  improve 
ments  by  the  federal  government,  although  he 
knew  how  wide  and  determined  had  been  the  op 
position  to  it.  His  own  late  chief,  Monroe,  had 
pronounced  the  policy  unconstitutional.  But  he 
now  told  the  people  that  the  magnificence  and  splen 
dor  of  the  public  works,  the  roads  and  aqueducts, 
of  Rome,  were  among  the  imperishable  splendors 
of  the  ancient  republic.  He  asked  to  what  single 
individual  our  first  national  road  had  proved  an 
injury.  Of  the  constitutional  doubts  which  were 
raised,  he  said,  with  a  touch  of  the  contempt  of  a 
practical  administrator :  "  Every  speculative  scru 
ple  will  be  solved  by  a  practical  blessing.**  To  the 
self-consecrated  guardians  of  the  Constitution  this 


122  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

was  as  corrupt  as  offers  of  largesses  to  plebeians  at 
Koine.  In  his  first  message  he  recommended  again 
the  policy  of  internal  improvements,  and  proposed 
the  establishment  of  a  national  university.  Al 
though  he  admitted  the  Constitution  to  be  "a 
charter  of  limited  powers,"  he  still  intimated  his 
opinion  that  its  powers  might  "  be  effectually 
brought  into  action  by  laws  promoting  the  improve 
ment  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufactures, 
the  cultivation  and  encouragement  of  the  mechanic 
and  of  the  elegant  arts,  the  advancement  of  litera 
ture,  and  the  progress  of  the  sciences,  ornamental 
and  profound  ;  "  and  that  to  refrain  from  exercising 
these  powers  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  them 
selves,  would  be  to  hide  the  talent  in  the  earth, 
and  a  "  treachery  to  the  most  sacred  of  trusts." 
Further,  he  now  broached  the  novel  project  of  the 
congress  at  Panama,  —  a  project  surely  doubtful 
enough  to  permit  conscientious  opposition. 

All  this  was  widely  different  from  the  messages 
of  content  from  President  Monroe.  There  was  in 
these  new  utterances  a  clear  political  diversion, 
marked  not  less  by  the  brilliant  and  restless  genius 
of  Henry  Clay,  now  the  secretary  of  state,  than 
by  the  President's  consciousness  of  his  own  strong 
and  disciplined  ability.  Here  was  a  new  policy 
formally  presented  by  a  new  administration  ;  and 
a  formal  and  organized  resistance  was  as  sure  to 
follow  as  effect  to  follow  cause.  Van  Buren  was 
soon  at  the  head  of  this  inevitable  opposition.  It 
is  difficult,  at  least  in  the  records  of  Congress,  to 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  123 

find  any  evidence  justifying  the  long  tradition  that 
the  opposition  was  factious  or  unworthy.  It  was 
doubtless  a  warfare,  with  its  surprises,  its  skir 
mishes,  and  its  pitched  battles.  Mistakes  of  the 
adversary  were  promptly  used.  Debates  were  not 
had  simply  to  promote  the  formal  business  before 
the  House,  but  rather  to  reach  the  listening  voters. 
But  all  this  belongs  to  parliamentary  warfare.  Nor 
is  it  inconsistent  with  most  exalted  aims  and  an 
admirable  performance  of  public  business  in  a  free 
country.  Gladstone,  the  greatest  living  master  in 
the  work  of  political  reform,  has  described  himself 
as  an  "  old  parliamentary  hand."  Nor  in  the 
motions,  the  resolutions,  the  debates,  led  by  Van 
Buren  during  his  three  years  of  opposition,  can 
one  find  any  device  which  Palmerston  or  Derby  or 
Gladstone  in  one  forum,  and  Seward  and  even 
Adams  himself  in  his  last  and  best  years  in  an 
other,  have  not  used  with  little  punishment  from 
disinterested  and  enduring  criticism. 

Immediately  after  Adams's  inauguration  Van 
Buren  voted  for  Clay's  confirmation  as  secretary 
of  state,  while  Jackson  and  fourteen  other  senators, 
including  Hayne,  voted  to  reject  him,  upon  the 
unfounded  story  of  Clay's  sale  of  the  presidency  to 
Adams  for  the  office  to  which  he  was  now  nomi 
nated.  Van  Buren's  language  and  demeanor  to 
wards  the  new  administration  were  uniformly  be 
coming.  He  charged  political  but  not  personal 
wrong-doing ;  he  made  no  insinuation  of  base  mo 
tives  ;  and  his  opposition  throughout  was  the  more 
forcible  for  its  very  decorum. 


124  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

The  first  great  battle  between  the  rapidly  divid 
ing  forces  was  over  the  Panama  mission,  a  creation 
of  Clay's  exuberant  imagination.  The  president 
nominated  to  the  Senate  two  envoys  to  an  American 
congress  called  by  the  new  South  American  repub 
lics  of  Columbia,  Mexico,  and  Central  America, 
and  in  which  it  was  proposed  that  Peru  and  Chile 
also  should  participate.  The  congress  was  to  be 
held  at  Panama,  which,  in  the  extravagant  rhetoric 
of  some  of  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  would,  if 
the  world  had  to  elect  a  capital,  be  pointed  out  for 
that  august  destiny,  placed  as  it  was  "  in  the  centre 
of  the  globe."  Spain  had  not  yet  acknowledged 
the  independence  of  her  revolted  colonies ;  and  it 
was  clear  that  the  discussions  of  the  congress  must 
be  largely  concerned  with  a  mutual  protection  of 
American  nations  which  implied  an  attitude  hostile 
to  Spain.  Adams,  in  his  message  nominating  the 
envoys,  declared  that  they  were  not  to  take  part  in 
deliberations  of  belligerent  character,  or  to  contract 
alliances  or  to  engage  in  any  project  importing 
hostility  to  any  other  nation.  But  referring  to  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  Adams  said  that  the  mission 
looked  to  an  agreement  between  the  nations  re 
presented,  that  each  would  guard  by  its  own  means 
against  the  establishment  of  any  future  European 
colony  within  its  borders ;  and  it  looked  also  to  an 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  promote 
religious  liberty  among  those  intolerant  republics. 
The  decisive  inducement,  he  added,  to  join  in  the 
congress  was  to  lay  the  foundation  of  future  inter- 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  125 

course  with  those  states  "  in  the  broadest  principles 
of  reciprocity  and  the  most  cordial  feelings  of  fra 
ternal  friendship.'* 

This  was  vague  enough.  But  when  the  diploma 
tic  papers  were  exhibited,  it  was  plain  that  the 
southern  republics  proposed  a  congress  looking  to 
a  close  defensive  alliance,  a  sort  of  confederacy  or 
Amphictyonie  council  as  Benton  described  it ;  and 
that  it  was  highly  improbable  that  the  representa 
tives  from  one  country  could  responsibly  participate 
in  the  congress  without  most  serious  danger  of 
incurring  obligations,  or  falling  into  precisely  the 
embarrassments  which  the  well  settled  policy  of 
the  United  States  had  avoided.  It  was  perfectly 
agreeable  to  Adams,  resolute  and  aggressive  Ameri 
can  that  he  was,  that  his  country  should  look 
indulgently  upon  the  smaller  American  powers, 
should  stand  at  their  head,  should  counsel  them  in 
their  difficulties  with  European  nations,  and  jea 
lously  take  their  sicle  in  those  difficulties.  Clay's 
eager,  enthusiastic  mind  delighted  in  the  picture  of 
a  great  leadership  of  America  by  the  United  States, 
an  American  system  of  nations,  breathing  the  air 
of  republicanism,  asserting  a  young  and  haughty 
independence  of  monarchical  Europe,  and  ready 
for  opposition  to  its  schemes.  In  all  this  there 
has  been  fascination  to  many  American  minds, 
which  even  in  our  own  day  we  have  seen  influence 
American  diplomacy.  But  it  was  a  step  into  the 
entangling  alliances  against  which  American  pub 
lic  opinion  had  from  Washington's  day  been  set, 


126  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

When  Adams  asked  an  appropriation  for  the  ex- 
penses  of  the  mission,  he  told  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  that  he  was  hardly  sanguine  enough  to 
promise  "  all  or  even  any  of  the  transcendent  bene 
fits  to  the  human  race  which  warmed  the  concep 
tions  of  its  first  proposer,"  but  that  it  looked  "  to 
the  melioration  of  the  condition  of  man  ;  "  that  it 
was  congenial  with  the  spirit  which  prompted  our 
own  declaration  of  independence,  which  dictated 
our  first  treaty  with  Prussia,  and  "  which  filled  the 
hearts  and  fired  the  souls  of  the  immortal  founders 
of  our  revolution." 

Such  fanciful  speculation  the  Republicans,  led 
by  Van  Buren,  opposed  with  strong  and  heated 
protests,  in  tone  not  unlike  the  Liberal  protests  of 
1878  in  England  against  Disraeli's  Jingo  policy. 
In  the  secret  session  of  the  Senate  Yan  Buren  pro 
posed  resolutions  against  the  constitutionality  of 
the  mission,  reciting  that  it  was  a  departure  from 
our  wise  and  settled  policy  ;  that,  for  the  conference 
and  discussion  contemplated,  our  envoys  already 
accredited  to  the  new  republics  were  competent, 
without  becoming  involved  as  members  of  the  con 
gress.  These  resolutions,  so  the  President  at  once 
wrote  in  his  opulent  and  invaluable  diary,  "are 
the  fruit  of  the  ingenuity  of  Martin  Yan  Buren 
and  bear  the  impress  of  his  character."  The  mis 
sion  was,  the  opposition  thus  insisted,  unconstitu 
tional  ;  a  step  enlarging  the  sphere  of  the  federal 
government ;  a  meddlesome  and  dangerous  inter 
ference  with  foreign  nations ;  and  if  it  lay  in  the 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  127 

course  of  a  strong  and  splendid  policy,  it  was  also 
part  of  a  policy  full  of  warlike  possibilities  almost 
sure  to  drag  us  into  old-world  quarrels.  Clay's 
"American  system,"  Hayne  said  in  the  senatorial 
debate,  meant  restriction  and  monopoly  when  ap 
plied  to  our  domestic  policy,  and  "  entangling  alli 
ances  "  when  applied  to  our  foreign  policy. 

Van  Buren's  speech  was  very  able.  He  did  not 
touch  upon  the  liberality  of  the  Spanish  Americans 
towards  races  other  than  the  Caucasian,  which 
peered  out  of  Hayne's  speech  as  one  of  the  Southern 
objections.  After  using  the  wise  and  seemingly 
pertinent  language  of  Washington  against  such 
foreign  involvements,  Van  Buren  skillfully  referred 
to  the  very  Prussian  treaty  which  the  President 
had  cited  in  his  message  to  the  House.  The  elder 
Adams,  the  Senate  was  reminded,  had  departed 
from  the  rule  commended  by  his  great  predecessor. 
He  had  told  his  first  Congress  that  we  were  indeed 
to  keep  ourselves  distinct  and  separate  from  the 
political  system  of  Europe  "if  we  can,"  but  that 
we  needed  early  and  continual  information  of  poli 
tical  projects  in  contemplation  ;  that  however  we 
might  consider  ourselves,  others  would  consider  us 
a  weight  in  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  which 
never  could  be  forgotten  or  neglected  ;  and  that  it 
was  natural  for  us,  studying  to  be  neutral,  to  con 
sult  with  other  nations  engaged  in  the  same  study. 
The  younger  Adams  had  been,  Van  Buren  pointed 
out,  appointed  upon  the  Berlin  mission  to  carry 
out  these  heretical  suggestions  of  his  father.  The 


128  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Republicans  of  that  day  had  vigorously  opposed 
the  mission ;  and  for  their  opposition  were  de 
nounced  as  a  faction,  and  lampooned  and  vilified 
"  by  all  the  presses  supporting1  and  supported  by 
the  government,  and  a  host  of  malicious  parasites 
generaled  by  its  patronage."  But,  covered  with 
Washington's  mantle,  the  Republicans  of  '98  had 
sought  to  strangle  at  its  birth  this  political  hydra, 
this  first  attempt  since  the  establishment  of  the 
government  to  subject  our  political  affairs  to  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  political  connection  with  a 
foreign  nation.  Probably  anticipating  the  success 
of  the  administration  senators  by  a  majority  of 
five,  Van  Buren  ingeniously  reminded  the  Senate 
that  those  early  Republicans  had  failed  with  a 
majority  of  four  against  them.  But  it  was  to  be 
remembered,  he  continued,  that  after  a  few  more 
such  Federalist  victories  the  ruin  of  Federalism 
had  been  complete.  Its  doctrines  had  speedily 
received  popular  condemnation.  The  new  adminis 
tration  under  the  presidency  of  that  early  minister 
to  Prussia  had  returned  to  the  practices  of  the 
Federalist  party,  to  which  Van  Buren  with  cour 
teous  indirection  let  it  be  remembered  that  the 
president  had  originally  belonged.  Except  a  guar 
anty  to  Spain  of  its  dominions  beyond  the  Missis 
sippi,  which  Jefferson  had  offered  as  part  of  the 
price  of  a  cession  of  the  territory  between  that 
river  and  the  Mobile,  the  administrations  of  Jeffer 
son,  Madison,  and  Monroe  had  strictly  followed 
the  admonition  of  Washington :  "  Peace,  coin- 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  129 

merce,  and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  en 
tangling  alliances  with  none."  If  we  were  asked 
to  form  a  connection  with  European  states,  such 
as  was  proposed  with  the  southern  republics,  Van 
Buren  argued,  no  American  would  approve  it ;  and 
there  was  no  sound  reason,  there  was  nothing  but 
fanciful  sentiment,  to  induce  us  to  distinguish  be 
tween  the  states  of  Europe  and  those  of  South 
America.  Grant  that  there  was  a  Holy  Alliance 
in  monarchical  Europe,  was  it  not  a  hollow  glory, 
inconsistent  with  a  sober  view  of  American  in 
terests,  to  create  a  holy  alliance  in  republican 
America  ?  It  might  indeed  be  easy  to  agree  upon 
speculative  opinions  with  our  younger  neighbors  at 
the  south ;  but  we  should  be  humiliated  in  their 
eyes,  and  difficulties  would  at  once  arise,  when 
means  of  promoting  those  opinions  \vere  proposed, 
and  we  were  then  to  say  we  could  talk  but  not 
fight.  The  Monroe  doctrine  was  not  to  be  with 
drawn  ;  but  we  ought  to  be  left  free  to  act  upon  it 
without  the  burden  of  promises,  express  or  implied. 
The  proposed  congress  was  a  specious  and  dis 
guised  step  towards  an  American  confederacy,  full 
of  embarrassment,  full  of  danger ;  and  the  first 
step  should  be  firmly  resisted.  Such  was  the  out 
line  of  Van  Buren's  argument ;  and  its  wisdom  has 
commanded  a  general  assent  from  that  day. 

Diekerson  of  New  Jersey  very  well  phrased 
sound  American  sentiment  when  he  said  in  the 
debate  that,  next  to  a  passion  for  war,  he  dreaded 
3  passion  for  diplomacy.  The  majestic  declama* 


130  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

tion  of  Webster,  his  pathetic  picture  of  a  South 
America  once  oppressed  but  now  emancipated,  his 
eloquent  cry  that  if  it  were  weak  to  feel  that  he 
was  an  American  it  was  a  weakness  from  which  he 
claimed  no  exemption,  —  all  this  met  a  good  deal 
of  exuberant  response  through  the  country.  But 
it  failed,  as  in  our  history  most  such  efforts  have 
failed,  to  convince  the  practical  judgment  of  Ame 
ricans,  a  judgment  never  long  dazzled  or  inspired 
by  the  picture  of  an  America  wielding  enormous 
or  dominant  international  power.  The  Panama 
congress  met  in  the  absence  of  the  American  re 
presentatives,  who  had  been  delayed.  It  made  a 
treaty  of  friendship  and  perpetual  confederation 
to  which  all  other  American  powers  might  accede 
within  a  year.  The  congress  was  to  meet  annually 
in  time  of  common  war,  and  biennially  in  times  of 
peace.  But  it  never  met  again.  The  "centre  of 
the  world  "  was  too  far  away  from  its  very  neigh 
bors.  Even  South  American  republics  could  not 
be  kept  together  by  effusions  of  republican  glory 
and  international  love. 

In  spite  of  its  victory  in  Congress,  Adams's 
administration  had  plainly  opened  with  a  serious 
mistake.  The  opposition  was  perfectly  legitimate  ; 
and  although  in  the  debate  it  was  spoken  of  as 
unorganized,  it  certainly  came  out  of  the  debate  a 
pretty  definite  party.  Before  the  debate  Adams 
had  written  in  his  diary,  and  truly,  that  it  was  the 
first  subject  upon  which  a  great  effort  had  been 
ttiade  "  to  combine  the  discordant  elements  of  the 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  131 

Crawford  and  Jackson  and  Calhoun  men  into 
a  united  opposition  against  the  administration." 
Although  some  of  the  Southern  opposition  was 
heated  by  a  dislike  of  States  in  which  negroes 
were  to  be  administrators,  the  division  was  not 
at  all  upon  a  North  and  South  line.  With  Van 
Buren  voted  Findlay  of  Pennsylvania,  Chandler 
and  Holmes  of  Maine,  Woodbury  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  Dickersor,  of  New  Jersey,  Kan}  of  Illinois, 
making  seven  Northern  with  twelve  Southern  sen 
ators.  Against  Van  Buren  were  eight  senators 
from  slave  States.  Barton  of  Missouri,  Bouligny 
and  Johnston  of  Louisiana,  Chambers  of  Alabama, 
Clayton  and  Van  Dyke  of  Delaware,  Richard  M. 
Johnson  of  Kentucky,  and  Smith  of  Maryland. 
It  was  an  incipient  but  n  true  party  division. 

Throughout  this  session  of  1824-25  Van  Buren 
was  very  industrious  in  the  Senate,  and  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  its  most  conspicuous  member,  if  account 
be  not  taken  of  Randolph's  furious  and  blazing 
ttilents.  Calhoun  was  only  in  the  chair  as  vice- 
president  ;  the  great  duel  between  him  and  Van 
Buren  not  yet  begun.  Clay  was  at  the  head  of 
the  cabinet,  and  Webster  in  the  lower  House. 
Jackson  was  in  Tennessee,  watching  with  angry 
confidence,  and  aiding,  the  rising  tide  with  the 
political  dexterit}r  in  which  he  was  by  no  means  a 
novice.  Having  only  a  minority  with  him,  and 
with  Benton  frequently  against  him,  Van  Buren 
gradually  drilled  his  party  into  opposition  on  inter 
nal  improvements,  —  a  most  legitimate  and  im- 


132  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

portant  issue.  In  December,  1825,  he  threw  down 
the  gauntlet  to  the  administration,  or  rather  took 
up  its  gauntlet.  He  proposed  a  resolution  "  that 
Congress  does  not  possess  the  power  to  make  roads 
and  canals  within  the  respective  States."  At  the 
same  time  he  asked  for  a  committee  to  prepare  a 
constitutional  amendment  on  the  subject  like  his 
earlier  proposal,  saying  with  a  touch  of  very  polite 
partisanship  that  though  the  President's  recent  de 
claration,  that  the  power  clearly  existed  in  the  Con 
stitution,  might  diminish,  it  did  not  obviate  the 
necessity  of  an  amendment.  In  March,  April,  and 
May,  1826,  he  opposed  appropriations  of  $  110,000 
to  continue  the  Cumberland  road,  and  of  -150,000 
for  surveys  preparatory  to  roads  and  canals,  and 
subscriptions  to  stock  of  the  Louisville  and  Port 
land  Canal  Company  and  of  the  Dismal  Swamp 
Canal  Company.  All  these  were  distinctly  admin 
istration  measures. 

Although  the  principles  advanced  by  Van  Buren 
in  this  part  of  his  opposition  have  not  since  ob 
tained  complete  and  unanimous  affirmance,  they 
have  at  least  commanded  so  large,  honorable,  and 
prolonged  support,  that  his  attitude  can  with  little 
good  sense  be  considered  one  of  factious  difference. 
Especially  wise  was  he  on  the  question  of  govern 
ment  subscriptions  to  private  canal  companies. 
Upon  one  of  these  bills  he  said,  in  May,  1826, 
that  he  did  not  believe  that  the  government  had 
the  constitutional  power  to  make  canals  or  to  grant 
money  for  them  ;  but  he  added  that,  if  he  believed 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  133 

otherwise,  the  grant  of  money  should,  he  thought, 
be  made  directly,  and  not  by  forming  a  partner 
ship  between  the  government  and  a  private  corpo 
ration.  In  1824  he  had  voted  for  the  road  from 
Missouri  to  New  Mexico  ;  but  this  stood,  as  the 
Pacific  railway  later  stood,  upon  a  different  prin 
ciple,  the  former  as  a  road  entirely  without  state 
limits  and  a  means  of  international  commerce,  and 
the  latter  a  road  chiefly  through  federal  territories, 
and  of  obvious  national  importance  in  the  war  be 
tween  the  North  and  the  South. 

The  proposed  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
to  prevent  the  election  of  president  by  a  vote  of 
States  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  upon  which 
Van  Buren  had  spoken  in  1824,  had  now  acquired 
new  interest.  Van  Buren  seized  Adams's  election 
in  the  House  as  a  good  subject  for  political  war 
fare  ;  and  it  was  clearly  a  legitimate  topic  for  party 
discussion  and  division.  Van  Buren  would  have 
been  far  more  exalted  in  his  notions  of  political 
agitation  than  the  greatest  of  political  leaders,  had 
he  not  sought  to  use  the  popular  feeling,  that  the 
American  will  had  been  subverted  by  the  decision 
of  the  House,  to  promote  his  plan  of  constitutional 
reform.  He  told  the  Senate  in  May,  1826,  that  he 
was  satisfied  that  there  was  no  one  point  on  which 
the  people  of  the  United  States  were  more  per 
fectly  united  than  upon  the  propriety  of  taking  the 
choice  of  president  from  the  House.  But  Congress 
was  not  ready  for  the  change ;  however  much  in 
theory  was  to  be  said  against  the  clumsy  system 


134  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

which  nearly  made  Burr  president  in  1801,1  and 
which  produced  in  1825  a  choice  which  Adams 
himself  declared  that  he  would  vacate  if  the  Con 
stitution  provided  a  mode  of  doing  it. 
f  As  chairman  of  the  judiciary  committee,  Van 
Buren  participated  in  a  most  laborious  effort  to 
enlarge  the  federal  judiciary.  Upon  the  question 
whether  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  should 
be  relieved  from  circuit  duty,  he  made  an  elabo 
rate  and  very  able  speech  upon  the  negative  side. 
The  opportunity  arose  for  a  disquisition  on  the 
danger  of  centralized  government,  and  for  a  re 
newal  of  the  criticisms  he  had  made  in  the  New 
York  Constitutional  Convention  upon  the  common 
and  absurd  picture  of  judges  as  dwellers  in  an 
atmosphere  above  all  human  infirmity,  and  beyond 
the  reach  of  popular  impression.  Van  Buren  said, 
what  all  sensible  men  know,  that  in  spite  of  every 
effort,  incompetent  men  will  sometimes  reach  the 
judicial  bench.  If  always  sitting  among  associates 
in  bane,  their  incompetence  would  be  shielded,  he 
said,  by  their  abler  brethren.  But  if  regularly 
compelled  to  perform  their  great  duties  alone  and 
in  the  direct  face  of  the  people,  and  not  in  the 
isolation  of  Washington,  there  was  another  con 
straint,  Van  Buren  said  very  democratically  and 
with  substantial  truth.  u  There  is  a  power  in  pub- 

1  The  more  conspicuous  difficulty  in  1801  arose  from  the  voting 
by  each  elector  for  two  candidates  without  distinguishing'  which 
lie  preferred  for  president  find  which  for  vice-president.  But  the 
awkwardness  and  not  improbable  injustice  of  a  choice  by  the 
House  was  also  well  illustrated  in  February,  1801. 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  135 

lie  opinion  in  this  country,"  he  declared,  "  and  I 
thank  God  for  it,  for  it  is  the  most  honest  and  best 
of  all  powers,  which  will  not  tolerate  an  incompe 
tent  or  unworthy  man  to  hold  in  his  weak  or 
wicked  hands  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  his  fellow 
citizens."  He  added  an  expression  to  which  he 
would  afterwards  have  given  most  narrow  inter 
pretation.  The  Supreme  Court  stood,  he  said,  "  as 
the  umpire  between  the  conflicting  powers  of  the 
general  and  state  governments."  There  was  in 
the  speech  very  plain  though  courteous  intimation 
of  that  jealousy  with  which  Van  Buren's  party  ex 
amined  the  political  utterances  of  the  court  from 
Jefferson's  time  until,  years  after  Van  Buren's  re 
tirement,  the  party  found  it  convenient  to  receive 
from  the  court,  with  a  sanctimonious  air  of  vene 
ration,  the  most  odious  and  demoralizing  of  all  it? 
expressions  of  political  opinion.  In  arguing  for  a 
close  and  democratic  relation  between  the  judges 
and  the  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  against 
their  dignified  and  exalted  seclusion  at  Washing 
ton  which  was  so  agreeable  to  many  patriotic  Ame 
ricans,  Van  Buren  said,  in  a  passage  which  is  fairly 
characteristic  of  his  oratorical  manner  :  — 

"  A  sentiment  I  had  almost  said  of  idolatry  for  the 
Supreme  Court  has  grown  up,  which  claims  for  its  mem 
bers  an  almost  entire  exemption  from  the  fallibilities  of 
our  nature,  and  arraigns  with  unsparing  bitterness  the 
motives  of  all  who  have  the  temerity  to  look  with  in 
quisitive  eyes  into  this  consecrated  sanctuary  of  the  law. 
Bo  powerful  has  this  sentiment  become,  such  strong  hold 


136  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

has  it  taken  upon  the  press  of  this  country,  that  it 
requires  not  a  little  share  of  firmness  in  a  public  man, 
however  imperious  may  be  his  duty,  to  express  sentiment? 
that  conflict  with  it.  It  is  nevertheless  correct,  sir,  that 
in  this,  as  in  almost  every  other  case,  the  truth  is  to  be 
found  in  a  just  medium  of  the  subject.  To  so  much  of 
the  high-wrought  eulogies  (which  the  fashion  of  the  times 
bas  recently  produced  in  such  great  abundance)  as  allows 
to  the  distinguished  men  who  now  hold  in  their  hands 
that  portion  of  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  tal 
ents  of  the  highest  order,  and  spotless  integrity,  I  cheer 
fully  add  the  very  humble  testimony  of  my  unqualified 
assent.  That  the  uncommon  man  who  now  presides 
over  the  court,  and  who  I  hope  may  long  continue  to  do 
so,  is,  in  all  human  probability,  the  ablest  judge  now- 
sitting  upon  any  judicial  bench  in  the  world,  I  sincerely 
believe.  But  to  the  sentiment  which  claims  for  the 
judges  so  great  a  share  of  exemption  from  the  feelings 
that  govern  the  conduct  of  other  men,  and  for  the  court 
the  character  of  being  the  safest  depository  of  political 
power,  I  do  not  subscribe.  I  have  been  brought  up  in 
an  opposite  faith,  and  all  my  experience  has  confirmed 
me  in  its  correctness.  In  my  legislation  upon  this  subject 
I  will  act  in  conformity  to  those  opinions.  I  believe 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  (great  and  good  men  as 
I  cheerfully  concede  them  to  be)  are  subject  to  the 
same  infirmities,  influenced  by  the  same  passions,  and 
operated  upon  by  the  same  causes,  that  good  and  great 
men  are  in  other  situations.  I  believe  they  have  as 
much  of  the  esprit  de  corps  as  other  men.  Those  who 
think  *  otherwise  form  an  erroneous  estimate  of  human 

1  Gales  and  Season's  Debates  in  Congress  give  here  the  word 
*  act  "  instead  of  '"think,"  — but  erroneously,  I  assume. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  137 

nature ;  and  if  they  act  upon  that  estimate,  will,  soon  or 
late,  become  sensible  of  their  delusion/' 

At  this  session,  upon  the  election  by  the  Senate 
of  their  temporary  president,  Van  Buren  received 
the  compliment  of  four  votes.  In  May,  1826,  lie 
participated  in  Benton's  report  on  the  reduction  of 
executive  patronage,  a  subject  important  enough, 
but  there  crudely  treated.  The  report  strongly 
exhibited  the  jealousy  of  executive  power  which 
had  long  been  characteristic  of  American  political 
thought.  By  describing  the  offices  within  the  presi 
dent's  appointment,  their  numbers  and  salaries,  and 
the  expense  of  the  civil  list,  a  striking  picture  was 
drawn  —  and  in  that  way  a  striking  picture  can  al 
ways  be  drawn  —  of  the  power  of  any  great  execu 
tive.  By  imagining  serious  abuses  of  power,  the 
picture  was  darkened  with  the  dangers  of  patron 
age,  as  it  could  be  darkened  to-day.  The  country 
was  urged  to  look  forward  to  the  time  when  public 
revenue  would  be  doubled,  when  the  number  of 
public  officers  would  be  quadrupled,  when  the  presi 
dent's  nomination  would  carry  any  man  through 
the  Senate,  and  his  recommendation  any  measure 
through  Congress.  Names,  the  report  said,  were 
nothing.  The  first  Roman  emperor  was  styled 
Emperor  of  the  Republic ;  and  the  late  French 
emperor  had  taken  a  like  title.  The  American 
president,  it  was  hinted,  might  by  his  enormous 
patronage  and  by  subsidies  to  the  press,  nominally 
for  official  advertisements,  subject  us  to  a  like  dan 
ger.  But  the  usefulness  of  such  pictures  as  thtss 


138  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

of  Benton  and  Van  Buren  depends  upon  the  prac 
tical  lesson  taught  by  the  artists.  If  there  were 
disadvantages  and  dangers  which  our  ancestors 
rightly  feared,  in  placing  the  federal  patronage 
under  the  sole  control  of  the  president,  so  there 
are  disadvantages  and  dangers  in  scattering  it  by 
laws  into  various  hands,  or  in  its  subjection  to  the 
traditions  of  "  senatorial  courtesy." 

Six  bills  accompanied  the  report.  Two  of  them 
proposed  the  appointment  of  military  cadets  and 
midshipmen,  one  of  each  from  every  congressional 
district ;  and  this  was  afterwards  done,  giving  a 
petty  patronage  to  national  legislators  which  public 
sentiment  has  but  recently  begun  to  compel  them 
to  use  upon  ascertained  merit  rather  than  in  sheer 
favoriti&m.  A  third  bill  proposed  that  military 
and  naval  commissions  should  run  "  during  good 
behavior "  and  not  "  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
president."  A  fourth  sought  with  extraordinary 
unwisdom  to  correct  the  old  but  ever  new  abuse  of 
government  advertising,  by  depriving  the  responsi 
ble  executive  of  its  distribution  and  by  placing  it 
in  tbe  hands  of  congressmen,  perhaps  the  very 
worst  to  hold  it.  Another  required  senatorial  con 
firmation  for  postmasters  whose  emoluments  ex 
ceeded  an  amount  to  be  fixed.  The  remaining  bill 
was  very  wise,  and  a  natural  sequence  of  Ben  ton's 
not  untruthful  though  too  highly  colored  picture. 
The  law  of  1820,  which  fixed  at  four  years  the 
terms  of  many  subordinate  officers,  was  to  be  modi 
fied  so  as  to  limit  the  terms  only  for  officers  who 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  139 

had  not  satisfactorily  accounted  for  public  moneys. 
It  has  been  commonly  said  that  this  act  was  a 
device  of  Crawford,  when  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
more  easily  to  use  federal  patronage  for  his  presi 
dential  canvass.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  suffi 
cient  reason  to  doubt  that  Benton's  and  Van 
Buren's  committee  correctly  stated  the  intent  of 
the  authors  of  the  law  to  have  been  no  more  than 
that  the  officer  should  be  definitely  compelled  by 
the  expiration  of  his  term  to  render  his  accounts 
and  have  them  completely  audited  ;  that  it  was  not 
intended  that  some  other  person  should  succeed  an 
officer  not  found  in  fault ;  and  that  the  practice  of 
refusing'  re-commissions  to  deserving  officers  was 
an  unexpected  perversion  of  the  law.  The  com 
mittee  simply  proposed  to  accomplish  the  true 
intent  of  the  law.  The  same  bill  required  the 
president  to  state  his  reasons  for  removals  of  of 
ficers  when  he  nominated  their  successors.  The 
proposals  in  the  last  two  bills  were  very  creditable 
to  Benton  and  Van  Buren  and  their  coadjutors.  It 
is  greatly  to  be  lamented  that  they  were  not  safely 
made  laws  while  patronage  was  dispensed  con 
scientiously  and  with  sincere  public  spirit  by  the 
younger  Adams,  so  far  as  he  could  control  it.  The 
biographer  has  more  particularly  to  lament  that 
during  the  twelve  years  of  Van  Buren's  executive 
influence  he  seemed  daunted  by  the  difficulties  of 
voluntarily  putting  in  practice  the  admirable  rules 
which  as  a  senator  he  would  have  imposed  by  law 
upon  those  in  executive  stations.  It  was  only  three 


MO  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

years  after  this  report,  that  the  great  chieftain, 
whom  Ben  ton  and  Van  Buren  helped  to  the  presi 
dency,  discredited  all  its  reasoning  by  proposing 
"a  general  extension  "  of  the  law  whose  operation 
they  would  have  thus  limited.  The  committee  also 
proposed  by  constitutional  amendment  to  forbid 
the  appointment  to  office  of  any  senator  or  repre 
sentative  until  the  end  of  the  presidential  term  in 
which  he  had  held  his  seat.  This  was  also  one  of 
the  reforms  whose  necessity  seems  plain  enough  to 
the  reformer,  until  in  office  he  discovers  the  con 
veniences  and  perhaps  the  public  uses  of  the  prac 
tice  he  has  wished  to  abolish. 

In  the  short  session  of  1826-1827,  little  of  any 
importance  was  done.  Van  Buren  refused  to  vote 
with  Benton  to  abolish  the  duty  on  salt,  a  vote 
doubtless  influenced  by  the  apparent  interest  of 
New  York,  which  itself  taxed  the  production  of 
salt  to  aid  the  State  in  its  internal  improvements, 
and  which  probably  could  not  maintain  the  tax  if 
foreign  salt  were  admitted  free.  Van  Buren  did 
not,  indeed,  avow,  nor  did  he  disavow  this  reason. 
He  was  content  to  point  out  that  the  great  canals 
of  New  York  were  of  national  use,  though  their 
expense  was  borne  by  his  State  alone.  He  voted 
at  this  session  for  lower  duties  on  teas,  coffees, 
and  wines.  He  did  not  join  Benton  and  others  in 
their  narrow  unwillingness  to  establish  a  naval  aca 
demy.  Van  Buren's  temper  was  eminently  free 
from  raw  prejudices  against  disciplined  education. 
The  death  of  one  of  the  envoys  to  the  Panama 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  141 

congress  enabled  him  again  at  this  session  to  renew 
his  opposition  by  a  vote  against  filling  the  vacancy. 
Another  attempt  was  made  to  pass  a  bankruptcy 
bill ;  but  again  it  failed  through  the  natural  and 
wholesome  dislike  of  increasing  the  powers  of  the 
federal  judiciary,  and  the  preference  that  state 
courts  and  laws  should  perform  all  the  work  to 
which  they  were  reasonably  competent.  The  bill 
did  not  even  pass  the  Senate,  until  by  Van  Buren's 
opposition  it  had  been  reduced  to  a  bill  establishing 
a  summary  and  speedy  remedy  for  creditors  against 
fraudulent  or  failing  traders,  instead  of  a  general 
system  of  bankruptcy,  voluntary  and  involuntary, 
for  all  persons.  Van  Buren's  speech  against  the 
insolvency  features  of  the  bill  was  made  on  January 
23,  1827,  only  a  few  days  before  his  successor  as 
senator  was  to  be  chosen.  But  the  thoughtless 
popularity  which  often  accompanies  sweeping  pro 
positions  of  relief  to  insolvents  did  not  move  him 
from  resolute  and  successful  opposition  to  what  he 
sailed  (and  later  experience  has  most  abundantly 
justified  him)  "  an  injurious  extension  of  the  pat 
ronage  of  the  federal  government,  and  an  insup 
portable  enlargement  of  the  range  of  its  judicial 
power."  On  February  24,  1827,  a  few  days  after 
his  reelection,  he  delivered  a  lucid  and  elaborate 
speech  on  the  long-perplexing  topic  of  the  restric 
tions  upon  American  trade  with  the  British  colo 
nies,  a  subject  to  be  afterwards  closely  connected 
with  his  political  fortunes. 

The  agitation  of  the  coming  presidential  election 


142  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

left  little  of  its  turbulence  upon  the  records  o^  the 
long  session  from  December,  1827,  to  May,  1828. 
Van  Buren  was  doubtless  busy  enough  out  of  the 
senate  chamber.  But  he  was  still  a  very  busy 
legislator.  He  spoke  at  least  twice  in  favor  of  the 
bill  to  abolish  imprisonment  under  judgments  rend 
ered  by  federal  courts  for  debts  not  fraudulently 
incurred,  the  bill  which  Richard  M.  Johnson  had 
pressed  so  long  and  so  honorably  ;  and  at  last  he 
saw  the  bill  pass  in  January,  1828.  He  spoke 
often  upon  the  technical  bill  to  regulate  federal 
judicial  process.  Again  he  voted,  and  again  in  a 
minority  and  in  opposition  to  Benton  and  other 
political  friends,  against  bills  to  extend  the  Cum 
berland  road  and  for  other  internal  improvements. 
Besides  the  usual  bills  to  appropriate  lands  for 
roads  and  canals,  and  to  subscribe  to  the  stock  of 
private  canal  companies,  a  step  further  was  now 
taken  in  the  constitutional  change  led  by  Adams 
and  Clay.  Public  land  was  voted  for  the  benefit 
of  Ken  yon  College,  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  There 
was  plainly  intended  to  be  no  limit  to  federal  bene 
ficence.  In  this  session  Van  Buren  again  rushed 
to  defend  the  salt  duty  so  dear  to  New  York. 

At  the  same  session  was  passed  the  "  tariff  of 
abominations,"  a  measure  so  called  from  the  op 
pressive  provisions  loaded  on  it  by  its  enemies,  but 
in  spite  of  which  it  passed.  Van  Buren,  though 
he  sat  still  during  the  debate,  cast  for  the  bill  a 
protectionist  vote,  with  Benton  and  several  others 
whose  convictions  were  against  it,  but  who  yielded 


UNITED   STATES  SENATOR  143 

to  the  supposed  public  sentiment  or  the  peremptory 
instructions  of  their  States,  or  who  did  not  yet  dare 
to  make  upon  the  tariff  a  presidential  issue.  The 
votes  of  the  senators  were  sectionally  thus  distri 
buted  :  For  the  tariff,  —  New  England,  6  ;  Middle 
States,  8  ;  Louisiana,  1 ;  and  the  Western  States, 
11 ;  in  all  26.  Against  it,  —  New  England,  5 ; 
Maryland,  2  ;  Southern  States,  13 ;  and  Tennessee, 
1.  It  was  a  victory  of  neither  political  party,  but 
of  the  Middle  and  Western  over  the  Southern 
States.  Only  three  negative  votes  were  cast  by 
senators  who  had  voted  against  the  administration 
on  the  Panama  question  in  1826  ;  while  of  the  votes 
for  the  tariff,  fourteen  were  cast  by  senators  who 
had  then  opposed  the  administration.  Of  the  sena 
tors  in  favor  of  the  tariff,  six,  Van  Buren,  Benton, 
Diekerson  of  New  Jersey,  Eaton  of  Tennessee 
(Jackson's  close  friend),  Kane  of  Illinois,  and 
Kowan  of  Kentucky,  had  in  1826  been  in  opposi 
tion,  while  ten  of  those  voting  against  the  tariff 
had  then  been  with  them.1  The  greater  number 
of  the  opposition  senators  were  therefore  against 
the  tariff,  though  very  certainly  the  votes  of  Van 
Buren,  Benton,  and  Eaton  prevented  the  opposition 
from  taking  strong  ground  or  suffering  injury  on 
the  tariff  in  the  election.  Van  Buren's  silence  in 
this  debate  of  1828  indicated  at  least  a  temper 
now  hesitant.  But  he  and  his  colleague,  Sanford, 
according  to  the  theory  then  popular  that  senators 

1  The  comparison  cannot  of  course  be  complete,  as  some  wiiQ 
tvere  senators  in  1826  were  not  senators  in  1828. 


144  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

were  simply  delegated  agents  of  their  States,  were 
constrained,  whatever  were  their  opinions,  by  a 
resolution  of  the  legislature  of  New  York  passed 
almost  unanimously  in  January,  1828.  It  stated 
a  sort  of  ultima  ratio  of  protection,  commanding 
the  senators  "  to  make  every  proper  exertion  to 
effect  such  a  revision  of  the  tariff  as  will  afford  a 
sufficient  protection  to  the  growers  of  wool,  hemp, 
and  flax,  and  the  manufacturers  of  iron,  woolens, 
and  every  other  article,  so  far  as  the  same  may  be 
connected  with  the  interest  of  manufactures,  agri 
culture,  and  commerce."  The  senators  might  per 
haps  have  said  to  this  that,  if  they  were  to  protect 
not  only  iron  and  woolens  but  also  every  other 
article,  they  ought  not  to  levy  prohibitory  duties 
on  rfome  and  not  on  other  articles ;  that  if  they 
were  equally  to  protect  manufactures,  agriculture, 
and  commerce,  they  could  do  no  better  than  to 
let  natural  laws  alone.  But  the  silly  instruction 
said  what  no  intelligent  protectionist  means ;  his 
system  disappears  with  an  equality  of  privilege ; 
that  equality  must,  he  argues,  at  some  point  yield 
to  practical  necessities.  Van  Buren  took  the  re 
solution,  however,  in  its  intended  meaning,  and 
not  literally.  Hayne  concluded  his  fine  struggle 
against  the  bill  by  a  solemn  protest  upon  its  pas 
sage  that  it  was  a  partial,  unjust,  and  unconstitu 
tional  measure. 

At  this  session  Van  Buren,  upon  the  considera 
tion  of  a  rule  giving  the  Vice-President  power  to 
Ball  to  order  for  words  spoken  in  debate,  made 


UNITED   STATES   SENATOR  145 

perhaps  the  most  elaborate  of  his  purely  political 
speeches.  It  was  a  skillful  and  not  unsuccessful 
effort  to  give  philosophical  significance  to  the 
coining'  struggle  at  the  polls.  lie  spoke  of  u  thaf 
collision,  which  seems  to  be  inseparable  from  the 
nature  of  man,  between  the  rights  of  the  few  and 
the  many,"  of  "  those  never-ceasing  conflicts  be 
tween  the  advocates  of  the  enlargement  and  con 
centration  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  and  its  limita 
tion  and  distribution  on  the  other."  The  one 
party,  he  said,  had  "  grown  out  of  a  deep  and 
settled  distrust  of  the  people  and  of  the  States : " 
the  other,  out  of  "  a  jealousy  of  power  justified 
by  all  human  experience."  The  advocates  of  "a 
strong  government,"  having  been  defeated  in  much 
that  they  sought  in  the  federal  convention,  had 
since,  he  said,  "  been  at  work  to  obtain  by  con 
struction  what  was  not  included  or  intended  to  be 
included  in  the  grant."  He  declared  the  incorpo 
ration  of  the  United  States  Bank  to  be  the  "  great 
pioneer  of  constitutional  encroachments."  Thence 
had  followed  those  famous  usurpations,  the  alien 
and  sedition  laws  of  the  older  Adams's  administra 
tion.  Then  came  the  doctrine  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  was  bound  to  make  all  appropria 
tions  necessary  to  carry  out  a  treaty  made  by  the 
President  and  Senate  ;  and  then  "  the  bold  avowal 
that  it  belonged  to  the  President  alone  to  decide 
upon  the  propriety  "  of  a  foreign  mission,  and  that 
it  was  for  the  Senate  only  '  to  pass  on  the  fitness 
of  the  individual?  selected  as  ministers."  He 


146  MARTIN   VAX   13UREN 

lamented  the  single  lapse  of  Madison,  "  one  of 
the  most,  if  not  the  most,  accomplished  statesman 
that  our  country  has  produced,"  in  signing  the  bill 
to  incorporate  the  new  bank.  The  younger  Adams, 
Van  Buren  declared,  had  "gone  far  beyond  the 
utmost  latitude  of  construction  "  therefore  claimed  ; 
and  he  added  a  reference,  decorous  enough  but 
neither  fair  nor  gracious,  to  Adams's  own  early 
entrance  in  the  public  service  upon  a  mission  un 
authorized  by  Congress.  It  was  now  demonstrated, 
he  said,  that  the  result  of  the  presidential  choice 
of  1825  "  was  not  only  the  restoration  of  the  men 
of  1798,  but  of  the  principles  of  that  day."  The 
spirit  of  encroachment  had,  it  was  true,  -become 
more  wary  ;  but  it  was  no  more  honest.  The 
system  had  then  been  coercion ;  now  it  was  seduc 
tion.  Then  unconstitutional  powers  had  been  ex 
ercised  to  force  submission  ;  now  they  were  as 
sumed  to  purchase  golden  opinions  from  the  people 
with  their  own  means.  Isolated  acts  of  the  Feder 
alists  had  not  produced  an  unyielding  exclusion 
from  the  confidence  of  a  majority  of  the  people, 
for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  of  large 
masses  of  men  distinguished  for  talent  and  private 
worth.  The  great  and  glorious  struggle  had  pro 
ceeded  from  something  deeper,  an  opposition  to  the 
principle  of  an  extension  of  the  constructive  powers 
of  the  government.  Without  harsh  denunciation, 
and  by  suggestion  rather  than  assertion,  the  ad 
ministration  of  John  Quincy  Adams  was  grouped 
with  the  administration  of  his  father.  The  earlier 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  H7 

administration  had  deserved  and  met  the  retribu 
tion  of  a  Republican  victory.  The  later  one  now 
deserved  and  ought  soon  to  meet  a  like  fate. 

The  issue  was  clearly  made.  The  parties  were 
formed.  The  result  rested  with  the  people.  On 
February  6,  1827,  Van  Buren  had  been  reflected 
senator  by  a  large  majority  in  both  houses  of  the 
New  York  legislature.  In  his  brief  letter  of  accept 
ance  he  said  no  more  on  public  questions  than  that 
it  should  be  his  "  constant  and  zealous  endeavor  to 
protect  the  remaining  rights  reserved  to  the  States 
by  the  federal  Constitution,"  and  "  to  restore  those 
of  which  they  have  been  divested  by  construction." 
This  had  been  the  main  burden  of  his  political 
oratory  from  the  inauguration  of  Adams.  There 
are  many  references  in  books  to  doubts  of  Van 
Buren's  position  until  1827  ;  but  such  doubts  are 
not  justified  in  the  face  of  his  prompt  and  perfectly 
explicit  utterances  in  the  session  of  1825-1826,  and 
from  that  time  steadily  on. 

De  Witt  Clinton's  death  on  February  11,  1828, 
removed  from  the  politics  of  New  York  one  of  its 
most  illustrious  men,  a  statesman  of  the  first  rank, 
able  and  passionate,  and  of  the  noblest  aspirations. 
The  understanding  reached  between  him  and  Van 
Buren  in  1826,  for  the  support  of  Jackson,  had  not 
produced  a  complete  coalition.  In  spite  of  the 
union  on  Jackson,  the  Bucktails  nominated  and 
Van  Buren  loyally  supported  for  governor  against 
Clinton  in  1826,  William  B.  Rochester,  a  warm 
friend  and  supporter  of  Adams  and  Clay,  and  one 


J48  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

of  the  members  of  the  very  Panama  mission  against 
which  so  strenuous  a  fight  had  been  made.  Clinton 
was  reflected  by  a  small  majority.  In  a  meeting 
at  Washington  after  his  death,  Van  Buren  declared 
the  triumph  of  his  talents  and  patriotism  to  be 
monuments  of  high  and  enduring  fame.  He  was 
glad  that,  though  in  their  public  careers  there  had 
been  "  collisions  of  opinions  and  action  at  once  ex 
tensive,  earnest,  and  enduring,"  they  had  still  been 
"  wholly  free  from  that  most  venomous  and  corrod 
ing  of  all  poisons,  personal  hatred."  These  col 
lisions  were  now  "  turned  to  nothing  and  less  than 
nothing."  Speaking  of  his  respect  for  Clinton's 
name  and  gratitude  for  his  signal  services,  Van 
Buren  concluded  with  this  striking  tribute :  "  For 
myself,  so  strong,  so  sincere,  and  so  engrossing  is 
that  feeling,  that  I,  who  whilst  living,  never  — 
no,  never,  envied  him  anything,  now  that  he  has 
fallen,  am  greatly  tempted  to  envy  him  his  grave 
with  its  honors." 

With  this  session  of  1827-1828  ended  Van 
Buren 's  senatorial  career  and  his  parliamentary 
leadership.  From  1821  to  1828  the  Senate  was 
not  indeed  at  its  greatest  glory.  Webster  entered 
it  only  in  December,  1827.  Hayne  and  Benton 
with  Van  Buren  are  to  us  its  most  distinguished 
members,  if  Randolph's  rather  indescribable  and 
useless  personality  may  be  exoepted.  But  to  nei 
ther  of  them  has  the  opinion  of  later  times  as 
signed  a  place  in  the  first  rank  of  orators,  although 
Hayne's  tariff  speech  in  1824  deserves  to  be  set 


UNITED   STATES  SENATOR  149 

with  the  greatest  of  American  political  orations. 
The  records  and  speeches  of  the  Senate  in  which 
Van  Buren  sat  have  come  to  us  with  fine  print 
and  narrow  margins ;  they  have  not  contributed  to 
the  collected  works  of  great  men.  But  the  Senate 
was  then  an  able  body.  The  principles  of  Ameri 
can  politics  were  never  more  clearly  stated.  When 
the  books  are  well  dusted,  and  one  has  broken 
through  the  starched  formality  in  which  the  speak 
ers'  phrases  were  set,  he  finds  a  copious  fund  of 
political  instruction.  The  federal  Senate  was  more 
truly  a  parliamentary  body  in  those  formative  days 
than  perhaps  at  any  other  period.  Several  at  least 
of  its  members  were  in  doubt  as  to  the  political 
course  they  should  follow ;  they  were  in  doubt 
where  they  should  find  their  party  associations. 
To  them,  debates  had  therefore  a  real  and  present 
significance.  There  were  some  votes  to  be  affected, 
there  were  converts  to  be  gained,  by  speeches  even 
on  purely  political  questions  ;  there  were  some  sena 
tors  whose  votes  were  not  inexorably  determined 
for  them  by  the  will  of  their  parties  or  their  con 
stituents.  Much  that  was  said  had  therefore  a 
genuine  parliamentary  ring.  The  orators  really 
sought  to  convince  and  persuade  those  who  heard 
them  within  the  easy  and  almost  conversational 
limits  of  the  old  senate  chamber.  There  was  little 
of  the  mere  pronouncing  of  essays  or  declamations 
intended  to  have  their  real  and  only  effect  else 
where.  In  this  art  of  true  parliamentary  speaking 
rather  than  oratory,  Van  Buren  was  a  master  sucb 


150  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

as  Lord  Palmerston  afterwards  became.  He  was 
not  eloquent.  His  speeches,  so  far  as  they  are 
preserved,  interest  the  student  of  political  history 
and  not  of  literature.  They  are  sensible,  clear, 
practical  arguments  made  in  rather  finished  sen 
tences.  One  does  not  find  quotations  from  them 
in  books  of  school  declamation.  But  they  served 
far  more  effectively  the  primary  end  of  parliamen 
tary  speaking  than  did  the  elaborate  and  powerful 
disquisitions  of  Calhoun,  or  the  more  splendid  flood 
of  Webster's  eloquence.  Van  Buren's  speeches 
were  intended  to  convince,  and  they  did  convince 
some  of  the  men  in  the  seats  about  him.  They 
were  meant  to  persuade,  and  they  did  persuade. 
They  were  lucid  exhibitions  of  political  principles, 
generally  practical,  and  touched  sufficiently  but 
not  morbidly  with  the  theoretical  fears  so  common 
to  our  earlier  politics.  Some  of  those  fears  have 
since  been  shown  to  be  groundless  ;  but  out  of 
many  of  them  has  come  much  that  is  best  in  the 
modern  temper  of  American  political  institutions. 
Van  Buren's  speeches  did  not  rise  beyond  the  reach 
cf  popular  understanding,  although  they  never 
warmly  touched  popular  sympathy.  They  were  in 
tended  to  formulate  and  spread  a  political  faith  in 
which  he  plainly  saw  that  there  was  the  material 
of  a  party,  —  a  faith  founded  upon  the  jealousy  of 
federal  activity,  however  beneficent,  which  sought 
to  avoid  state  control  or  encourage  state  depend 
ence.  The  prolixity  which  was  a  grave  fault  of 
Iris  state  papers  and  political  letters  was  far  less 


UNITED   STATES  SENATOR  151 

exhibited  in  his  oratorical  efforts.  His  style  was 
generally  easy  and  vigorous,  with  little  of  the  tur 
gid  learning  which  loaded  down  many  sensible 
speeches  of  the  tfme.  Now  and  then,  however,  he 
resorted  to  the  sentences  of  stilted  formality  which 
sometimes  overtake  a  good  public  speaker,  as  a 
good  actor  sometimes  lapses  into  the  stage  strut. 

In  Van  Buren's  senatorial  speeches  there  is  no 
thing  to  justify  the  charge  of  "  non-committalism  " 
so  much  made  against  him.  When  he  spoke  at 
all  he  spoke  explicitly ;  and  he  plainly,  though 
without  acerbity,  exhibited  his  likes  and  dislikes. 
Jackson  was  struck  with  this  when  he  sat  in  the 
Senate  with  him.  "  I  had  heard  a  great  deal  about 
Mr.  Van  Buren,"  he  said,  "  especially  about  his 
non-com mittalism.  I  made  up  my  mind  that  I 
would  take  an  early  opportunity  to  hear  him  and 
judge  for  myself.  One  day  an  important  subject 
was  under  debate  in  the  Senate.  I  noticed  that 
Mr.  Van  Buren  was  taking  notes  while  one  of  the 
senators  was  speaking.  I  judged  from  this  that 
he  intended  to  reply,  and  I  determined  to-  be  in 
my  seat  when  he  spoke.  His  turn  came ;  and  he 
rose  and  made  a  clear,  straightforward  argument, 
which,  to  my  mind,  disposed  of  the  whole  subject. 
I  turned  to  my  colleague,  Major  Eaton,  who  sat 
next  to  me.  '  Major,'  said  I,  'is  there  anything 
non-committal  about  that  ? '  4  No,  sir,'  said  the 
major."  Van  Buren  scrupulously  observed  the 
amenities  of  debate.  He  was  uniformly  court- 
eous  towards  adversaries ;  and  the  calm  self-control 


152  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

saved  him,  as  some  greater  orators  were  not  saved, 
from  a  descent  to  the  aspersion  of  motive  so  com 
mon  and  so  futile  in  political  debate.  He  could 
not,  indeed,  help  now  and  then  an  allusion  to  the 
venality  and  monarchical  tendency  of  the  Federal 
ists  and  their  successors ;  but  this  was  an  old 
formula  which  strong'  haters  had  years  before  made 
very  popular  in  the  Republican  phrase-book,  and 
which,  as  to  the  venality,  meant  nobody  in  partf- 
cular. 


CHAPTER    V 
DEMOCRATIC    VICTORY   IN    1828.  —  GOVERNOR 

WHEN  in  May,  1828,  Van  Buren  left  Washing, 
ton,  the  country  universally  recognized  him  as  the 
chief  organizer  of  the  new  party  and  its  congres 
sional  leader.  As  such  he  turned  all  his  skill  and 
industry  to  win  a  victory  for  Jackson  and  Calhoun. 
There  was  never  in  the  history  of  the  United  States 
a  more  legitimate  presidential  canvass  than  that  of 
1828.  The  rival  candidates  distinctly  stood  for 
conflicting  principles  of  federal  administration. 
On  the  one  side,  under  Van  Buren's  shrewd  man 
agement,  with  the  theoretical  cooperation  of  Cal 
houn, —  the  natural  bent  of  whose  mind  was  now 
aided  and  not  thwarted  by  the  exigencies  of  his 
personal  career,  —  was  the  party  inclined  to  strict 
limitation  of  federal  powers,  jealous  for  local  pow 
ers,  hostile  to  internal  improvements  by  the  fede 
ral  government,  inclined  to  a  lower  rather  than  a 
higher  tariff.  On  the  other  side  was  the  party 
strongly  national  in  temper,  with  splendid  con 
ceptions  of  a  powerful  and  multifariously  useful 
central  administration,  impatient  of  the  poverties 
and  meannesses  of  many  of  the  States.  The  latter 
party  was  led  by  a  president  with  ampler  training 


154  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

in  public  life  than  any  American  of  his  time,  who 
sincerely  and  intelligently  believed  the  principles 
of  his  party  ;  and  his  party  held  those  principles 
firmly,  explicitly,  and  with  practical  unanimity. 
Jefferson,  in  almost  his  last  letter,  written  in  De 
cember,  1825,  to  William  B.  Giles,  a  venerable 
leader  of  the  Democracy,  the  "  Charles  James  Fox 
of  Congress/'  Benton's  "  statesman  of  head  and 
tongue,"  recalled  indeed  Adams's  superiority  over 
all  ordinary  considerations  when  the  safety  of  his 
country  had  been  questioned  :  but  Jefferson  de 
clared  himself  in  4i  the  deepest  affliction "  at  the 
usurpations  by  which  the  federal  branch,  through 
the  decisions  of  the  federal  court,  the  doctrines  of 
the  President,  and  the  misconstructions  of  Con 
gress,  was  stripping  its  "  colleagues,  the  state  au 
thorities,  of  the  powers  reserved  to  -them."  The 
voice  from  Monticello,  feeble  with  its  eighty-three 
years,  and  secretly  uttered  though  it  was,  sounded 
the  summons  to  a  new  Democratic  battle. 

Van  Buren  and  his  coadjutors,  however,  led  a 
party  as  yet  of  inclination  to  principles  rather  than 
of  principles.  It  was  out  of  power.  There  was 
neither  warmth  nor  striking  exaltation  in  its  pro 
gramme.  Its  philosophical  and  political  wisdom 
needed  the  aid  of  one  of  those  simple  cries  for  jus 
tice  which  are  so  potent  in  political  warfare,  and 
a  leader  to  interest  and  fire  the  popular  temper. 
Both  were  at  hand.  The  late  defeat  of  the  popu 
lar  will  by  the  Adams-Clay  coalition  was  the  cry  ; 
the  hero  of  the  military  victory  most  grateful  to 


DEMOCRATIC   VICTORY  IN   1828  155 

Americans  was  the  leader.  To  this  cry  and  this 
leader  Van  Buren  skillfully  harnessed  an  intelli 
gible,  and  at  the  least  a  reasonable,  political  creed. 
There  were  thus  united  nearly  all  the  elements  of 
political  strength.  Not  indeed  all,  for  the  record 
of  the  leader  was  weak  upon  several  articles  of 
faith.  Jackson  had  voted  in  the  Senate  for  inter 
nal  improvement  bills,  and  among  them  bills  of 
the  most  obnoxious  character,  those  authorizing 
subscriptions  to  the  stocks  of  private  corporations. 
He  had  voted  against  reductions  of  the  tariff.  But 
the  votes,  it  was  hoped,  exhibited  only  his  inex- 
pertness  in  applying  general  principles  to  actual 
legislation,  or  a  good-natured  willingness  to  please 
his  constituents  by  single  votes  comparatively  un 
important.  In  truth  these  mistakes  were  really 
inconsistencies  of  the  politician,  and  no  more. 
There  had  been  a  long  inclination  on  Jackson's 
part  to  the  Jeffersonian  policy.  Over  thirty  years 
before,  he  had  in  Congress  been  a  strict  construc- 
tionist  and  an  anti-federalist.  In  1801  he  had 
required  a  candidate  desiring  his  support  to  be 
"  an  admirer  of  state  authority,  agreeable  to  the 
true  literal  meaning"  of  the  Constitution,  and 
"banishing  the  dangerous  doctrine  of  implication." 
If  he  were  now  to  have  undivided  responsibility, 
this  old  Democratic  trend  of  his  would,  it  was 
hoped,  be  strong  enough  under  Democratic  advice. 
As  a  candidate,  the  inconsistencies  of  a  soldier 
politician  were  far  outweighed  by  his  picturesque 
and  powerful  personality.  It  is  commonly  thought 


T56  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

of  Jackson  that  he  was  a  headstrong,  passionate, 
illiterate  man,  used  and  pulled  about  by  a  few  in 
triguers.  Nothing  could  bs  further  from  the  truth. 
He  was  himself  a  politician  of  a  high  order.  His 
letters  are  full  of  shrewd,  vigorous,  and  even  man 
aging  suggestions  of  partisan  manoeuvres.  Their 
political  utterances  show  a  highly  active  and  gen 
erally  sensible  though  not  disciplined  mind.  He 
had  had  long  and  important  experience  of  civil 
affairs,  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress,  in  the  fed 
eral  Senate  when  he  was  only  thirty  years  old,  in 
the  constitutional  convention  of  his  State,  in  its 
Supreme  Court,  later  again  in  the  Senate  ;  he  had 
been  for  eight  years  before  the  country  as  a  can 
didate  for  its  first  office,  and  for  many  years  in 
public  business  of  large  importance.  There  were 
two  of  the  most  distinguished  Americans,  men  of 
the  ripest  abilities  and  amplest  experience,  and  far 
removed  from  rashness,  who  from  1824  or  before 
had  steadily  preferred  Jackson  for  the  presidency. 
These  were  Edward  Livingston  of  Louisiana  and 
De  Witt  Clinton  of  New  York.  Daniel  Webster 
described  his  manners  as  "  more  presidential  than 
those  of  any  of  the  candidates."  Jackson  was,  lie 
wrote,  "grave,  mild,  and  reserved."  Unless  in 
Jackson's  case  there  were  effects  without  adequate 
causes,  it  is  very  certain  that,  with  faults  of  most 
serious  character,  he  still  had  the  ability,  the  dig 
nity,  and  the  wisdom  of  a  ruler  of  a  high  rank. 
He  was,  as  very  few  men  are,  born  to  rule. 

After  Crawford's  defeat,  Van  Buren  is  credited 


DEMOCRATIC   VICTORY   IN   1828  157 

with  a  skillful  management  of  the  alliance  of  his 
forces  with  those  of  Jackson.  There  is  not  yet 
public,  if  it  exist,  any  original  evidence  as  to  the 
details  of  this  work.  Van  Buren's  enemies  were 
fond  of  describing  it  as  full  of  cunning  and  trick 
ery,  the  work  of  "  the  little  magician ; "  and  later 
and  fairer  writers  have  adopted  from  these  enemies 
this  characterization.  But  all  this  seems  entirely 
without  proof.  Nor  is  the  story  probable.  The 
union  of  the  Crawford  and  Jackson  men  was  per 
fectly  natural.  Crawford  was  a  physical  wreck, 
out  of  public  life.  Numerous  as  were  the  excep 
tions,  his  followers  and  Jackson's  included  the 
great  majority  of  the  strict  constructionists  ;  and 
but  a  minority  of  either  of  the  two  bodies  held  the 
opposite  views.  Neither  of  the  two  men  had,  at 
the  last  election,  been  defeated  by  the  other.  That 
Van  Buren  used  at  Washington  his  unrivaled  skill 
in  assuaging  animosities  and  composing  differences 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  After  the  end  of  the  ses 
sion  in  March,  1827,  together  with  Churchill  C. 
Cambreleng,  a  member  of  Congress  from  New 
York  and  a  close  political  friend  of  his,  he  made 
upon  this  mission  a  tour  through  Virginia,  the  Car- 
olinas,  and  Georgia.  They  visited  Crawford,  and 
were  authorized  to  declare  that  he  should  support 
Jackson,  but  did  not  wish  to  aid  Calhoun.  At 
Raleigh  Van  Buren  told  the  citizens  that  the  spirit 
of  encroachment  had  assumed  a  new  and  far  more 
seductive  aspect,  and  could  only  be  resisted  by  the 
exercise  of  uncommon  virtues.  Passing  through 


158  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

Washington  on  his  way  north,  he  paid  a  polite 
visit  to  Adams,  talking  with  him  placidly  about 
liufus  King,  Monroe,  and  the  Petersburg  horse 
races.  The  President,  regarding  him  as  "  the 
great  electioneering  manager  for  General  Jack 
son,"  promptly  noted  in  his  diary,  when  the  inter 
view  was  over,  that  Van  Buren  was  now  acting  the 
part  Burr  had  performed  in  1799  and  1800  ;  and 
he  found  "  much  resemblance  of  character,  man 
ners,  and  even  person,  between  the  two  men." 

As  early  as  1826  the  Van  Buren  Republicans  of 
New  York,  and  an  important  part  of  the  Clinto- 
nians  with  the  great  governor  at  their  head,  had 
determined  to  support  Jackson.  Van  Buren  is 
said  to  have  concealed  his  attitude  until  after  his 
reelection  to  the  Senate  in  1827.  But  this  is  a 
complete  error,  except  as  to  his  public  choice  of 
a  candidate.  His  opposition  to  the  Adams-Clay 
administration,  it  has  already  appeared,  had  been 
outspoken  from  1825.  The  Jackson  candidacy  was 
not  indeed  definitely  announced  in  New  York  until 
1827.  The  cry  for  "  Old  Hickory  "  then  went 
up  with  a  sudden  unanimity  which  seemed  to  the 
Adams  men  a  bit  of  devilish  magic,  but  which  was 
the  patient  prearrangement  of  a  skillful  politician 
appreciating  his  responsibility,  and  waiting,  as  the 
greatest  of  living  politicians 1  recently  told  Kng- 

1  This  and  several  other  references  of  mine  to  Gladstone  were 
written  ten  years  and  more  before  his  death.  These  years  of  his 
brief  but  extraordinary  Home  Rule  victory,  of  his  final  defeat,  — 
Jor  Lord  Rosebery's  defeat  was  Gladstone's  defeat,  —  and  of  liis 


DEMOCRATIC   VICTORY   IN   1828  159 

land  a  statesman  ought  to  wait,  until  the  time  was 
really  ripe,  until  the  popular  inclination  was  suf 
ficiently  formed  to  justify  action  by  men  in  respon- 
sible  public  station. 

The  opposition  to  the  reelection  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  in  1828  was  sincerely  considered  by  him, 
and  has  been  often  described  by  others,  as  singu 
larly  causeless,  unworthy,  and  even  monstrous. 
But  in  truth  it  led  to  one  of  the  most  necessary, 
one  of  the  truest,  political  revolutions  which  our 
country  has  known.  Both  Adams  and  Clay  were 
positive  and  able  men.  They  were  resolute  that 
the  rather  tepid  democracy  of  Monroe  should  be 
succeeded  by  a  highly  national,  a  federally  active 
administration.  Prior  to  the  election  of  1824  Clay 
had  been  as  nearly  in  opposition  as  the  era  of  good 
feeling  permitted.  Early  in  Monroe's  administra 
tion  he  had  attacked  the  President's  declaration 
that  Congress  had  no  right  to  construct  roads  and 
canals.  His  criticism,  Mr.  Schurz  tells  us  in  his 
brilliant  and  impartial  account  of  the  time,  "bad 
a  strong  flavor  of  bitterness  in  it ; "  it  was  in  part 
made  up  of  "  oratorical  flings,"  by  which  Clay  un 
necessarily  sought  to  attack  and  humiliate  Monroe. 
Adams's  diary  states  Clay's  opposition  to  have 
been  "  violent,  systematic,"  his  course  to  have  been 
u  angry,  acrimonious."  Late  in  1819  Monroe's 

retirement,  have  not  only  added  a  mellow  and  almost  sacred 
splendor  to  his  noble  career,  but  have  still  better  demonstrated 
his  superb  political  gifts.  What  politician  indeed,  dead  or  living. 
is  to  be  ranked  above  him  ? 


160  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

friends  had  even  consulted  over  the  wisdom  of  de« 
feating  Clay's  reelection  to  the  speakership ;  and 
still  later  Clay  had,  as  Mr.  Schurz  says,  fiercely 
castigated  the  administration  for  truckling  to  for 
eigners.  When  Clay  came  into  power,  it  would 
have  been  unreasonable  for  him  to  suppose  that 
there  must  not  arise  vigorous  parliamentary  oppo 
sition  on  the  part  of  those  who  consider  themselves 
the  true  Republican  successors  of  Monroe,  seeking 
to  stop  the  diversion  into  strange  ways  which  Clay 
and  Adams  had  now  begun.  Richard  Rush  of 
Pennsylvania,  Adams's  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
and  now  the  Adams  candidate  for  vice-president, 
had,  in  one  of  his  annual  reports,  declared  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  government  "  to  augment  the  number 
and  variety  of  occupations  for  its  inhabitants  ;  to 
hold  out  to  every  degree  of  labor,  and  to  every 
modification  of  skill,  its  appropriate  object  and  in 
ducement  ;  to  organize  the  whole  labor  of  a  coun 
try  ;  to  entice  into  the  widest  ranges  its  mechani 
cal  and  intellectual  capacities,  instead  of  suffering 
them  to  slumber ;  to  call  forth,  wherever  hidden, 
latent  ingenuity,  giving  to  effort  activity  and  to 
emulation  ardor ;  to  create  employment  for  the 
greater  amount  of  numbers  by  adapting  it  to  the 
diversified  faculties,  propensities,  and  situations  of 
men,  so  that  every  particle  of  ability,  every  shade 
of  genius,  may  come  into  requisition."  Nor  did 
this  glowing  picture  of  a  useful  and  beneficent 
government  go  far  beyond  the  utterances  of  Rush's 
senior  associate  on  the  presidential  ticket.  It  is 
certain  that  it  was  highly  agreeable  to  Clay. 


DEMOCRATIC    VICTORY   IN   1828  161 

Surely  there  could  be  no  clearer  political  issue 
presented,  on  the  one  side  by  Van  Buren's  speeches 
in  the  Senate,  and  on  the  other  by  authoritative 
and  solemn  declarations  of  the  three  chief  person? 
of  the  administration.  Whatever  the  better  side 
of  the  issue  may  have  been,  110  issue  was  ever  a 
more  legitimate  subject  of  a  political  campaign. 
It  is  true  that  the  accusations  were  unfounded, 
which  were  directed  against  Adams  for  treachery 
to  the  Republican  principles  he  professed  after,  on 
adhering  to  Jefferson,  he  had  resigned  his  seat  in 
the  Senate.  He  had  joined  Jefferson  on  questions 
of  foreign  policy  and  domestic  defense,  and  had, 
until  his  election  to  the  presidency,  been  chiefly 
concerned  with  diplomacy.  But  though  the  accu 
sations  were  false,  it  is  true  enough  that  Adams 
himself  had  made  the  issue  of  the  campaign.  Nor 
was  it  creditable  to  him  that  he  saw  in  the  oppo 
sition  something  merely  personal  to  himself.  If 
he  were  wrong  upon  the  issue,  as  Van  Buren  and 
a  majority  of  the  people  thought,  his  long  public 
service,  his  utter  integrity,  his  exalted  sense  of  the 
obligations  of  office,  ought  not  to  have  saved  him 
from  the  battle  or  from  defeat.  How  true  and 
deep  was  this  political  contest  of  1828  one  sees  in 
the  fact  that  from  it,  almost  as  much  as  from  the 
triumph  of  Jefferson,  flow  the  traditions  of  one  of 
the  great  American  parties,  traditions  which  sur 
vived  the  corruptions  of  slavery,  and  are  still  pow 
erful  in  party  administration.1  If  John  Quiricy 
1  This  was  written  nine  years  before  the  lamentable  surrender 


162  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

Adams  had  been  elected,  and  if,  as  might  naturally 
have  been  the  case,  there  had  followed,  at  this  com* 
mencement  of  railway  building,  a  firm  establish- 
ment  of  the  doctrine  that  the  national  government 
could  properly  build  roads  within  the  States,  it  is 
more  than  mere  speculation  to  say  that  the  later 
history  of  the  United  States  would,  whether  for 
the  better  or  the  worse,  have  been  very  different 
from  what  it  has  been.  The  dangers  to  which 
American  institutions  would  be  exposed,  if  the 
federal  government  had  become  a  great  power 
levying  taxes  upon  the  whole  country  to  be  used 
in  constructing  railways,  or,  what  was  worse,  pur 
chasing  stock  in  railway  corporations,  and  doing 
this,  as  it  would  inevitably  have  done,  according 
to  the  amount  of  pressure  here  or  there,  —  such 
dangers,  it  is  easy  to  understand,  seem,  whether 
rightly  or  wrongly,  appalling  to  a  large  class  of 
political  thinkers.  To  realize  this  sense  of  danger 
dissipates  the  aspect  of  doctrinaire  extravagance 
in  the  speeches  of  Adams's  opponents  against  lati- 
tudinarian  construction. 

In  the  canvass  of  1828  there  was  on  both  sides 
more  wicked  and  despicable  exhibition  of  slander 
than  had  been  known  since  Jefferson  and  John 
Adams  were  pitted  against  each  other,  Jackson 
was  a  military  butcher  and  utterly  illiterate  ;  the 

of  the  organization  of  Van  Buren's  party  at  Chicago  in  1890.  It 
is  safe  to  say  that  these  traditions,  even  if  fallen  sadly  out  of 
sight,  still  make  a  deep  and  powerful  force,  which  must  in  due 
time  assert  itself. 


DEMOCRATIC   VICTORY  IN   1828  163 

chastity  of  his  wife  was  doubtful.  Adams  had 
corruptly  bargained  away  offices ;  his  accounts  of 
publii;  moneys  received  by  him  needed  serious 
scrutiny  ;  and,  that  the  charges  might  be  precisely 
balanced,  he  had  when  minister  at  St.  Petersburg 
acted  as  procurer  to  the  Czar  of  Eussia.  These 
lies  doubtless  defeated  themselves ;  but  in  each 
election  since  1828  there  have  been  politicians 
low  enough  and  silly  enough  to  imitate  them.  To 
nothing  of  this  kind  did  Van  Biiren  descend.  Nor 
does  it  seem  that  even  then  he  used  the  cry  of  a 
corrupt  bargain  between  Adams  and  Clay,  in  which 
Jackson  believed  as  long  as  he  lived.  The  coalition 
of  1825,  defeating,  as  it  had,  a  candidate  chosen  by 
a  lavger  number  of  voters  than  any  other,  was  the 
most  used,  and  probably  the  most  successfully 
used,  of  any  of  the  campaign  issues.  Nor  was  this 
clearly  illegitimate,  although  Adams  and  many  tor 
him  have  hotly  condemned  its  immorality.  &»rery 
political  coalition  between  men  lately  in  opposition 
political  and  personal,  by  which  both  get  office,  is 
fairly  open  to  criticism.  In  experience  it  has  al 
ways  been  full  of  political  danger,  although  since 
the  prejudice  of  the  times  has  worn  away,  the  de 
fense  of  Adams  and  Clay  is  seen  to  be  amply  suf 
ficient.  Whatever  had  been  their  mutual  dislikes 
political  or  personal,  each  of  them  was  politically 
and  in  his  practical  statesmanship  far  nearer  to  the 
other  than  to  any  other  of  the  competitors.  But 
we  have  yet  to  see  a  political  campaign  against  a 
coalition  whose  members  have  been  rewarded  with 


161  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

office,  in  which  this  form  of  attack  is  not  made 
by  men  very  intelligent  and  most  honest.  Nor  is 
there  any  reason  to  hold  the  followers  of  Jackson 
to  a  higher  standard.  In  our  own  time  we  have 
seen  two  coalitions  whose  parties  wisely  recognized 
this  danger.  The  chief  leaders  of  the  Republican 
revolt  in  1884  neither  sought  nor  took  office  from 
the  former  adversaries  with  whom  for  once  they 
then  acted.  The  Dissenting  Liberals  in  England 
did  not  take  office  in  the  Conservative  ministry 
formed  in  1886 ;  and  the  odium  which,  in  the 
change  later  made  in  it,  followed  Mr.  Goschen  into 
its  second  place,  illustrated  very  well  the  truth 
that,  however  honorable  the  course  may  be,  it  is 
inevitably  dangerous.1 

Nor  can  moral  condemnation  be  passed  upon  the 
use  in  1828  of  the  defeat  in  1824,  of  the  candidate 
having  the  largest  popular  vote.  We  see  pretty 
clearly  in  a  constitutionally  governed  country  that 
when  power  is  lawfully  lodged  with  a  public  man, 
he  must  act  upon  his  own  judgment ;  and  that,  if 
he  be  influenced  by  others,  then  he  ought  to  be  in 
fluenced  by  the  wishes  and  interests  of  those  who 

1  After  the  Dissenting  Liberals  had  acted  with  the  Conserva 
tives,  not  onlv  in  the  first  Home  Rule  campaign  in  1880,  but 
during1  the  Salisbury  administration  from  1886  to  1802,  and  in  the 
campaigns  of  1892  and  1805,  the  coalition  was  ended  and  a  new 
and  single  .party  formed,  of  which  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  and 
Mr.  Chamberlain  were  leaders  as  really  as  Lord  Salisbury  or  Mr. 
Balfour.  The  accession  of  the  former  to  the  Unionist  ministry 
of  1805  was  in  no  sense  a  reward  for  bringing  over  some  of  the 
enemy. 


DEMOCRATIC   VICTORY  IN   1828  165 

supported  him,  and  not  of  those  who  opposed  him, 
even  though  far  more  numerous  than  his  sup 
porters.  Eepeatedly  have  we  seen  a  state  legisla 
ture,  which  the  arrangement  of  districts  has  caused 
to  be  elected  from  a  party  in  minority  in  the  whole 
State,  choose  a  federal  senator  who  it  was  known 
would  have  been  defeated  upon  a  popular  vote  ;  and 
this  without  criticism  of  the  conduct  of  the  legisla 
tors,  but  only  of  the  defective  district  division.  In 
Connecticut  it  has  happened  more  than  once  that, 
neither  candidate  for  governor  having  a  majority 
vote,  the  legislature  has  chosen  a  candidate  having 
one  of  the  smaller  minorities  ;  and  here  again  with 
out  criticism  of  the  legislature's  morality.  But  still 
the  general  rule  of  American  elections  is,  that  the 
candidate  shall  be  chosen  who  is  preferred  by  more 
votes  than  any  other.  To  assent  to  a  constitutional 
defeat  of  such  a  preference,  but  afterwards  and 
under  the  law  to  make  strong  appeal  to  right  tha 
wrong  which  the  law  has  wrought,  seems  a  highly 
defensible  course,  and  to  deserve  little  of  the  criti 
cism  visited  upon  the  Jackson  canvass  of  1828.  If 
party  divisions  be  justifiable,  if  chief  public  officers 
are  to  be  chosen  for  their  views  on  great  questions 
of  state,  if  the  cold  appeals  of  political  reasoning 
are  ever  rightly  strengthened  by  appeals  to  popular 
feelings,  the  campaign  which  Van  Buren  and  his 
associates  began  in  1825  or  1826  was  perfectly 
justifiable.  Nor  in  its  result  can  any  one  deny, 
whether  it  were  for  better  or  worse,  that  their  suc 
cess  in  the  battle  worked  a  change  in  the  principles 


166  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

of  administration,  and  not  a  mere  vulgar  driving 
from  office  of  one  body  of  men  that  another  might 
take  their  places. 

The  death  of  De  Witt  Clinton  left  Van  Buren 
easily  the  largest  figure  in  public  life,  as  he  had  for 
several  years  been  the  most  powerful  politician,  in 
New  York  State.  The  gossip  that  the  most  impor 
tant  place  in  Jackson's  cabinet  was  really  allotted 
to  him  before  the  election  of  1828  is  probably 
true.  But,  whether  true  or  not,  there  was,  apart 
from  a  natural  desire  to  administer  the  first  office 
in  his  State,  obvious  advantage  to  his  political 
prestige  in  passing  successfully  through  a  popular 
election.  The  most  cynical  of  managing  poli 
ticians  recognize  the  enormous  strength  of  a  man 
for  whom  the  people  have  actually  shown  that  they 
like  to  vote.  Van  Buren  may  have  counted  be 
sides  upon  the  advantage  which  Jackson's  per 
sonal  popularity  brought  to  those  in  his  open  alli 
ance,  although  Adams  was  known  still  to  have,  as 
the  election  showed  he  had,  considerable  Demo 
cratic  strength.  Van  Buren  took  therefore  the 
Bucktail  nomination  for  governor  of  New  York. 
The  National  Republicans,  as  the  Adams  men  were 
called,  nominated  Smith  Thompson,  a  judge  of  the 
federal  Supreme  Court.  Van  Buren  got  136,794 
and  Thompson  106,444  votes.  But  in  spite  of  so 
large  a  plurality  Van  Buren  did  not  quite  have  a 
majority  of  the  popular  vote.  Solomon  Southwick, 
the  anti-Masonic  candidate,  received  33,345  votes. 
It  v/as  the  first  election  after  this  extraordinary 


GOVERNOR  167 

movement.  The  abduction  of  Morgan  and  his 
probable  murder  to  prevent  his  revelation  of  Ma 
sonic  secrets  had  occurred  in  the  fall  of  1826. 
The  criminal  trials  consequent  upon  it  had  caused 
intense  excitement ;  and  a  political  issue  was  easily 
made,  for  many  distinguished  men  of  both  parties 
were  members  of  that  secret  order.  How  powerful 
for  a  time  may  be  a  popular  cry,  though  based 
upon  an  utterly  absurd  issue,  became  more  obvious 
still  later  when  electoral  votes  for  president  were 
cast  for  William  Wirt,  the  anti-Masonic  candidate  ; 
and  when  John  Quincy  Adams,  after  graduating 
from  the  widest  experience  in  public  affairs  of  any 
American  of  his  generation,  was,  as  he  himself  re 
cords,  willing  to  accept,  and  when  William  H. 
Seward  was  willing  to  tender  him,  a  presidential 
nomination  of  the  anti-Masonic  party.  As  South- 
wick's  preposterous  vote  was  in  1828  drawn  from 
both  parties,  Van  Buren's  prestige,  although  he 
had  but  a  plurality  vote,  was  increased  by  his  vic 
tory  at  the  polls.  Jackson  very  truly  said  in  Feb 
ruary,  1832,  that  it  was  now  "  the  general  wish  and 
expectation  of  the  Republican  party'  throughout 
the  Union  "  that  Van  Buren  should  take  the  place 
next  to  the  President  in  the  national  administra 
tion.  Jackson  was  himself  elected  by  a  very  great 
popular  and  electoral  majority.  In  New  York, 
where  on  this  single  occasion  the  electors  were 
chosen  in  districts,  and  where  the  anti-Masonic  vote 
was  cast  against  Jackson  who  held  high  rank  in 
the  Masonic  order,  Adams  secured  16  votes  to 


168  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

Jackson's  18  ;  but  to  the  latter  were  added  the  two 
electors  chosen  by  the  thirty-four  district  electors. 

Van  Buren's  career  as  governor  was  very  brief. 
He  was  inaugurated  on  January  1,  1829,  and  at 
once  resigned  his  seat  in  the  federal  Senate.  On 
March  12th  of  the  same  year  he  resigned  the  gov 
ernor's  seat.  His  inaugural  message  is  said  by 
Hammond,  the  political  historian  of  New  York,  by 
no  means  too  friendly  to  Van  Buren,  to  have  been 
"the  best  executive  message  ever  communicated  to 
the  legislature  ; "  and  after  nearly  sixty  years,  it 
seems,  in  the  leather-covered  tome  containing  it,  a 
remarkably  clear,  wise,  and  courageous  paper.  Tho 
excitement  over  internal  improvements  in  commu 
nication  was  then  at  its  height.  He  declared  that, 
whatever  difference  there  might  be  as  to  whether 
such  improvements  ought  to  be  undertaken  by  the 
federal  government  or  by  the  States,  none  seriously 
doubted  that  it  was  wise  to  apply  portions  of  the 
means  of  New  York  to  such  improvements.  The 
investment  of  the  State  in  the  Delaware  and  Hud 
son  canal,  then  just  completed,  had,  he  thought, 
been  "crowned  with  the  most  cheering  success." 
Splendid,  too,  as  had  been  the  success  of  the  Erie 
and  Champlain  canals,  it  was  still  clear  that  all 
had  not  been  equally  benefited.  The  friends  of 
the  stabe  road  and  of  the  Chemung  and  Chenango 
canals  had  urged  him  to  recommend  for  them  a 
legislative  support.  But  it  was  a  time,  he  said, 
for  "  the  utmost  prudence  and  circumspection " 
upon  that  "  delicate  and  vitally  interesting  subject." 


GOVERNOR  169 

The  banking  question,  he  told  the  legislature, 
would  make  the  important  business  of  its  session. 
It  turned  out  besides  to  be  one  of  the  important 
businesses  of  Van  Buren's  career.  To  meet  the 
attacks  upon  him  for  having  once  been  interested 
in  a  bank,  he  dexterously  recited  that,  "  having 
for  many  years  ceased  to  have  an  interest  in  those 
institutions  and  declined  any  agency  in  their  man 
agement,"  he  was  conscious  of  his  imperfect  in^ 
formation.  But  he  could  not  ignore  a  matter  of 
such  magnitude  to  their  constituents.  The  whole 
bank  agitation  at  this  time  showed  the  difficulties 
and  scandals  caused  by  the  absence  of  a  free  bank 
ing  system,  and  by  the  long  accustomed  grants  of 
exclusive  banking  charters.  Of  the  forty  banks  in 
the  State,  all  specially  incorporated,  the  charters  of 
thirty-one  would  expire  within  one,  two,  three,  or 
four  years.  Their  actual  capital  was  115,000,000 ; 
their  outstanding  loans,  more  than  $30,000,000. 
Van  Buren  urged,  therefore,  the  legislature  now  to 
make  by  general  law  final  disposition  of  the  whole 
subject.  The  abolition  of  banks  had,  he  said,  no 
advocate,  and  a  dependence  solely  upon  those  es 
tablished  by  federal  authority  deserved  none ;  but 
he  rejected  the  idea  of  a  state  bank.  "  Expe 
rience,"  he  declared,  "has  shown  that  banking 
operations,  to  be  successful,  and  consequently  ben 
eficial  to  the  community,  must  be  conducted  by 
private  men  upon  their  own  account."  He  con 
demned  the  practice  by  which  the  State  accepted  a 
money  bonus  for  granting  a  bank  charter,  neces- 


170  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

sarily  involving  some  monopoly.  The  concern  of 
the  State,  he  pointed  out,  should  be  to  make  its 
banks  and  their  circulation  secure  ;  and  such  secu 
rity  was  impaired,  not  increased,  by  encouraging 
banks  in  competition  with  one  another,  and  "  stimu 
lated  by  the  golden  harvest  in  view,"  to  make  large 
payments  for  their  charters.  He  submitted  for 
legislative  consideration  the  idea  of  the  "  safety 
fund  "  communicated  to  him  in  an  interesting  and 
intelligent  paper  by  Joshua  Forman.  Under  this 
system  all  the  banks  of  the  State,  whatever  their 
condition,  were  to  contribute  to  a  fund  to  be  ad 
ministered  under  state  supervision,  the  fund  to  be 
a  security  for  all  dishonored  bank-notes.  To  this 
extent  all  the  banks  were  to  insure  or  indorse  the 
circulation  of  each  bank,  thus  saving  the  scandal 
and  loss  arising  from  the  occasional  failure  of 
banks  to  redeem  their  notes,  and  making  every 
bank  watchful  of  all  its  associates.  In  compelling 
the  banks  to  submit  to  some  general  scheme,  the 
representative  of  the  people  would  indeed,  he  said, 
enter  into  "conflict  with  the  claims  of  the  great 
moneyed  interest  of  the  country  ;  but  what  political 
exhibition  so  truly  gratifying  as  the  return  to  his 
constituents  of  the  faithful  public  servant  after 
having  turned  away  every  approach  and  put  far 
from  him, every  sinister  consideration  !  " 

Van  Buren  proposed  a  separation  of  state  from 
national  elections ;  a  question  still  discussed,  and 
upon  each  side  of  which  much  is  to  be  said.  He 
attacked  the  use  of  money  in  elections,  "  the  prac- 


GOVERNOR  171 

tice  of  employing  persons  to  attend  the  polls  for 
compensation,  of  placing  large  sums  in  the  hands 
of  others  to  entertain  the  electors,"  and  other  de 
vices  by  which  the  most  valuable  of  all  our  temporal 
privileges  "  was  brought  into  disrepute."  If  the 
expenses  of  elections  should  increase  as  they  had 
lately  done,  the  time  would  soon  arrive  "  when  a 
man  in  middling  circumstances,  however  virtuous, 
will  not  be  able  to  compete  upon  anything  like 
oqual  terms  with  a  wealthy  opponent."  In  long 
advance  of  a  modern  agitation  for  reform  which, 
lately  beginning  with  us,  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped, 
not  cease  until  the  abuses  are  removed,  he  proposed 
a  law  imposing  "  severe  and  enforcible  penalties 
upon  the  advance  of  money  by  individuals  for  any 
purposes  connected  with  the  election  except  the 
single  one  of  printing." 

Turning  to  the  field  of  general  politics,  he  again 
declared  the  political  faith  to  whose  support  he 
wished  to  rally  his  party.  That  u  a  jealousy  of 
the  exercise  of  delegated  political  power,  a  solici 
tude  to  keep  public  agents  within  the  precise  limits 
of  their  authority,  and  an  assiduous  adherence  to  a 
rigid  and  scrupulous  economy,  were  indications  of 
a  contracted  spirit  unbecoming  the  character  of  a 
statesman,"  he  pronounced  to  be  a  political  heresy, 
from  which  he  himself  had  not  been  entirely  free, 
but  which  ought  at  once  to  be  exploded.  Official 
discretion,  as  a  general  rule,  could  not  be  confided 
to  any  one  without  danger  of  abuse.  But  he  re 
proved  the  parsimony  which  disagreeably  charac* 


172  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

terized  the  democracy  of  the  time,  and  which 
inadequately  paid  great  public  servants  like  the 
chancellor  and  judges.  In  the  tendency  of  the 
federal  government  to  encroach  upon  the  States 
lay,  he  thought,  the  danger  of  the  federal  Consti 
tution.  But  of  the  disposition  and  capacity  of  the 
American  people  to  resist  such  encroachments  as 
our  political  history  recorded,  there  were,  he  said, 
without  naming  either  Adams,  "  two  prominent 
and  illustrious  instances,"  As  long  as  that  good, 
spirit  was  preserved,  the  republic  would  be  safe ; 
and  for  that  preservation  every  patriot  ought  to 
pray. 

The  reputation  of  the  country  had  in  some  de 
gree  suffered,  he  said,  from  "  the  uncharitable  and 
unrelenting  scrutiny  to  which  private  as  well  as 
public  character  "  had  been  subjected  in  the  late 
election.  But  this  injury  had  been  "  relieved,  if 
not  removed,  by  seeing  how  soon  the  overflowing 
waters  of  bitterness "  had  spent  themselves,  and 
"that  already  the  current  of  public  feeling  had 
resumed  its  accustomed  channels."  These  excesses 
were  the  price  paid  for  the  full  enjoyment  of  the 
right  of  opinion.  With  an  assertion  of  "  perfect 
deference  to  that  sacred  privilege,  and  in  the  hum 
ble  exercise  of  that  portion  of  it "  which  belonged 
to  him,  and  of  a  sincere  desire  not  to  offend  the 
feelings  of  those  who  differed  from  him,  he  ended 
his  message  by  congratulating  the  legislature  upon 
the  election  of  Jackson  and  Calhoun.  This  result, 
he  said  in  words  not  altogether  insincere  or  untrue, 


GOVERNOR  173 

but  full  of  the  unfairness  of  partisan  dispute,  in 
fused  fresh  vigor  into  the  American  political  sys 
tem,  refuted  the  odious  imputation  that  republics 
are  ungrateful,  dissipated  the  vain  hope  that  our 
citizens  could  be  influenced  by  aught  save  appeals 
to  their  understanding  and  love  of  country,  and 
finally  exhibited  in  ubold  relief  the  omnipotence 
of  public  opinion,  and  the  futility  of  all  attempts 
to  overawe  it  by  the  denunciation  of  power,  or  to 
reduce  it  by  the  allurements  of  patronage.1" 

Among  the  Hoyt  letters,  afterwards  published 
by  Van  Buren's  rancorous  enemy,  Mackenzie,  are 
two  letters  of  his  upon  his  patronage  as  governor. 
It  is  not  unfair  to  suppose  that  he  wrote  many 
other  letters  like  them,  and  they  give  a  useful 
glimpse  of  the  distribution  of  offices  at  Albany 
sixty  years  ago.  These  letters  to  Hoyt  were  of  the 
most  confidential  character,  and  showed  a  strong  but 
not  uncontrolled  desire  to  please  party  friends  and 
to  meet  party  expectations.  But  in  none  of  them  is 
there  a  suggestion  of  anything  dishonorable.  He 
asked,  "  When  will  the  Republican  party  be  made 
sensible  of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  nomina 
ting  none  but  true  and  tried  men,  so  that  when 
they  succeed  they  gain  something  ?  "  He  was  una 
ble  to  oblige  his  "  good  friend  Coddington  ...  in 
relation  to  the  health  appointments."  Dr.  Wester- 
velt's  claims  were  "  decidedly  the  strongest ;  and 
much  was  due  to  the  relations  in  which  he  stood  to 
Governor  Tompkins,  especially  from  one  who  knew 
so  well  what  the  latter  has  done  and  suffered  for 


174  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

this  State."  He  wrote  of  Marcy,  whom  he  ap 
pointed  a  judge  of  the  supreme  court,  that  he  "  was 
so  situated  that  I  must  make  him  a  judge  or  ruin 
him."  All  this  is  doubtless  not  unlike  what  the 
best  of  public  officers  have  sometimes  said  and 
thought,  though  rarely  written  ;  and,  like  most  talk 
over  patronage,  it  is  not  in  very  exalted  tone.  But 
if  Van  Buren  admitted  as  one  of  Westervelt's 
claims  to  public  office  that  he  was  of  a  Whig  fam 
ily  and  a  Democrat  "  from  his  cradle,"  he  found 
among  his  other  claims  that  he  was  "  a  gentleman 
and  a  man  of  talent,"  and  had  been  "  three  years 
in  the  hospital  and  five  years  deputy  health  officer, 
until  he  was  cruelly  removed."  Dr.  Manley  he 
refused  to  remove  from  the  health  office,  because 
u  his  extraordinary  capacity  is  universally  admit 
ted  ; "  and  pointed  out  that  the  removal  "  could 
only  be  placed  on  political  grounds,  and  as  he  was 
a  zealous  Jackson  man  at  the  last  election,  that 
could  not  have  been  done  without  danger."  "  I 
should  not,"  he  said,  however,  "  have  given  Manley 
the  office  originally,  if  I  could  have  found  a  com 
petent  Republican  to  take  it."  William  L.  Marcy, 
whom  he  made  judge,  was  already  known  as  one  of 
the  ablest  men  in  the  State,  and  his  appointment 
was  admirable,  though  his  salvation  from  ruin,  if 
Van  Buren  was  speaking  seriously,  was  not  a 
public  end  fit  to  be  served  by  high  judicial  ap 
pointment.  John  C.  Spencer,  one  of  the  best  law 
yers  of  New  York,  was  appointed  by  Van  Buren 
special  counsel  for  the  prosecution  of  Morgan's 


GOVERNOR  175 

murderers.  Hammond  wondered  "  how  so  rigid  a 
party  man  as  Mr.  Van  Buren  was,  came  to  appoint 
a  political  opponent  to  so  important  an  office,"  but 
concluded  that  it  was  a  fine  specimen  of  his  pecu 
liar  tact,  because  Spencer,  though  a  man  of  talents 
and  great  moral  courage,  might  be  defeated  in  the 
prosecution,  and  thus  be  injured  with  the  anti- 
Masons  ;  while  if  he  succeeded,  his  vigor  and  fidel 
ity  would  draw  upon  him  Masonic  hostility.  But 
the  simpler  explanation  is  the  more  probable.  Van 
Buren  desired  to  adhere  in  this,  as  he  did  in  most 
of  his  appointments,  to  a  high  standard.  Upon 
this  particular  appointment  his  own  motives  might 
be  distrusted ;  and  he  therefore  went  to  the  ranks 
of  his  adversaries  for  one  of  their  most  distin 
guished  and  invulnerable  leaders.  Van  Buren  was 
long  condemned  as  a  "  spoils "  politician  ;  but  he 
was  not  accused  of  appointing  either  incompetent 
or  dishonest  men  to  office.  In  the  great  place  of 
governor  he  must  have  already  begun  to  see  how 
difficult  and  dangerous  was  this  power  of  patron 
age.  It  must  be  fairly  admitted  that  he  pretty 
carefully  limited,  by  the  integrity  and  efficiency  of 
the  public  service,  the  political  use  which  he  made 
of  his  appointments,  —  a  use  made  in  varying  de 
grees  by  every  American  holding  important  execu 
tive  power  from  the  first  Adams  to  our  own  time. 

On  March  12,  1829,  Governor  Van  Buren  re 
signed  his  office  with  the  hearty  and  unanimous 
approval  of  his  party  friends,  whom  he  gathered 
together  on  receiving  Jackson's  invitation  to  Wash* 


176  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

ington.  He  was  in  their  hands,  he  said,  and  should 
abide  by  their  decision.  Both  houses  of  the  legis 
lature  passed  congratulatory  and  even  affectionate 
resolutions ;  and  his  brief  and  brilliant  career  in 
the  executive  chamber  of  the  State  ended  happily, 
as  does  any  career  which  ends  that  a  seemingly 
greater  one  may  begin. 


CHAPTP.R  VI 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  —  DEFINITE  FORMATION  O^ 
THE    DEMOCRATIC    CREED 

VAN  BUREN  was  appointed  secretary  of  state  on 
March  5,  1829;  but  did  not  reach  Washington 
until  the  22d,  and  did  not  act  as  secretary  until 
April  4.  James  A.  Hamilton,  a  son  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  but  then  an  influential  Jackson  man, 
was  acting-  secretary  in  the  meantime.  The  two 
years  of  Van  Buren's  administration  of  this  office 
are  perhaps  the  most  picturesque  years  of  Ameri 
can  political  history.  The  Eaton  scandal ;  the 
downfall  of  Calhoun's  political  power ;  the  magical 
success  of  Van  Buren  ;  the  "  kitchen  cabinet ;  "  the 
odious  removals  from  office,  and  the  outcries  of 
the  removed ;  the  fiery  passion  of  Jackson ;  the 
horror  both  real  and  affected  of  the  opposition,  — 
all  these  have  been  an  inexhaustible  quarry  to  his 
torical  writers.  Until  very  recently  the  larger  use 
has  been  made  of  the  material  derived  from  hostile 
sources  ;  and  it  has  seemed  easy  to  paint  pictures  of 
this  really  important  time  in  the  crudest  and  high 
est  colors  of  dislike.  The  American  democracy, 
at  last  let  loose,  driven  by  Jackson  with  a  sort  of 
demoniac  energy  and  cunningly  used  by  Van  Bureu 


178  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

for  his  own  selfish  and  even  Mephistophelian  ends, 
is  supposed  to  have  broken  from  every  sound  and 
conservative  principle.  Perhaps  for  no  other  period 
in  our  history  has  irresponsible  and  unverified  cam 
paign  literature  of  the  time  so  largely  become  au 
thority  to  serious  writers ;  and  for  no  other  period 
does  truth  more  strongly  require  a  judgment  upon 
well  established  results  rather  than  upon  partisan 
rumor  and  gossip.  During  these  years  there  was 
definitely  and  practically  formed,  under  the  aus 
pices  of  Jackson's  administration,  a  political  creed, 
a  body  of  principles  or  tendencies  in  politics  which 
have  ever  since  strongly  held  the  American  people. 
Some  of  them  have  become  established  by  a  uni 
versal  acquiescence.  During  the  same  years  there 
began  an  extension  into  federal  politics  of  the 
"  spoils  system,"  which  has  been  an  evil  second 
only  to  slavery,  and  from  which  we  are  only  now 
recovering.  To  Van  Bureii  more  than  to  any  man 
of  his  time  must  be  awarded  the  credit  of  forming 
the  creed  of  the  Jacksonian  Democracy.  And  in 
the  shame  of  the  abuse,  which  has  so  greatly  tended 
to  neutralize  the  soundest  articles  of  political  faith, 
Van  Buren  must  participate  with  other  and  inferior 
men  of  his  own  time,  and  with  the  very  greatest  of 
the  men  who  followed  him.  In  this  narrative  it  is 
impossible  to  ignore  some  of  the  petty  and  undig 
nified  details  which  characterized  the  time,  —  de 
tails  from  part  of  the  discredit  of  which  Van  Buren 
cannot  escape.  But  it  would  lead  to  gross  error 
to  let  such  details  obscure  the  vital  and  lasting 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  179 

political  work  of  the  highest  order  in  which  Van 
Buren  was  a  central  and  controlling  power. 

Besides  Van  Buren,  Jackson's  cabinet  included 
Ingham  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Treasury,  Eaton 
in  the  War  Department,  Branch  in  the  Navy,  Ber- 
rien   of    Georgia   attorney-general,   and  Barry   of 
Kentucky  in  the  Post-Office,  succeeding  McLean, 
who   after  a   short   service   was  appointed   to  the 
Supreme  Court.     Eaton,  Branch,  and  Berrien  had 
been  federal  senators,  the  first  chiefly  commended 
by  Jackson's  strong  personal  liking  for  him.     Ing- 
ham,   Branch,   and   Berrien    represented,   or   were 
supposed  to  represent,  the  Calhoun  influence.     Van 
Buren  in  ability  and  reputation  easily  stood  head 
and  shoulders  above  his  associates.     When  he  left 
Albany  for  Washington  he  was  believed  to  have 
done   more  than   any  one   else   to   secure  the  Ke- 
publican  triumph ;  and  if  Webster's  recollections 
twenty  years  later  were   correct,  he   did  more  to 
prevent  a  Mr.  Adams's  reelection  in  1828,  and  to 
obtain  General  Jackson's  election,  than  any  other 
man  —  yes,  than  any  ten  other  men  —  in  the  coun 
try."     He  was   the   first   politician   in  the  party ; 
Calhoun  and  he  were  its  most  distinguished  states 
men.     Already  the   succession   after  Jackson  be 
longed  to  one  of  them,  the  only  doubt  being  to 
which ;  and  in  that  doubt  was  stored  up  a  long  and 
complicated  feud.     The  rivalry  between  these  two 
great  men  was  inevitable  ;  it  was  not  dishonorable 
to  either.     Calhoun's  fame  was  the  older ;  he  was 
already  one  of  the  junior  candidates  for  the  presi' 


180  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

dency,  popular  in  Pennsylvania  and  even  in 
England,  when  Van  Buren  was  hardly  known  out 
of  New  York.  In  1829  he  had  been  chosen  vice- 
president  for  the  second  time.  lie  had  shown  tal 
ents  of  a  very  high  order.  But  he  had  now  suffered 
some  years  from  the  presidential  fever  which  dis 
torts  the  vision,  and  which,  when  popularity  wanes, 
becomes  heavy  with  enervating  melancholy.  He 
was  an  able  doctrinaire,  but  narrow  and  dogmatic. 
The  jealous  and  ravenous  temper  of  the  rich  slave 
holders  of  South  Carolina  already  possessed  him. 
He  was  a  Southern  man  ;  and  all  the  presidents 
thus  far,  except  the  elder  and  younger  Adams, 
had  been  Southerners.  In  1824  he  had  stood  in~ 
different  between  Jackson  and  Adams,  and  in  Jack- 
son's  final  triumph  had  borne  no  decisive  part. 
Van  Buren's  wider,  richer,  and  more  constructive 
mind,  his  superior  political  judgment,  his  mellower 
personality,  his  practical  skill  in  affairs,  sufficiently 
explain  his  victory  over  Calhoun,  without  resort  to 
the  bitter  rumors  of  tricks  and  magical  manoeuvres 
spread  by  Calhoun's  and  Clay's  friends,  and  which, 
though  without  authentic  corroboration,  have  to 
our  own  day  been  widely  accepted. 

Before  Jackson's  inauguration,  Calhoun  sought 
to  prevent  Van  Buren's  selection  for  the  State  De 
partment.  He  told  the  general  that  Tazewell  of 
Virginia  ought  to  be  appointed.  New  York,  he 
said,  would  have  been  secured  by  Clinton  if  he 
had  lived ;  but  now  New  York  needed  no  ap 
pointment.  Jackson  listened  coldly  to  the  plainly 


SECRETARY   OF  STATP.  181 

jealous  appeal ;  and  James  A.  Hamilton,  who  was  as 
the  time  on  intimate  terms  with  Jackson,  supposed 
it  to  be  Calhoun's  last  interview  with  Jackson 
about  the  cabinet.  Van  Bureii  had  been  Jackson's 
choice  a  year  ago;  and  to  all  the  reasons  which 
had  then  existed  were  now  added  his  great  services 
in  the  canvass,  and  the  prestige  of  his  popular 
election  as  governor. 

The  episode  of  Mrs.  Eaton,  the  wife  of  the  new 
secretary  of  war,  was  absurd  enough  in  a  constitu 
tionally  governed  country  ;  but  this  silly  u  court 
scandal,"  which  might  very  well  have  enlivened 
the  pages  of  a  secretary  of  a  privy  council  or  an 
ambassador  from  a  petty  German  prince,  did  no 
more  than  hasten  the  inevitable  division.  In  the 
hastening,  however,  Van  Buren  doubtless  reaped 
some  profit  in  Jackson's  greater  friendship.  Many 
respectable  people  in  Washington  believed  that 
unchastity  oil  the  part  of  this  lady  had  induced 
her  former  husband,  Timberlake,  to  cut  his  throat. 
Her  second  marriage  to  Eaton  had  just  taken 
place  in  January,  1829,  after  Jackson,  learning 
of  the  scandal  but  disbelieving  it,  had  said  to 
Eaton,  "Your  marrying  her  will  disprove  these 
charges,  and  restore  Peg's  good  name."  The  gen 
eral  treated  with  violent  contempt  the  persons, 
some  of  them  clergymen,  "  whose  morbid  appetite," 
he  wrote  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ely  on  March  23,  1829, 
"delights  in  defamation  and  slander."  Burning 
with  anger  at  those  who  had  dared  in  the  recent 
canvass  to  malign  his  own  wife  now  dead,  he  de- 


182  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

fended  with  chivalrous  resolution  the  lady  whom 
his  own  wife  "  to  the  last  moment  of  her  life  be- 
lioved  ...  to  be  an  innocent  and  much-injured 
woman."  Even  Mrs.  Madison,  he  said,  "  was  as 
sailed  by  these  fiends  in  human  shape."  When 
protests  were  made  against  Eaton's  appointment 
to  the  cabinet,  Jackson  savagely  cried,  "I  will 
sink  or  swim  with  him,  by  God !  "  All  this  had 
happened  before  Van  Buren  readied  Washington. 
There  then  followed  the  grave  question,  whether 
Mrs.  Eaton  should  be  adjudged  guilty  by  society 
and  sentenced  to  exclusion  from  its  ceremonious 
enjoyments.  The  ladies  generally  were  determined 
against  her,  even  the  ladies  of  Jackson's  own  house 
hold.  Jackson  proposed  the  task,  impossible  even 
to  an  emperor,  of  compelling  recognition  of  this 
distressed  and  persecuted  consort  of  a  minister  of 
state.  The  unfortunate  married  men  in  the  cabinet 
were  in  embarrassment  indeed.  They  would  not 
if  they  could,  so  they  sa^i,  —  or  at  least  they  could 
not  if  they  would,  —  induce  their  wives  to  visit 
or  receive  visits  from  the  wife  of  tiK^r  colleague. 
Jackson  showed  them  very  clearly  that  no  other 
course  would  satisfy  him.  Calhoun  in  his  matri 
monial  state  was  at  the  same  disadvantage.  Even 
foreign  ministers  and  their  wives  met  the  Presi 
dent's  displeasure  for  not  properly  treating  the 
wife  of  the  American  secretary  of  war. 

When  Van  Buren  entered  this  farcical  scene,  his 
widowed  condition,  and  the  fortune  of  having  sons 
rather  than  daughters,  L»£t  him  quite 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  183 

rassed.  He  politely  called  upon  his  associate's 
wife,  as  he  called  upon  the  others  ;  he  treated  her 
with  entire  deference  of  manner.  It  is  probable, 
though  by  no  means  clear,  for  popular  feeling 
was  supposed  to  run  high  in  sacred  defense  of  the 
American  home,  that  this  was  the  more  politic 
course.  It  is  now,  however,  certain  that  by  doing 
so  he  gave  to  Jackson,  and  some  who  were  person 
ally  very  close  to  Jackson,  more  gratification  than 
he  gave  offense  elsewhere ;  and  this  has  been  the 
occasion  of  much  aspersion  of  Van  Buren's  motives. 
But  whether  his  course  were  politic  or  not,  it  is 
easy  enough  to  see  that  any  other  course  would 
have  been  inexcusable.  It  would  have  been  das 
tardly  in  the  extreme  for  Van  Buren,  reaching 
Washington  and  finding  a  controversy  raging 
whether  or  not  the  wife  of  one  of  his  associates 
were  virtuous,  to  pronounce  her  guilty,  as  he  most 
unmistakably  would  have  done  had  he  refused  her 
the  attention  which  etiquette  required  him  to  pay 
all  ladies  in  her  position.  Parton  in  his  Life  of 
Jackson  quotes  from  an  anonymous  Washington 
correspondent,  whose  account  he  says  was  "  exag 
gerated  and  prejudiced  but  not  wholly  incorrect," 
the  story  that  Van  Buren  induced  the  British  and 
Russian  ministers,  both  of  whom  to  their  immediate 
peace  of  mind  happened  to  be  bachelors,  to  treat 
Mrs.  Eaton  with  distinction  at  their  entertain 
ments.  But  the  supposition  seems  quite  gratuitous. 
Neither  of  those  unmarried  diplomats  was  likely  to 
do  so  absurdly  indefensible  a  thing  as  to  insult  by 


/84  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

marked  exclusion  a  cabinet  minister's  wife,  whom 
the  President  for  any  reason,  good  or  bad,  treated 
with  special  distinction  and  respect.  Van  Buren's 
common  sense  was  a  strong  characteristic ;  and  he 
doubtless  looked  upon  the  whole  affair  with  amused 
contempt.  As  the  cabinet  officer  who  had  most 
to  do  with  social  ceremonies,  he  may  well  have 
sought  to  calm  the  irritation  and  establish  for  Mrs. 
Eaton,  where  he  could,  the  usual  forms  of  civility. 
Like  many  other  blessings  of  etiquette,  these  forms 
permit  one  to  hold  unoffending  neutrality  upon  the 
moral  deserts  of  persons  whom  he  meets.  It  hap 
pened  that  Calhoun's  friends  had  tried  to  prevent 
Eaton's  appointment  to  the  War  Department,  and 
afterwards  sought  to  remove  him  from  the  cabinet. 
The  episode  added,  therefore,  keen  edge  to  the 
growing  hostility  of  Jackson  and  his  near  friends 
to  Calhoun,  and  thus  tended  to  strengthen  his 
rival.  But  all  this  would  have  signified  little  but 
for  something  deeper  and  broader.  The  preference 
of  Van  Buren  had  been  dictated  by  powerful  causes 
long  before  Mrs.  Timberlake  became  Mrs.  Eaton. 
These  causes  now  grew  more  and  more  powerful. 

Calhoun  was  serving  his  second  term  as  Vice- 
President.  A  third  term  for  that  office  was  ob 
noxious  to  the  rule  already  established  for  the 
presidency.  Calhoun  therefore  desired  Jackson 
to  be  content  with  one  term  ;  for  if  he  took  a 
second,  Calhoun  feared,,  and  with  good  reason,  that 
he  himself,  being  then  out  of  the  vice-presidency, 
and  so  no  longer  in  sight  on  that  conspicuous  seat 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  185 

of  preparation,  might  fall  dangerously  out  of  mind. 
So  it  was  soon  known  that  Callioim's  friends  were 
opposed  to  a  second  term  for  Jackson.  At  a  Penn 
sylvania  meeting  on  March  31,  1830,  the  opposi 
tion  was  openly  made.  Before  this,  and  quite  apart 
from  Jackson's  natural  hostility  to  the  nullification 
theory  which  had  arisen  in  Calhoun  s  State,  he  had 
conceived  a  strong  dislike  for  Calhoun  for  a  per 
sonal  reason.  With  this  Van  Buren  had  nothing 
whatever  to  do,  so  far  as  appears  from  any  evi 
dence  better  than  the  uncorroborated  rumors  which 
ascribe  to  Van  Buren's  magic  every  incident  which 
injured  Calhoun's  standing  with  Jackson.  Years 
before,  Monroe's  cabinet  had  discussed  the  treat 
ment  due  Jackson  for  his  extreme  measures  in 
the  Seminole  war.  Calhoun,  then  secretary  of 
war,  had  favored  a  military  trial  of  the  victorious 
general;  but  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Monroe 
had  defended  him,  as  did  also  Crawford,  the  sec 
retary  of  the  treasury.  For  a  long  while  Jack 
son  had  erroneously  supposed  that  Calhoun  was 
the  only  member  of  the  cabinet  in  his  favor ; 
and  Calhoun  had  not  undeceived  him.  Some  time 
before  Jackson's  election,  Hamilton  had  visited 
Crawford  to  promote  the  desired  reconciliation 
between  him  and  the  'general  ;  and  a  letter  was 
written  by  Governor  Forsyth  of  Georgia  to  Hamil 
ton,  quoting  Crawford's  explanation  of  the  real 
transactions  in  Monroe's  cabinet.  Jackson  was 
ignorant  of  all  this  until  a  dinner  given  by  him  in 
honor  of  Monroe  in  November,  1829.  Ringold,  a 


186  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

personal  friend  of  Monroe's,  in  a  complimentary 
speech  at  seeing  Jackson  and  Monroe  seated  to 
gether,  said  to  William  B.  Lewis  that  Monroe  had 
been  "  the  only  one  of  his  cabinet  "  friendly  to 
Jackson  in  the  Seminole  controversy  ;  and  after 
dinner  the  remark,  after  being  discussed  between 
Lewis  and  Eaton  the  secretary  of  war,  was  repeated 
by  the  latter  to  Jackson,  who  said  he  must  be 
mistaken.  Lewis  then  told  Jackson  of  Forsyth's 
letter,  which  greatly  excited  him,  already  disliking 
Callioun  as  he  did,  and  not  unnaturally  susceptible 
about  his  reputation  in  a  war  which  had  been  the 
subject  of  violent  and  even  savage  attacks  upon 
him  in  the  recent  canvass.  Jackson  sent  at  once 
to  New  York  for  the  letter.  But  Hamilton  was 
unwilling  to  give  it  without  Forsyth's  permission; 
and  when  Forsyth,  on  the  assembling  of  Congress, 
was  consulted,  he  preferred  that  Crawford  should 
be  directly  asked  for  the  information.  This  was 
done,  and  Crawford  wrote  an  account  which  in 
May,  1830,  Jackson  sent  to  Callioun  with  a  demand 
for  an  explanation.  Calhoun  admitted  that  he  had, 
after  hearing  of  the  seizure  of  the  Spanish  forts  in 
Florida  and  Jackson's  execution  of  the  Englishmen 
Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  expressed  an  opinion 
against  him,  and  proposed  an  investigation  of  his 
conduct  by  a  court  of  inquiry.  He  further  told 
Jackson,  with  much  dignity  of  manner,  that  the 
latter  was  being  used  in  a  plot  to  effect  Calhoun's 
political  extinction  and  the  exaltation  of  his  ene 
mies.  The  President  received  Calhoun's  letter  on 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  187 

his  way  to  church,  and  upon  his  return  from  reli 
gious  meditation  wrote  to  the  Vice-President  that 
"motives  are  to  be  inferred  from  actions  and 
judged  by  our  God  ;  "  that  he  had  long  repelled 
the  insinuations  that  it  was  Calhoun,  and  not 
Crawford,  who  had  secretly  endeavored  to  destroy 
his  reputation  ;  that  he  had  never  expected  to  say 
to  Calhoun,  "  Et  tu,  Brutal  "  and  that  there  need 
be  no  further  communication  on  the  subject. 
Thus  was  finally  established  the  breach  between 
Calhoun  and  Jackson,  which  this  personal  matter 
had  widened  but  had  by  no  means  begun.  In  none 
of  it  did  Van  Buren  have  any  part.  When  Jack 
son  sent  Lewis  to  him  with  Calhoun 's  letter  and 
asked  his  opinion,  he  refused  to  read  it,  saying 
that  an  attempt  would  undoubtedly  be  made  to 
hold  him  responsible  for  the  rupture,  and  he  wished 
to  be  able  to  say  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it.  This 
course  was  doubtless  politic,  and  deserves  no  ap 
plause  ;  but  it  was  also  simply  right.  On  getting 
this  message  Jackson  said,  "  I  reckon  Van  is  right ; 
I  dare  say  they  will  attempt  to  throw  the  whole 
blame  on  him." 

A  few  weeks  before,  on  April  13,  1830,  the 
dinner  to  celebrate  Jefferson's  birthday  was  held 
at  Washington.  It  was  attended  by  the  President 
and  Vice-President,  the  cabinet  officers,  and  many 
other  distinguished  persons.  There  were  report? 
at  the  time  that  it  was  intended  to  use  Jefferson's 
name  in  support  of  the  state-rights  doctrines,  and 
against  internal  improvements  and  a  protective 


/88  MARTIN   VAN   BU11EN 

tariff.  This  shows  how  clearly  were  already  re 
cognized  some  of  the  great  causes  underlying  the 
political  movements  and  personal  differences  of  the 
time.  The  splendid  parliamentary  encounter  be 
tween  Hayne  and  Webster  had  taken  place  but 
two  or  three  months  before.  In  his  speech  Hayne, 
who  was  understood,  as  Benton  tells  us,  to  give 
voice  to  the  sentiments  of  Calhoun,  had  plainly 
enough  stated  the  doctrine  of  nullification.  Jack 
son  at  the  dinner  robustly  confronted  the  extrem 
ists  with  his  famous  toast,  "  Our  federal  Union  :  it 
must  be  preserved."  Calhoun,  already  conscious 
of  his  leadership  in  a  sectional  controversy,  fol 
lowed  with  the  sentiment,  true  indeed,  but  said  in 
words  very  sinister  at  that  time :  "  The  Union : 
next  to  our  liberty  the  most  dear.  May  we  all  re 
member  that  it  can  only  be  preserved  by  respecting 
the  rights  of  the  States,  and  distributing  equally 
the  benefit  and  burden  of  the  Union."  The  secre 
tary  of  state  next  rose  with  a  toast  with  little  ring 
or  inspiration  in  it,  but  plainly,  though  in  concilia 
tory  phrase,  declaring  for  the  Union.  He  asked 
the  company  to  drink,  "  Mutual  forbearance  and 
reciprocal  concessions :  through  their  agency  the 
Union  was  established.  The  patriotic  spirit  from 
which  they  emanated  will  forever  sustain  it." 

Van  Buren  was  now  definitely  a  candidate  for 
the  succession.  His  Northern  birth  and  residence, 
his  able  leadership  in  Congress  of  the  opposition 
to  the  Adams  administration,  his  almost  supreme 
political  power  in  the  first  State  of  the  Union,  his 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  189 

clear  and  systematic  exposition  of  an  intelligible 
and  timely  political  creed,  the  support  his  friends 
gave  to  Jackson's  reelection,  —  all  these  advantages 
were  now  reenforced  by  the  tendency  to  disunion 
clear  in  the  utterances  from  South  Carolina,  by 
Calhoun's  efforts  to  exclude  Van  Buren  and  Eaton 
from  the  cabinet,  by  the  hostility  to  Mrs.  Eaton  of 
the  ladies  in  the  households  of  Calhoun  and  of  his 
friends  in  the  cabinet,  and  now  by  Jackson's  dis 
covery  that,  at  a  critical  moment  of  his  career  ten 
years  before,  Calhoun  had  sought  his  destruction. 
Here  was  a  singular  union  of  really  sound  reasons 
why  Van  Buren  should  be  preferred  by  his  party 
and  by  the  country  for  the  succession  over  Cal 
houn,  with  the  strongest  reasons  why  Jackson,  and 
chose  close  to  him,  should  be  in  most  eager  per 
sonal  sympathy  with  the  preference.  In  Decem 
ber,  1829,  Jackson  had  explicitly  pronounced  in 
favor  of  Van  Buren.  This  was  in  the  letter  to 
Judge  Overtoil  of  Tennessee,  which  Lewis  is  doubt 
less  correct  in  saying  he  asked  Jackson  to  write 
lest  the  latter  should  die  before  his  successor  was 
chosen.  Jackson  himself  drafted  the  letter,  which 
Lewis  copied  with  some  verbal  alteration ;  and  the 
letter  sincerely  expressed  his  own  strong  opinions 
After  alluding  to  the  harmony  between  Van  Buren 
and  his  associates  in  the  War  and  Post-Office  De 
partments,  he  said :  "  I  have  found  him  everything 
that  I  could  desire  him  to  be,  and  believe  him  not 
only  deserving  my  confidence,  but  the  confidence 
of  the  nation.  Instead  of  his  being  selfish  and 


190  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

intriguing,  as  has  been  represented  by  some  of  his 
opponents,  I  have  ever  found  him  frank,  open, 
candid,  and  manly.  As  a  counselor,  he  is  able 
and  prudent,  republican  in  his  principles,  and  one 
of  the  most  pleasant  men  to  do  business  with  I 
ever  knew.  He,  my  dear  friend,  is  well  qualified 
to  fill  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people, 
who  in  him  will  find  a  true  friend  and  safe  depos 
itary  of  their  rights  and  liberty.  I  wish  I  could 
say  as  much  for  Mr.  Calhoun  and  some  of  his 
friends."  He  criticised  Calhoun  for  his  silence 
on  the  bank  question,  for  his  encouragement  of 
the  resolution  in  the  South  Carolina  legislature 
relative  to  the  tariff,  and  for  his  objection  to  the 
apportionment  of  the  surplus  revenues  after  the 
national  debt  should  be  paid.  Jackson  had  not 
yet  definitely  learned  from  Forsyth's  letter  about 
Calhoun's  attitude  in  Monroe's  cabinet :  but  his 
well-aroused  suspicion  doubtless  influenced  his  ex 
pression.  His  strong  personal  liking  for  the  secre 
tary  of  state  had  been  evident  from  the  beginning 
of  the  administration.  In  a  letter  to  Jesse  Hoyt 
of  April  13,  1829,  the  latter  wrote  that  he  had 
found  the  President  affectionate,  confidential,  and 
kind  to  the  last  degree,  and  that  lie  believed  there 
was  no  degree  of  good  feeling  or  confidence  which 
the  president  did  not  entertain  for  him.  In  July 
he  wrote  to  Hamilton  :  "  The  general  grows  upon 
me  every  day.  I  can  fairly  say  that  I  have  become 
quite  enamored  with  him." 

The    break   between  Calhoun  and  Jackson   was 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  191 

kept  from  the  public  until  early  in  1831.  In  the 
preceding  winter,  Duff  Green,  the  editor  of  the 
"Telegraph,"  until  then  the  administration  news 
paper,  but  still  entirely  committed  to  Calhoun, 
sought  to  have  the  publication  of  the  Calhoun- 
Jackson  correspondence  accompanied  by  a  gen 
eral  outburst  from  Republican  newspapers  against 
Jackson.  The  storm,  Benton  tells  us,  was  to  seem 
so  universal,  and  the  indignation  against  Van 
Buren  so  great,  that  even  Jackson's  popularity 
would  not  save  the  prime  minister.  Jackson's 
friends,  Barry  and  Kendall,  learning  of  this,  called 
to  Washington  an  unknown  Kentuckian  to  be 
editor  of  a  new  and  loyal  administration  paper. 
Francis  P.  Blair  was  a  singularly  astute  man,  whose 
name,  and  the  name  of  whose  family,  afterwards 
became  famous  in  American  politics.  He  belonged 
to  the  race  of  advisers  of  great  men,  found  by 
experience  to  be  almost  as  important  in  a  democracy 
as  in  a  monarchy.  In  February,  1831,  Calhoun 
openly  declared  war  on  Jackson  by  publishing  the 
Seminole  correspondence.  Green  having  now  been 
safely  reflected  printer  to  Congress,  the  "  Tele 
graph,"  according  to  the  plan,  strongly  supported 
Calhoun.  The  "  Globe,"  Blair's  paper,  attacked 
Calhoun  and  upheld  the  President.  The  import 
ance  in  that  day  ascribed  by  politicians  to  the 
control  of  a  single  newspaper  seems  curious.  In 
1823,  Van  Buren,  while  a  federal  senator,  was 
interested  in  the  "  Albany  Argus,"  almost  steadily 
from  that  time  until  the  present  the  ably  managed 


192  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

organ  of  the  Albany  Regency  ; l  and  he  then  con« 
fidentially  wrote  to  Hoyt :  "  Without  a  paper  thus 
edited  at  Albany  we  may  hang  our  harps  on  the 
willows.  With  it,  the  party  can  survive  a  thousand 
such  convulsions  as  those  which  now  agitate  and 
probably  alarm  most  of  those  around  you."  This 
seems  an  astonishingly  high  estimate  of  the  power 
of  a  paper  which,  though  relatively  conspicuous  in 
the  State,  could  have  then  had  but  a  small  circula 
tion.  It  was,  however,  the  judgment  of  a  most 
sagacious  politician.  In  1822  he  complained  to 
Hoyt  that  his  expenses  of  this  description  were  too 
heavy.  In  1833  James  Gordon  Bennett,  then  a 
young  journalist  of  Philadelphia,  wrote  Hoyt  a 
plain  intimation  that  money  was  necessary  to  enable 
him  to  continue  his  journalistic  warfare  in  Van 
Buren's  behalf.  Anguish,  disappointment,  despair, 
he  said,  brooded  over  him,  while  Van  Buren  chose 
to  sit  still  and  sacrifice  those  who  had  supported 
him  in  every  weather.  Van  Buren  replied  that  he 
could  not  directly  or  indirectly  afford  pecuniary 
aid  to  Bennett's  press,  and  more  particularly  as  he 
was  then  situated ;  that  if  Bennett  could  not  con 
tinue  friendly  to  him  on  public  grounds  and  with 
perfect  independence,  he  could  only  regret  it,  but 
he  desired  no  other  support.  He  added,  however, 

1  This  was  written  in  1887.  The  Albany  Regency,  after  a  life 
of  sixty  years,  ended  with  the  death  of  Daniel  Manning1,  in  Mr. 
Cleveland's  first  presidency,  and  with  it  ended  the  characteristic 
influence  of  its  organ.  The  Democratic  management  at  Alhany 
has  since  proceeded  vipon  very  different  lines  and  has  engaged 
the  ability  of  very  different  men. 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  193 

not  to  burn  his  ships  behind  him,  that  he  had 
supposed  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  obtaining 
money  in  New  York,  if  their  "  friends  in  Philadel 
phia  could  not  all  together  make  out  to  sustain 
one  press."  Thus  was  invited  a  powerful  animo 
sity,  vindictively  shown  even  when  Van  Buren  was 
within  three  years  of  his  death. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  Blair  entered  the  famous 
Kitchen  Cabinet,  a  singularly  talented  body,  fond 
enough  indeed  of  "  wire-pulling,"  but  with  clear 
and  steady  political  convictions.  William  B.  Lewis 
had  long  been  a  close  personal  friend  of  Jackson 
and  manager  of  his  political  interests,  and  had  but 
recently  earned  his  gratitude  by  rushing  success 
fully  to  the  defense  of  Mrs.  Jackson's  reputation. 
Kendall  and  Hill  were  adroit,  industrious,  skillful 
men  ;  the  former  afterwards  postmaster-general, 
and  the  latter  to  become  a  senator  from  New 
Hampshire.  Blair  entered  this  company  full  of 
zeal  against  nullification  and  the  United  States 
Sank.  Jackson  himself  was  so  strong-willed  a 
man,  so  shrewd  in  management,  so  skillful  in  read 
ing  the  public  temper,  that  the  story  of  the  com 
plete  domination  of  this  junto  over  him  is  quite 
absurd.  The  really  great  abilities  of  these  men 
and  their  entire  devotion  to  his  interests  gained  a 
profound  and  justifiable  influence  with  him,  which 
occasional  petty  or  unworthy  uses  made  of  it  did 
not  destroy.  No  one  can  doubt  that  Jackson  was 
confirmed  by  them  in  the  judgment  to  which  Van 
Buren  urged  him  upon  great  political  issues.  The 


194  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

secretary  of  state  refused  to  give  the  new  paper  of 
Blair  any  of  the  printing  of  his  department,  lest 
its  origin  should  be  attributed  to  him,  and  be 
cause  he  wished  to  be  able  to  say  truly  that  he 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Kendall,  who  lived 
through  the  civil  war,  strongly  loyal  to  the  Union 
and  to  Jackson's  memory,  to  die  a  wealthy  philan 
thropist,  declared  in  his  autobiography,  and  doubt 
less  correctly,  that  the  "  Globe"  was  not  established 
by  Van  Buren  or  his  friends,  but  by  friends  of 
Jackson  who  desired  his  reelection  for  another  four 
years.  Nevertheless  Van  Buren  was  held  respon 
sible  for  the  paper ;  and  its  establishment  was  soon 
followed  by  the  dissolution  of  the  cabinet. 

This  explosion,  it  is  now  clear,  was  of  vast  ad 
vantage  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  It  took  place 
in  April,  1831,  and  in  part  at  least  was  Van  Buren's 
work.  On  the  9th  of  that  month  he  wrote  to  Ed 
ward  Livingston,  then  a  senator  from  Louisiana 
spending  the  summer  at  his  seat  on  the  Hudson 
River,  asking  him  to  start  for  Washington  the  day 
after  he  received  the  letter,  and  to  avoid  specula 
tion  "  by  giving  out  that "  he  was  "  going  to  Phila 
delphia."  Livingston  wrote  back  from  Washing 
ton  to  his  wife  that  Van  Buren  had  taken  the  high 
and  popular  ground  that,  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency,  he  ought  not  to  remain  in  the  cabinet 
when  its  public  measures  would  be  attributed  to 
his  intrigue,  and  thus  made  to  injure  the  President-, 
and  that  Van  Buren's  place  was  pressed  upon  him 
M  with  all  the  warmth  of  friendship  and  every  ap 
peal  to  my  love  of  country." 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  195 

Van  Buren,  with  courageous  skill,  put  his  resig 
nation  to  the  public  distinctly  on  the  ground  of  his 
own  political  aspiration.  On  April  11,  1831,  he 
wrote  to  the  President  a  letter  for  publication, 
saying  that  from  the  moment  he  had  entered  the 
cabinet  it  had  been  his  "  anxious  wish  and  zealous 
endeavor  to  prevent  a  premature  agitation  of  the 
question  "  of  the  succession,  "  and  at  all  events  to 
discountenance,  and  if  possible  repress,  the  dispo 
sition,  at  an  early  day  manifested,"  to  connect 
his  name  "with  that  disturbing  topic."  Of  "the 
sincerity  and  constancy  of  his  disposition"  he  ap 
pealed  to  the  President  to  judge.  But  he  had  not 
succeeded,  and  circumstances  beyond  his  control 
had  given  the  subject  a  turn  which  could  not  then 
"  be  remedied  except  by  a  self-disfranchisement, 
which,  even  if  dictated  by  "  his  "  individual  wishes, 
could  hardly  be  reconcilable  with  propriety  or 
self-respect."  In  the  situation  existing  at  the 
time,  "  diversities  of  ulterior  preference  among  the 
friends  of  the  administration  "  were  unavoidable, 
and  he  added  :  "  Even  if  the  respective  advocates  of 
those  thus  placed  in  rivalship  be  patriotic  enough 
to  resist  the  temptation  of  creating  obstacles  to  the 
advancement  of  him  to  whose  elevation  they  are 
opposed,  by  embarrassing  the  branch  of  public 
service  committed  to  his  charge,  they  are  neverthe 
less,  by  their  position,  exposed  to  the  suspicion  of 
entertaining  and  encouraging  such  views,  —  a  sus 
picion  which  can  seldom  fail,  in  the  end,  to  ag 
gravate  into  present  alienation  and  hostility  the 


|9C  MAKTIN   VAN   BUREN 

prospective  differences  which  first  gave  rise  to  it.' 
The  public  service,  he  said,  required  him  to  remove 
such  "obstructions"  from  "  the  successful  prosecu 
tion  of  public  affairs ;  "  and  he  intimated,  with  the 
affectation  of  self-depreciation  which  was  disagree 
ably  fashionable  among  great  men  of  the  day,  that 
the  example  he  set  would,  "  notwithstanding  the 
humility  of  its  origin,"  be  found  worthy  of  respect 
and  observance.  When  four  years  later  he  ac 
cepted  the  presidential  nomination  he  repeated  the 
sentiment  of  this  letter,  but  more  explicitly,  saying 
that  his  u  name  was  first  associated  with  the  ques 
tion  of  General  Jackson's  successor  more  through 

O 

the  ill-will  of  opponents  than  the  partiality  of 
friends."  This  seemed  very  true.  For  every  move 
ment  which  had  tended  to  commit  the  administra 
tion  or  its  chief  against  Calhoun  or  his  doctrines, 
he  had  been  held  responsible  as  a  device  to  advance 
himself.  His  adversaries  had  proclaimed  him  not 
so  much  a  public  officer  as  a  self-seeking  candidate. 
It  was  a  rare  and  true  stroke  of  political  genius  to 
admit  his  aspiration  to  the  presidency ;  to  deny  his 
present  candidacy  and  his  self-seeking  ;  but,  lest 
the  clamor  of  his  enemies  should,  if  he  longer 
held  his  office,  throw  doubt  upon  his  sincerity,  to 
withdraw  from  that  station,  and  to  prevent  the 
continued  pretense  that  he  was  using  official  op 
portunities,  however  legitimately,  to  increase  his 
public  reputation  or  his  political  power.  Thus 
would  the  candidacy  be  thrust  on  him  by  his  ene 
mies.  In  his  letter  he  announced  that  Jackson  had 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  197 

consented  to  stand  for  reelection ;  and  that,  "  with 
out  a  total  disregard  of  the  lights  of  experience," 
he  could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  unfavorable  in 
fluence  which  his  continuance  in  the  cabinet  might 
have  upon  Jackson's  own  canvass  in  1832. 

In  accepting  the  resignation  Jackson  declared 
the  reasons  which  the  letter  had  presented  too 
strong  to  be  disregarded,  thus  practically  assent 
ing  to  Van  Buren's  candidacy  to  succeed  him. 
Jackson  looked  with  sorrow,  he  said,  upon  the 
state  of  things  Van  Buren  had  described.  But  it 
was  "  but  an  instance  of  one  of  the  evils  to  which 
free  governments  must  ever  be  liable,"  an  evil 
whose  remedy  lay  "  in  the  intelligence  and  public 
spirit  of  "  their  "common  constituents,"  who  would 
correct  it;  and  in  that  belief  he  found  "abundant 
consolation."  He  added  that,  with  the  best  op 
portunities  for  observing  and  judging,  he  had  seen 
in  Van  Buren  no  other  desire  than  "  to  move  qui 
etly  on  in  the  path  of "  his  duties,  and  "  to  pro 
mote  the  harmonious  conduct  of  public  affairs." 
"  If  on  this  point,"  he  apostrophized  the  departing 
premier,  "you  have  had  to  encounter  detraction, 
it  is  but  another  proof  of  the  utter  insufficiency 
of  innocence  and  worth  to  shield  from  such  as 
saults." 

Never  was  a  presidential  candidate  more  adroitly 
or  less  dishonorably  presented  to  his  party  and  to 
the  country.  For  the  adroitness  lay  in  the  frank 
avowal  of  a  willingness  or  dasire  to  be  president 
and  a  resolution  to  be  a  candidate,  —  for  which. 


198  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

so  far  as  their  conduct  went,  his  adversaries  were 
really  responsible,  —  and  in  seizing  an  undoubted 
opportunity  to  serve  the  public.  Quite  apart  from 
the  sound  reason  that  the  secretary  of  state  should 
not,  if  possible,  be  exposed  in  dealing  with  public 
questions  to  aspersions  upon  his  motives,  as  Van 
Buren  was  quite  right  in  saying  that  he  would  be, 
it  was  also  clear  that  the  cabinet  was  inharmoni 
ous  ;  and  that  its  lack  of  harmony,  whatever  the 
facts  or  wherever  the  fault,  seriously  interfered 
with  the  public  business.  The  administration  and 
the  country,  it  was  obvious,  were  now  approaching 
the  question  of  nullification,  and  upon  that  ques 
tion  it  was  but  patriotic  to  desire  that  its  members 
should  firmly  share  the  union  principles  of  their 
chief.  Within  a  few  weeks  after  the  dissolution  of 
the  cabinet,  Jackson  seized  the  opportunity  afforded 
him  by  an  invitation  from  the  city  of  Charleston  to 
visit  it  on  the  4th  of  July,  to  sound  in  the  ears  of 
nullification  a  ringing  blast  for  the  Union.  If  he 
could  go,  he  said,  he  trusted  to  find  in  South  Car 
olina  "  all  the  men  of  talent,  exalted  patriotism, 
and  private  worth,"  however  divided  they  might 
have  been  before,  "  united  before  the  altar  of  their 
country  on  the  day  set  apart  for  the  solemn  cele 
bration  of  its  independence, — Independence  which 
cannot  exist  without  union,  and  with  it  is  eternal." 
The  disunion  sentiments  ascribed  to  distinguished 

O 

citizens  of  the  State  were,  he  hoped,  if  indeed  they 
were  accurately  reported,  "  the  effect  of  momentary 
excitement,  not  deliberate  design."  For  all  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  199 

work  then  performed  in  defense  of  the  Union, 
Jackson  and  his  advisers  of  the  time  must  share 
with  Webster  and  Clay  the  gratitude  of  our  own 
and  all  later  generations.  The  burst  of  loyalty  in 
April,  1861,  had  no  less  of  its  genesis  in  the  in 
trepid  front  and  the  political  success  of  the  national 
administration  from  1831  to  1833,  than  in  the  pa 
thetic  and  glorious  appeals  and  aspirations  of  the 
great  orators. 

Jackson  now  called  to  the  work  Edward  Liv 
ingston,  privileged  to  perform  in  it  that  service  of 
his  which  deserves  a  splendid  immortality.  He  be 
came  secretary  of  state  on  May  24,  1831.  Eaton, 
the  secretary  of  war,  voluntarily  resigned  to  become 
governor  of  Florida ;  and  Barry,  the  postmaster- 
general,  who  was  friendly  to  the  reorganization, 
was  soon  appointed  minister  to  Spain,  in  which 
post  Eaton  later  succeeded  him.  Ingham,  Branch, 
and  Berrien,  the  Calhoun  members,  were  required 
to  resign.  The  new  cabinet,  apart  from  the  state 
department,  was  on  the  whole  far  abler  than  the 
old ;  indeed,  it  was  one  of  the  ablest  of  American 
cabinets.  Below  Livingston  at  the  council  table 
sat  McLane  of  Delaware,  recalled  from  the  British 
mission  to  take  the  treasury,  Governor  Cass  of 
Michigan,  and  Senator  Woodbury  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  secretaries  of  war  and  navy.  Amos  Kendall 
brought  to  the  post-office  his  extraordinary  astute 
ness  and  diligence  in  administration  ;  and  Taney; 
later  the  chief  justice,  was  attorney-general.  The 
executive  talents  of  this  body  of  men,  loyal  as 


200  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

they  were  to  the  plans  of  Jackson  and  Van 
promised,  and  they  afterwards  brought,  success  in 
the  struggle  for  the  principles  now  adopted  by  the 
party,  as  well  as  for  the  control  of  the  government. 
Van  Buren  stood  as  truly  for  a  policy  of  state 
as  ever  stood  any  candidate  before  the  American 
people.  One  finds  it  agreeable  now  to  escape  for 
a  moment  from  the  Washington  atmosphere  of  per 
sonal  controversy  and  ambition.  It  is  not  to  be 
forgotten,  however,  that  a  like  atmosphere  has  sur 
rounded  even  those  political  struggles  in  America, 
only  three  or  four  in  number,  which  have  been 
greater  and  deeper  than  that  in  which  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  were  the  chief  figures.  From  this 
temper  of  personal  controversy  and  ambition  the 
greatest  political  benefactors  of  history  have  not 
been  free,  so  inevitable  is  the  mingling  with  large 
affairs  of  the  varied  personal  motives,  conscious 
and  unconscious,  of  those  who  transact  them. 

When  Van  Buren  left  the  first  place  in  Jack 
son's  cabinet,  the  latter,  too,  at  last  stood  for 
the  definite  policy  which  he  had  but  imperfectly 
adopted  when  he  was  elected,  and  which,  as  a  prac 
tical  and  immediate  political  plan,  it  is  reasonably 
safe  to  assert,  was  most  largely  the  creation  of  the 
sagacious  mind  of  his  chief  associate.  Before  Van 
Buren  left  Albany  he  had  written  to  Hamilton  011 
February  21,  1829,  with  reference  to  Jackson's 
inaugural :  "  I  hope  the  general  will  not  find  it 
necessary  to  avow  any  opinion  upon  constitutional 
questions  at  war  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Jefferson 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  201 

school.  Whatever  his  views  may  be,  there  can  be 
no  necessity  of  doing  so  in  an  inaugural  address." 
This  shows  the  doubt,  which  had  been  caused  by 
some  of  Jackson's  utterances  and  votes,  of  his  in 
telligent  and  systematic  adherence  to  the  political 
creed  preached  by  Van  Buren.  Jackson's  inau 
gural  was  colorless  and  safe  enough.  Upon  strict 
construction  he  said  that  he  should  "  keep  steadily 
in  view  the  limitations  as  well  as  the  extent  of  the 
executive  power ;  "  that  he  would  be  u  animated  by 
a  proper  respect  for  those  sovereign  members  of 
our  Union,  taking  care  not  to  confound  the  powers 
they  have  reserved  to  themselves  with  those  they 
have  granted  to  the  confederacy."  The  bank  he 
did  not  mention.  And  upon  the  living  and  really 
great  question,  to  which  Van  Buren  had  given  so 
much  study,  Jackson  said,  himself  probably  having 
a  grim  sense  of  humor  at  the  absurd  emptiness  of 
the  sentence  :  "  Internal  improvement  and  the  dif 
fusion  of  knowledge,  so  far  as  they  can  be  promoted 
by  the  constitutional  acts  of  the  federal  govern 
ment,  are  of  high  importance." 

Very  different  was  the  situation  when  two  years 
later  Van  Buren  left  the  cabinet.  In  several  state 
papers  of  great  dignity  and  ability  and  yet  popular 
and  interesting  in  style,  Jackson  had  formulated 
a  political  creed  closely  consistent  with  that  ad 
vocated  by  Van  Buren  in  the  Senate.  Upon  inter 
nal  improvements,  Jackson,  on  May  27,  1830,  sent 
to  the  House  his  famous  Maysville  Road  veto. 
That  road  \vas  exclusively  within  the  State  of  Ohio, 


202  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

and  not  connected  with  any  existing  system  of  im 
provements.  Jackson  very  well  said  that  if  it 
could  he  considered  national,  no  further  distinction 
between  the  appropriate  duties  of  the  general  and 
state  governments  need  he  attempted.  Pie  pointed 
out  the  tendency  of  such  appropriations,  little  by 
little,  to  distort  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution ; 
and  found  in  former  legislation  "  an  admonitory 
proof  of  the  force  of  implication,  and  that  necessity 
of  guarding  the  Constitution  with  sleepless  vigi 
lance  against  the  authority  of  precedents  which 
have  not  the  sanction  of  its  most  plainly  defined 
powers."  In  his  annual  message  of  December, 
1830,  he  referred  to  the  system  of  federal  subscrip 
tions  to  private  corporate  enterprises,  saying  :  "  The 
power  which  the  general  government  would  acquire 
within  the  several  States  by  becoming  the  principal 
stockholder  in  corporations,  controlling  every  canal 
and  each  sixty  or  hundred  miles  of  every  important 
road,  and  giving  a  proportionate  vote  to  all  their 
elections,  is  almost  inconceivable,  and  in  my  view 
dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people."  With 
these  utterances  ended  the  very  critical  struggle  to 
give  the  federal  government  a  power  which  even 
in  those  clays  would  have  been  great,  and  which,  as 
has  already  been  said,  had  it  continued  with  the 
growth  of  railways,  would  have  enormously  and 
radically  changed  our  system  of  government. 

Before  he  left  the  Senate  Van  Btiren  had  pro 
nounced  against  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  ;  but 
Jackson  did  not  mention  it  in  his  inaugural.  In 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  203 

his  first  annual  message,  however,  Jackson  warned 
Congress  that  the  charter  of  the  bank  would 
expire  in  1836,  and  that  deliberation  upon  its  re 
newal  ought  to  commence  at  once.  u  Both  th< 
constitutionality  and  the  expediency  of  the  law 
creating  this  bank,"  he  said,  "  are  well  questioned 
.  .  .  ;  and  it  must  be  admitted  by  all  that  it  has 
failed  in  the  great  end  of  establishing  a  uniform 
and  sound  currency."  This  was  plain  enough  for 
a  first  utterance.  A  year  later  he  told  Congress 
that  nothing  had  occurred  to  lessen  in  any  degree 
the  dangers  which  many  citizens  apprehended  from 
that  institution  as  then  organized,  though  he  out 
lined  an  institution  which  should  be  not  a  corpora 
tion,  but  a  branch  of  the  Treasury  Department, 
and  not,  as  he  thought,  obnoxious  to  constitutional 
objections. 

The  removal  of  the  Cherokee  Indians  from 
within  the  State  of  Georgia  he  defended  by  consid 
erations  which  were  practically  unanswerable.  It 
was  dangerously  inconsistent  with  our  political  sys 
tem  to  maintain  within  the  limits  of  a  State  Indian 
tribes,  free  from  the  obligations  of  state  laws, 
having  a  tribal  independence,  and  bound  only  by 
treaty  relations  with  the  United  States.  It  was 
harsh  to  remove  the  Indians ;  but  it  would  have 
been  harsher  to  them  and  to  the  white  people  of 
the  State  to  have  supported  by  federal  arms  an 
Indian  sovereignty  within  its  limits.  Jackson,  with 
true  Democratic  jealousy,  refused  in  his  political 
and  executive  policy  to  defer  to  the  merely  moral 


204  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

weight  of  the  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court.  For 
in  that  tribunal  political  and  social  exigencies  could 
have  but  limited  force  in  answering  a  question 
which,  as  the  court  itself  decided,  called  for  a  poli 
tical  remedy,  which  the  President  and  not  the  court 
could  apply. 

The  tariff  might,  Jackson  declared,  be  constitu 
tionally  used  for  protective  purposes  ;  but  the  de 
liberate  policy  of  his  party  was  now  plainly  inti 
mated.  In  his  first  message  he  "  regretted  that  the 
complicated  restrictions  which  now  embarrass  the 
intercourse  of  nations  could  not  by  common  consent 
be  abolished."  In  the  Maysville  veto  he  said  that, 
"  as  long  as  the  encouragement  of  domestic  manu 
factures  "  was  "  directed  to  national  ends,"  ...  it 
should  receive  from  him  "  a  temperate  but  steady 
support."  But  this  is  to  be  read  with  the  expres 
sion  in  the  same  paper  that  the  people  had  a  right 
to  demand  "the  reduction  of  every  tax  to  as  low  a 
point  as  the  wise  observance  of  the  necessity  to 
protect  that  portion  of  our  manufactures  and  labor, 
whose  prosperity  is  essential  to  our  national  safety 
and  independence,  will  allow."  This  encourage 
ment  was,  he  said  in  his  inaugural,  to  be  given  to 
those  products  which  might  be  found  "  essential  to 
our  national  independence."  In  his  second  mes 
sage  he  declared  "  the  obligations  upon  all  the  trus 
tees  of  political  power  to  exempt  those  for  whom 
they  act  from  all  unnecessary  burdens  ;  "  that  "  the 
resources  of  the  nation  beyond  those  required  for 
the  immediate  and  necessary  purposes  of  govern- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  205 

ment  can  nowhere  be  so  well  deposited  as  in  the 
pockets  of  the  people  ;  "  that  "  objects  of  national 
importance  alone  ought  to  be  protected  ;  "  and  that 
"  of  those  the  productions  of  our  soil,  our  mines, 
and  our  workshops,  essential  to  national  defense, 
occupy  the  first  rank."  Other  domestic  industries, 
having-  a  national  importance,  and  which  might, 
after  temporary  protection,  compete  with  foreign 
labor  on  equal  terms,  merited,  he  said,  the  same 
attention  in  a  subordinate  degree.  The  economic 
light  here  was  not  very  clear  or  strong,  but  perhaps 
as  strong  as  it  often  is  in  a  political  paper.  Jack 
son's  conclusion  was  that  the  tariff  then  existing 
taxed  some  of  the  comforts  of  life  too  highly ;  pro 
tected  interests  too  local  and  minute  to  justify  a 
general  exaction  ;  and  forced  some  manufactures 
for  which  the  country  was  not  ripe. 

All  this  practical  and  striking  growth  in  politi 
cal  science  had  taken  place  during  the  two  years  of 
Jackson's  and  Van  Buren's  almost  daily  intercourse 
at  Washington.  It  is  impossible  from  materials 
yet  made  public  to  point  out  with  precision  the 
latter's  handiwork  in  each  of  these  papers.  James 
A.  Hamilton  describes  his  own  long  nights  at. the 
White  House  on  the  messages  of  1829  and  1830 ; 
and  his  were  not  the  only  nights  of  the  kind  spent 
by  Jackson's  friends.  Jackson,  like  other  strong 
men,  and  like  some  whose  opportunities  of  educa 
tion  hail  been  far  ampler  than  his,  freely  used  liter 
ary  assistance,  although,  with  all  his  inaccuracies, 
he  himself  wrote  in  a  vigorous,  lucid,  and  interest- 


206  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

ing  style.  But  with  little  doubt  the  political  posi 
tions  taken  in  these  papers,  and  which  made  a 
definite  and  lasting  creed,  were  more  immediately 
the  work  of  the  secretary  of  state.  The  consulta 
tions  with  Van  Buren,  of  which  Hamilton  tells,  are 
only  glimpses  of  what  must  continually  have  gone 
on.  At  the  time  of  Jackson's  inauguration  Hamil 
ton  wrote  that  the  latter's  confidence  was  reposed 
in  men  in  no  way  equal  to  him  in  natural  parts, 
but  who  had  been  useful  to  him  in  covering  "  his 
very  lamentable  defects  of  education,"  and  whom, 
through  his  reluctance  to  expose  these  defects  to 
others,  he  was  compelled  to  keep  about  him.  He 
added  that  Van  Buren  could  never  reach  the  same 
relation  which  Lewis  held  with  the  general,  because 
the  latter  would  "  not  yield  himself  so  readily  to 
superior  as  to  inferior  minds."  This  was  a  mistake. 
Van  Buren's  personal- loyalty  to  Jackson,  his  re 
markable  tact  and  delicacy,  had  promptly  aroused 
in  Jackson  that  extraordinary  liking  for  him  which 
lasted  until  Jackson  died.  With  this  advantage, 
Van  Buren's  clear-cut  theories  of  political  conduct 
were  easily  lodged  in  Jackson's  naturally  wise 
mind,  to  whose  prepossessions  and  prejudices  they 
were  agreeable,  and  received  there  the  deference 
due  to  the  practical  sagacity  in  which  Van  Buren's 
obvious  political  success  had  proved  him  to  be  a 
master.  Van  Buren  was  doubtless  greatly  aided 
by  the  kitchen  cabinet.  He  was  careful  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  those  who  had  so  familiar  an 
access  to  Jackson.  Kendall's  singular  and  useful 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  207 

ability  he  soon  discovered.  It  was  at  the  latter's 
instance  that  Kendall  was  invited  to  dinner  at  the 
White  House,  where  Van  Buren  paid  him  special 
attention.  The  influence  of  the  members  of  the 
kitchen  cabinet  with  their  master  has  been  much 
exaggerated.  Soon  after  Lewis  was  appointed, 
and  in  spite  of  his  personal  intimacy  and  of  his 
rumored  influence  with  the  President,  he  was,  as 
he  wrote  to  Hamilton,  in  some  anxiety  whether  he 
might  not  be  removed  ;  the  President  had  at  least, 
he  said,  entertained  a  proposition  to  remove  him, 
and  was  therefore,  in  view  of  Jackson's  great  debt 
to  him,  no  longer  entitled  to  his  "  friendship  or 
future  support." 

Very  soon  after  Van  Bur  en's  withdrawal  from 
the  cabinet,  he  was  accused  of  primarily  and  chiefly 
causing  the  official  proscription  of  men  for  political 
opinions  which  began  in  the  federal  service  under 
Jackson.  From  that  time  to  the  present  the  accu 
sation  has  been  carelessly  repeated  from  one  writer 
to  another,  with  little  original  examination  of  the 
facts.  It  is  clear  that  Van  Buren  neither  began 
nor  caused  this  demoralizing  and  disastrous  abuse. 
When  he  reached  Washington  in  1829,  the  re 
movals  were  in  full  and  lamentable  progress.  In 
the  very  first  days  of  the  administration,  McLean 
was  removed  from  the  office  of  postmaster-general 
to  a  seat  in  the  Supreme  Court,  because,  so  Adams 
after  an  interview  with  him  wrote  in  his  diary  on 
March  14, 1829,  "  he  refused  to  be  made  the  instru 
ment  of  the  sweeping  proscription  of  postmasters 


208  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

which  is  to  be  one  of  the  samples  of  the  promised 
reform."  This  was  a  week  or  two  before  Van 
Buren  reached  Washington.  On  the  same  day 
Samuel  Swartwout  wrote  to  Hoyt  from  Washing 
ton  :  "No  damned  rascal  who  made  nse  of  his 
office  or  its  profits  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  Mr. 
Adams  in,  and  General  Jackson  out  of  power,  is 
entitled  to  the  least  lenity  or  mercy,  save  that  of 
hanging.  .  .  .  Whether  or  not  I  shall  get  anything 
in  the  general  scramble  for  plunder  remains  to  be 
proven ;  but  I  rather  guess  I  shall.  ...  I  know 
Mr.  Ingham  slightly,  and  would  recommend  you  to 
push  like  a  devil,  if  you  expect  anything  from  that 
quarter.  ...  If  I  can  only  keep  my  own  legs,  I 
shall  do  well ;  but  I  'in  darned  if  I  can  carry  any 
weight  with  me."  This  man,  against  Van  Buren's 
earnest  protest  and  to  his  great  disturbance,  had 
some  of  the  devil's  luck  in  pushing.  He  was  ap 
pointed  collector  of  customs  at  New  York,  —  one 
of  the  principal  financial  officers  in  the  country. 
It  is  not  altogether  unsatisfactory  to  read  of  the 
scandalous  defalcation  of  which  he  was  afterwards 
guilty,  and  of  the  serious  injury  it  dealt  his  party. 
The  temper  which  he  exposed  so  ingenuously,  filled 
Washington  at  the  time.  Nor  did  it  come  only  or 
chiefly  from  one  quarter  of  the  country.  Kendall, 
then  fresh  from  Kentucky,  who  had  been  appointed 
fourth  auditor,  wrote  to  his  wife,  with  interestingly 
mingled  sentiments :  kt  I  turned  out  six  clerks  on 
Saturday.  Several  of  them  have  families  and  are 
poor.  It  was  the  most  painful  thing  I  ever  did,' 


SECRETARY   OF   STATE  209 

but  I  could  not  well  get  along  without  it.  Among 
them  is  a  poor  old  man  with  a  young  wife  and  sev 
eral  children.  I  shall  help  to  raise  a  contribution 
to  get  him  back  to  Ohio.  ...  I  shall  have  a  pri 
vate  carriage  to  go  out  with  me  and  bring  my 
whole  brood  of  little  ones.  Bless  their  sweet 
faces." 

Van  Buren  confidentially  wrote  to  Hamilton 
from  Albany  in  March,  1829 :  "  If  the  general 
makes  one  removal  at  this  moment  he  must  go  on. 
Would  it  not  be  better  to  get  the  streets  of  Wash 
ington  clear  of  office-seekers  first  in  the  way  I  pro 
posed  ?  .  .  .  As  to  the  publication  in  the  news 
papers  I  have  more  to  say.  So  far  as  depends  on 
me,  my  course  will  be  to  restore  by  a  single  order 
every  one  who  has  been  turned  out  by  Mr.  Clay 
for  political  reasons,  unless  circumstances  of  a  per 
sonal  character  have  since  arisen  which  would  make 
the  reappointment  in  any  case  improper.  To  ascer 
tain  that  will  take  a  little  time.  There  I  would 
pause."  Among  the  Mackenzie  letters  is  one  from 
Lorenzo  Ployt,  describing  an  interview  with  Van 
Buren  while  governor,  and  then  complaining  that 
the  latter  would  ;'  not  lend  the  utmost  weight  of 
his  influence  to  displace  from  office  such  men  as 
John  Duer,"  Adams's  appointee  as  United  States 
attorney  at  New  York.  ^  If  they  had  been  strug 
gling  for  political  success  for  the  benefit,  of  their 
opponents,  he  angrily  wrote,  he  wished  to  know 
it.  He  added,  however,  that,  from  the  behavior 
of  the  President  thus  far,  he  thought  Jackson 


210  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

would  "  go  the  whole  hog."  This  was  before  Van 
Buren  reached  Washington.  In  answer  to  an 
insolent  letter  of  Jesse  Hoyt  urging  a  removal, 
and  telling  the  secretary  of  state  that  there  was  a 
"  charm  attending  bold  measures  extremely  fas 
cinating  "  which  had  given  Jackson  all  his  glory. 
Van  Buren  wrote  back  :  "  Here  I  am  engaged  in 
the  most  intricate  and  important  affairs,  which  are 
new  to  me,  and  upon  the  successful  conduct  of 
which  my  reputation  as  well  as  the  interests  of  the 
country  depend,  and  which  keep  me  occupied  from 
early  in  the  morning  until  late  at  night.  And  can 
you  think  it  kind  or  just  to  harass  me  under  such 
circumstances  with  letters  which  no  man  of  common 
sensibility  can  read  without  pain  ?  .  .  .  I  must  be 
plain  with  you.  .  .  .  The  terms  upon  which  yon 
have  seen  fit  to  place  our  intercourse  are  inad 
missible."  Ingham,  Jackson's  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  the  next  day  wrote  to  this  typical  office- 
seeker  that  the  rage  for  office  in  New  York  was 
such  that  an  enemy  menacing  the  city  with  desola 
tion  would  not  cause  more  excitement.  He  added, 
speaking  of  his  own  legitimate  work :  "  These 
duties  cannot  be  postponed ;  and  I  do  assure  you 
that  I  am  compelled  daily  to  file  away  long  lists  of 
recommendations,  etc.,  without  reading  them,  al 
though  I  work  18  hours  out  of  the  24  with  all 
diligence.  The  appointments  can  be  postponed  ; 
other  matters  cannot ;  and  it  was  one  of  the  promi 
nent  errors  of  the  late  administration  that  they 
suffered  many  important  public  interests  to  be 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  211 

neglected ,  while  they  were  cruising  about  to  secure 
or  buy  up  partisans.     This  we  must  not  do." 

Benton,  friendly  as  he  was  to  Jackson,  con 
demned  the  system  of  removals ;  and  his  fairness 
may  well  be  trusted.  He  said  that  in  Jackson's 
first  year  (in  which  De  Tocqueville,  whom  he  was 
answering,  said  that  Jackson  had  removed  every 
removable  functionary)  there  were  removed  but 
690  officers  through  the  whole  United  States  foi 
all  causes,  of  whom  491  were  postmasters :  the  en 
tire  number  of  postmasters  being  at  the  time  nearly 
8000.  Kendall,  reviewing  the  first  three  years  of 
Jackson's  administration  near  their  expiration,  said 
that  in  the  city  of  Washington  there  had  been 
removed  but  one  officer  out  of  seven,  and  "  most  of 
them  for  bad  conduct  and  character,"  a  statement 
some  of  the  significance  of  which  doubtless  depends 
upon  what  was  "  bad  character,"  but  which  still 
fairly  limits  the  epithet  "  wholesale  "  customarily 
applied  to  these  removals.  In  the  Post- Office  De 
partment,  he  said,  the  removals  had  been  only  one 
out  of  sixteen,  and  in  the  whole  government  but 
one  out  of  eleven.  Kendall  was  speaking  for  party 
purposes ;  but  he  was  cautious  and  precise  ;  and 
his  statements,  made  near  the  time,  show  how  far 
behind  the  sudden  "  clean  sweep "  of  1861  was 
this  earlier  essay  in  "  spoils,"  and  how  much  exag 
geration  there  has  been  on  the  subject.  Benton 
says  that  in  the  departments  at  Washington  a 
majority  of  the  employees  were  opposed  to  Jack 
son  throughout  his  administration.  Of  the  officers 


212  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

having  a  judicial  function,  such  as  land  and  claims 
commissioners,  territorial  judges,  justices  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  none  were  removed.  The 
readiness  to  remove  was  stimulated  by  the  discovery 
of  the  frauds  of  Tobias  Watkins,  made  just  after 
his  removal  from  the  fourth  auditor's  place,  to 
which  Kendall  was  appointed.  Watkins  had  been 
Adams's  warm  personal  friend,  so  the  latter  states 
in  his  diary,  and  "  an  over  active  partisan  against 
Jackson  at  the  last  presidential  election."  Un 
reasonable  as  was  a  general  inference  from  one  of 
the  instances  of  dishonesty  which  occur  under  the 
best  administrations,  and  a  flagrant  instance  of 
which  was  soon  to  occur  under  his  own  administra 
tion,  it  justified  Jackson  in  his  own  eyes  for  many 
really  shameful  removals.  There  had  doubtless 
been  among  office-holders  under  Adams  a  good 
deal  of  the  "  offensive  partisanship  "  of  our  day, 
many  expressions  of  horror  by  subordinate  officers 
at  the  picture  of  Jackson  as  president.  All  tin.] 
had  angered  Jackson,  whose  imperial  temper  read 
ily  classed  his  subordinates  as  servants  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  rather  than  as  ministers  of  the  public 
service.  Moreover,  his  accession,  as  Benton  not 
unfairly  pointed  out,  was  the  first  great  party 
change  since  Jefferson  had  succeeded  the  elder 
Adams.  Offices  had  greatly  increased  in  number. 
In  the  profound  democratic  change  that  had  been 
actively  operating  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  the 
force  of  old  traditions  had  been  broken  in  many 
useful  as  in  many  useless  things.  Great  numbers 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  213 

of  inferior  offices  had  now  become  political,  not 
only  in  New  York,  but  in  Pennsylvania,  Georgia, 
and  other  States.  Adams's  administration,  except 
in  the  change  of  policy  upon  large  questions,  had 
been  a  continuation  of  Monroe's.  He  went  from 
the  first  place  in  Monroe's  cabinet  to  the  presi 
dency.  His  secretaries  of  the  treasury  and  the 
navy  and  his  postmaster-general  and  attorney-gen 
eral  had  held  office  under  Monroe,  the  latter  three 
in  the  very  same  places.  But  Jackson  thrust  out 
of  the  presidency  his  rival,  who  had  naturally 
enough  been  earnestly  sustained  by  large  numbers 
of  his  subordinates ;  and  Adams's  appointees  were 
doubtless  in  general  followers  of  himself  and  of 
Clay. 

Jackson's  first  message  contained  a  serious  de 
fense  of  the  removals.  Men  long  in  office,  he  said, 
acquired  the  "  habit  of  looking  with  indifference 
upon  the  public  interests,"  and  office  became  consi 
dered  "a  species  of  property."  "The  duties  of 
all  public  officers,"  he  declared,  with  an  ignorance 
then  very  common  among  Americans,  could  be 
"  made  so  plain  and  simple  that  men  of  intelligence 
may  readily  qualify  themselves  for  their  perform 
ance."  Further,  he  pointed  out  that  no  one  man 
had  "any  more  intrinsic  right"  to  office  than  an 
other;  and  therefore  uno  individual  wrong  "  was 
done  by  removal.  The  officer  removed,  he  con 
cluded,  with  almost  a  demagogic  touch,  had  the 
same  means  of  earning  a  living  as  "  the  millions 
who  never  held  office."  In  spite  of  individual  dis- 


214  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

tress  he  wished  "rotation  in  office  "  to  become  "a 
leading  principle  in  the  Republican  creed."  Un 
founded  as  most  of  this  is  now  clearly  seen  to  be, 
it  is  certain  that  the  reasoning  was  convincing  to  a 
very  large  part  of  the  American  people. 

In  his  own  department  Van  Bureii  practiced 
little  of  the  proscription  which  was  active  else 
where.  Of  seventeen  foreign  representatives,  but 
four  were  removed  in  the  first  year.  Doubtless 
he  was  fortunate  in  having  an  office  without  the 
amount  of  patronage  of  the  Post-Office  or  the 
Treasury.  Nothing  in  his  career,  however,  showed 
a  personal  liking  for  removals.  The  distribution 
of  offices  was  not  distasteful  to  him ;  but  his  tem 
per  was  neither  prescriptive  nor  unfriendly.  At 
times  even  his»partisan  loyalty  was  doubted  for  his 
reluctance  in  this,  which  was  soon  deemed  an  ap 
propriate  and  even  necessary  party  work. 

But  Van  Buren  did  not  oppose  the  ruinous  and 
demoralizing  system.  Powerful  as  he  was  with 
Jackson,  wise  and  far-seeing  as  he  was,  he  must 
receive  for  his  acquiescence,  or  even  for  his  silence, 
a  part  of  the  condemnation  which  the  American 
people,  as  time  goes  on,  will  more  and  more  visit 
upon  one  of  the  great  political  offenses  committed 
against  their  political  integrity  and  welfare.  But 
It  must  in  justice  be  remembered,  not  only  that 
Van  Buren  did  not  begin  or  actively  conduct  the 
distribution  of  spoils  ;  not  only  that  his  acqui 
escence  was  in  a  practice  which  in  his  own  State  he 
had  found  well  established ;  but  that  the  practice 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  215 

in  which  he  thus  joined  was  one  which  it  is  pro 
bable  he  could  not  have  fully  resisted  without  his 
own  political  destruction,  and  perhaps  the  tempo 
rary  prostration  of  the  political  causes  to  which  he 
was  devoted.  Though  these  be  palliations  and  not 
defenses,  the  biographer  ought  not  to  apply  to 
human  nature  a  rule  of  unprecedented  austerity. 
In  Van  Buren's  politic  yielding  there  was  little,  if 
any,  more  timidity  or  time-serving  than  in  the  like 
yielding  by  every  man  holding  great  office  in  the 
United  States  since  Jackson's  inauguration  ;  and 
the  worst,  the  most  corrupting,  and  the  most  de 
moralizing  official  proscription  in  America  took 
place  thirty-two  years  afterwards,  and  under  a 
president  who,  in  wise  and  exalted  patriotism,  was 
one  of  the  greatest  statesmen,  as  he  has  been  per 
haps  the  best  loved,  of  Americans,  and  to  whom 
blame  ought  to  be  assigned  all  the  larger  by  rea 
son  of  the  extraordinary  power  and  prestige  he 
enjoyed,  and  the  moral  fervor  of  the  nation  behind 
him,  which  rendered  less  necessary  this  unworthy 
aid  of  inferior  patronage. 

So  crowded  and  interesting  were  the  two  years 
of  Van  Buren's  life  in  the  cabinet  with  matters 
apart  from  the  special  duties  of  his  office,  that  it 
is  only  at  the  last,  and  briefly,  that  an  account  can 
be  given  of  his  career  as  secretary  of  state.  His 
conduct  of  foreign  affairs  was  firm,  adroit,  dig 
nified,  and  highly  successful.  It  utterly  broke 
the  ideal  of  turbulent  and  menacing  incompetence 
which  the  Whigs  set  up  for  Jackson's  presidency. 


216  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

He  had  to  solve  no  difficulty  of  the  very  first 
order;  for  the  United  States  were  in  profound 
peace  with  the  whole  world.  He  performed,  how 
ever,  with  skill  and  success  two  diplomatic  services 
of  real  importance,  services  which  brought  de 
served  and  most  valuable  strength  to  Jackson's 
administration.  The  American  claims  for  French 
spoliations  upon  American  ships  during  the  opera 
tion  of  Napoleon's  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  had 
been  under  discussion  for  many  years.  They  were 
now  resolutely  pressed.  In  his  message  of  Decem 
ber,  1829,  Jackson,  doubtless  under  Van  Buren's 
advice,  paid  some  compliments  to  "  France,  our 
»ncient  ally ; "  but  then  said  very  plainly  that 
these  claims,  unless  satisfied,  would  continue  "  a 
subject  of  unpleasant  discussion  and  possible  col 
lision  between  the  two  governments."  ,  Pie  politely 
referred  to  "  the  known  integrity  of  the  French 
monarch,"  Charles  X.,  as  an  assurance  that  the 
claims  would  be  paid.  A  few  months  afterwards 
this  Bourbon  was  tumbled  off  the  French  throne ; 
and  in  December,  1830,  Jackson  with  increased 
courtliness,  and  with  a  flattering  allusion  to  La 
fayette,  conspicuous  in  this  milder  revolution  as  he 
had  been  in  1789,  rejoiced  in  u  the  high  voucher 
we  possess  for  the  enlarged  views  and  pure  in 
tegrity  "  of  Louis  Philippe.  The  new  American 
vigor,  doubtless  aided  by  the  liberal  change  in 
France,  brought  a  treaty  on  July  4,  1831,  under 
which  $5,000,000  was  to  be  paid  by  France,  a 
result  which  Jackson,  with  pardonable  boasting, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  217 

said  in  his  message  of  December,  1831,  was  <tn 
encouragement  "  for  perseverance  in  the  demands 
of  justice,"  and  would  admonish  other  powers,  if 
any,  inclined  to  evade  those  demands,  that  they 
would  never  be  abandoned.  The  French  treaty 
came  so  soon  after  Van  Buren's  retirement  from 
the  state  department,  and  followed  so  naturally 
upon  the  methods  of  his  negotiation,  and  his  in 
structions  to  William  C.  Rives,  our  minister  at 
Paris,  that  much  of  its  credit  belonged  to  him.  In 
March,  1830,  a  treaty  was  made  with  Denmark 
requiring  the  payment  of  $650,000  for  Danish 
spoliations  on  American  commerce.  The  effective 
pressing  of  these  claims  was  justly  one  of  the  most 
popular  performances  of  the  administration.  Com 
mercial  treaties  were  concluded  with  Austria  in 
August,  1829;  with  Turkey  in  May,  1830;  and 
with  Mexico  in  April,  1831. 

But  the  chief  transaction  of  Van  Buren's  foreign 
administration  was  the  opening  of  trade  in  Ameri 
can  vessels  between  the  United  States  and  the 
British  West  Indian  colonies.  This  commerce  was 
then  relatively  much  more  important  to  the  United 
States  than  in  later  times ;  and  it  was  chiefly  by 
American  shipping  that  American  commerce  was 
carried  on  with  foreign  countries.  The  absurd  and 
odious  restrictions  upon  intercourse  so  highly  natu 
ral  and  advantageous  to  the  people  of  our  seaboard 
and  of  the  British  West  Indian  islands  had  led  to 
smuggling  on  a  large  scale,  and  were  fruitful  of 
international  irritations.  Retaliatory  acts  of  Con- 


218  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

gress  and  Parliament,  prohibitive  proclamations  of 
our  presidents,  and  British  orders  in  council,  had 
at  different  times,  since  the  close  of  the  second 
British  war  in  1815,  oppressed  or  prevented  honest 
and  profitable  trade  between  neighbors  who  ought 
to  have  been  friendly  traders.  Van  Buren  found 
the  immediate  position  to  be  as  follows.  In  July, 

1825,  an  act  of   Parliament   had    allowed   foreign 
vessels  to  trade  to  the  British  colonies  upon  con 
ditions.    To  secure  for  American  vessels  the  benefit 
of  this  act,  it  was  necessary  that  within  one  year 
American  ports  should  be  open  to  British  vessels 
bringing  the  same  kind  of  British  or  colonial  pro 
duce  as  could  be  imported    in  American   vessels  ; 
that    British   and   American   vessels    in    the   trade 
should    pay   the   same   government    charges  ;    that 
alien  duties  on  British  vessels  and  cargoes,  that  is, 
duties  not  imposed  on  the  like  vessels  and  cargoes 
owned   by  Americans,  should   be  suspended  ;    and 
that   the   provision  of  an   American   law  of   1823 
limiting  the  privileges  of  the  colonial  trade  to  Brit 
ish  vessels  carrying  colonial  produce  to  American 
ports  directly  from  the  colonies  exporting  it,  and 
without  stopping  at  intermediate  ports,  should   be 
repealed.     John    Quincy    Adams's    administration 
had  failed  within  the  year  to  comply  with  the  con 
ditions  imposed   by  the  British  law  of  1825.     In 

1826,  therefore,  Great  Britain  forbade  this  trade 
and  intercourse   in  American  vessels.     Adams  re 
torted  with  a  counter  prohibition  in  March,  1827. 
And  in  this  unfortunate  position  Van  Buren  found 


SECRETARY   OF   STATE  219 

our  commercial  relations  with  the  West  Indian, 
Bahama,  and  South  American  colonies  of  England. 
The  situation  was  aggravated  by  a  claim  made  by 
the  American  government  in  1823  that  American 
goods  should  pay  in  the  colonial  ports  no  higher 
duties  than  British  goods,  a  protest  against  British 
protection  to  British  industry  in  the  British  colo 
nies  coming  with  little  grace  from  a  country  itself 
maintaining  the  protective  system.  Adams  had 
sent  Gallatin  to  England  to  remedy  the  difficulty, 
but  without  success. 

Van  Buren  adopted  a  different  method  of  nego 
tiation.  A  more  conciliatory  bearing  was  assumed 
towards  our  traditional  adversary.  Jackson,  in 
language  sounding  strangely  from  his  imperious 
mouth,  was  made  to  say  in  his  first  message  that 
u  with  Great  Britain,  alike  distinguished  in  peace 
and  war,  we  may  look  forward  to  years  of  peaceful, 
honorable,  and  elevated  competition ;  that  it  is 
their  policy  to  preserve  the  most  cordial  relations." 
These,  he  said,  were  his  own  views  ;  and  such  were 
"the  prevailing  sentiments  of  our  constituents." 
In  his  instructions  to  McLane,  the  minister  at 
London,  Van  Buren,  departing  widely  from  con 
ventional  diplomacy,  expressly  conceded  that  the 
American  government  had  been  wrong  in  its  claim 
that  England  should  admit  to  its  colonies  American 
goods  on  as  favorable  terms  as  British  goods ;  that 
it  had  been  wrong  in  requiring  British  ships  bring 
ing  colonial  produce  to  come  and  go  directly  from 
and  to  the  producing  colonies  ;  and  that  it  had 


220  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

been  wrong  in  refusing  the  privileges  offered  by 
the  British  law  of  1825.  This  frank  surrender  of 
untenable  positions  showed  the  highest  skill  in  ne 
gotiation,  a  business  for  which  Van  Buren  was 
perhaps  better  equipped  than  any  American  of  his 
time.  In  these  points  we  were  u  assailable  ;  "  we 
had  "  too  long  and  too  tenaciously  "  resisted  Brit 
ish  rights.  After  these  admissions,  it  would,  he 
said,  be  improper  for  Great  Britain  to  suffer  "  any 
feelings  that  find  their  origin  in  the  past  preten 
sions  of  this  government  to  have  an  adverse  in 
fluence  upon  the  present  conduct  of  Great  Britain." 
McLane  was  to  tell  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  that  u  to 
set  up  the  act  of  the  late  administration  as  the 
cause  of  forfeiture  of  privileges  which  would  other 
wise  be  extended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
would,  under  existing  circumstances,  be  unjust  in 
itself,  and  could  not  fail  to  excite  their  deepest 
sensibility."  McLane  was  also  to  allude  to  the 
parts  taken  by  the  members  of  Jackson's  adminis 
tration  in  the  former  treatment  of  the  question 
under  discussion.  And  here  Van  Buren  used  the 
objectionable  sentence  which  led  to  his  subsequent 
rejection  by  the  Senate  as  minister  to  England, 
and  which  through  that,  such  are  the  curious  ca 
prices  of  politics,  led,  or  at  least  helped  to  lead, 
him  to  the  presidency.  He  said,  "Their  views 
upon  that  point  have  been  submitted  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  •;  and  the  counsels  by  which 
your  conduct  is  now  directed  are  the  result  of  the 
judgment  expressed  by  the  only  earthly  tribunal 


SECRETARY   OF  STATE  221 

to  which  the  late  administration  was  amenable  for 
its  acts." 

In  Van  Buren's  sagacious  desire  to  emphasize 
the  abandonment  of  claims  preventing'  the  negotia 
tion,  he  here  introduced  to  a  foreign  nation  the 
American  people  as  a  judge  that  had  condemned 
the  assertion  of  such  claims  by  Jackson's  predeces 
sor.  The  statement  was  at  least  an  exaggeration. 
There  was  little  reason  to  suppose  that  Adams's 
failure  in  the  negotiation  over  colonial  trade  had 
much,  if  at  all,  influenced  the  election  of  1828. 
Nor  was  it  dignified  to  officially  expose  our  party 
contests  to  foreign  eyes.  But  Van  Buren  was  in 
tent  upon  success  in  the  negotiation.  He  could 
succeed  where  others  had  failed,  only  by  a  strong 
assertion  of  a  change  in  American  policy.  His 
fault  was  at  most  one  of  taste  in  the  manner  of  an 
assertion  right  enough  and  wise  enough  in  itself. 
Nor  were  these  celebrated  instructions  lacking  in 
firmness  or  dignity.  Great  Britain  was  clearly 
warned  that  she  must  then  decide  for  all  time 
whether  the  hardships  from  which  her  West  Indian 
planters  suffered  should  continue ;  and  that  the 
United  States  would  not  "  in  expiation  of  supposed 
past  encroachments "  repeal  their  laws,  leaving 
themselves  u  wholly  dependent  upon  the  indulgence 
of  Great  Britain,"  and  not  knowing  in  advance 
what  course  she  would  follow.  In  his  speech  in 
the  Senate  in  February,  1827,  Van  Buren  had 
clearly  stated  the  general  positions  which  he  took 
in  this  famous  dispatch.  It  is  rather  curious,  how- 


222  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ever,  that  he  found  occasion  then  to  say  upon  this 
very  subject  what  he  seemed  afterwards  to  forget, 
that  "  in  the  collisions  which  may  arise  between 
the  United  States  and  a  foreign  power,  it  is  our 
duty  to  present  an  unbroken  front ;  domestic  dif 
ferences,  if  they  tend  to  give  encouragement  to 
unjust  pretensions,  should  be  extinguished  or  de 
ferred  ;  and  the  cause  of  our  government  must  be 
considered  as  the  cause  of  our  country."  So  easy 
it  is  to  advise  other  men  to  be  bold  and  firm. 

McLane's  long  and  very  able  letter  to  the  British 
foreign  secretary  closely  followed  his  instructions. 
Lord  Aberdeen  was  frankly  told  that  the  United 
States  had  committed  "  mistakes  "  in  the  past ;  and 
that  the  "  American  pretensions  "  which  had  pre 
vented  a  former  arrangement  would  not  be  revived. 
Thv3  negotiation  was  entirely  successful.  In  Octo 
ber,  1830,  the  President,  with  the  authorization  of 
Congress,  declared  American  ports  open  to  British 
vessels  and  their  cargoes  coming  from  the  colonies, 
and  that  they  should  be  subject  to  the  same  charges 
as  American  vessels  coming  from  the  same  colonies. 
In  November  a  British  order  in  council  gave  to 
American  vessels  corresponding  privileges.  On 
January  3,  1831,  Jackson  sent  to  the  Senate  the 
papers,  including  Van  Buren's  letter  of  instruc 
tions.  No  criticism  was  made  upon  their  tenor  ; 
and  the  public,  heedless  of  the  phrases  used  in 
reaching  the  end,  rejoiced  in  a  most  beneficent 
opening  of  commerce. 


CHAPTER   VII 

MINISTER   TO    ENGLAND.  —  VICE-PRESIDENT.— 
ELECTION   TO   THE    PRESIDENCY 

IN  the  summer  of  1831  Van  Buren  knew  very 
well  the  strong  hold  he  had  upon  his  party,  the 
entire  and  almost  affectionate  confidence  which  he 
enjoyed  from  Jackson,  and  the  prestige  which  his 
political  and  official  success  had  brought  him.  But 
to  the  country,  as  he  was  well  aware,  he  seemed 
also  to  be,  as  he  was,  a  politician,  obviously  skilled 
in  the  art,  and  an  avowed  candidate  for  the  presi 
dency.  His  conciliatory  bearing,  his  abstinence 
from  personal  abuse,  his  freedom  from  personal 
animosities,  all  were  widely  declared  to  be  the 
mere  incidents  of  constant  duplicity  and  intrigue. 
The  absence  of  proof,  and  his  own  explicit  denial 
and  appeal  to  those  who  knew  the  facts,  did  not 
protect  him  from  the  belief  of  his  adversaries  —  a 
belief  which,  without  examination,  has  since  been 
widely  adopted  —  that  to  prostrate  a  dangerous 
rival  he  had  promoted  the  quarrel  between  »]  ackson 
and  Calhoun.  McLane,  the  minister  at  London, 
wished  to  come  home,  and  was  to  be  the  new  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury.  Van  Buren  gladly  seized  the 
opportunity,  lie  would  leave  the  field  of  political 


224  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

management.      Three  thousand  miles  in  distance 

O 

and  a  month  in  time  away  from  Washington  or 
New  York,  there  could,  he  thought,  be  little  pre 
tense  of  personal  manoeuvres  on  his  part.  He 
would  thus  plainly  submit  his  candidacy  to  popular 
judgment  upon  his  public  career,  without  inter 
ference  from  himself.  He  would  escape  the  many 
embarrassments  of  every  politician  upon  whom 
demands  are  continually  made,  —  demands  whose 
rejection  or  allowance  alike  brings  offense.  The 
English  mission  was  prominently  in  the  public  ser 
vice,  but  out  of  its  difficulties  ;  and  it  was  made 
particularly  grateful  to  him  by  his  success  in  the 
recent  negotiation  over  colonial  trade.  He  there 
fore  accepted  the  post,  for  which  in  almost  every 
respect  he  had  extraordinary  equipment.  He  finally 
left  the  State  Department  in  June,  1831 ;  and  on 
his  departure  from  Washington  Jackson  conspicu 
ously  rode  with  him  out  of  the  city.  On  August 
1,  he  was  formally  appointed  minister  to  Great 
Britain  ;  and  in  September  he  arrived  in  London, 
accompanied  by  his  son  John. 

Van  Buren  found  Washington  Irving  presiding 
over  the  London  legation  in  McLane's  absence  as 
charge  d'affaires,  Irving's  appointment  to  be  sec 
retary  of  legation  under  McLane  had  been  one  of 
Van  Buren's  early  acts,  —  a  proof,  Irving  wrote, 
u  of  the  odd  way  in  which  this  mad  world  is  gov 
erned,  when  a  secretary  of  state  of  a  stern  republic 
gives  away  offices  of  the  kind  at  the  recommenda 
tion  of  a  jovial  little  man  of  the  seas  like  Jack 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  225 

Nicholson."  But  this  was  jocose.  When  the  ap 
pointment  was  suggested,  it  was  particularly  plea 
sant  to  Van  Buren  that  this  graceful  and  gentle  bit 
of  patronage  should  be  given  by  so  grim  a  figure 
as  Jackson.  Irving  had  come  on  from  Spain,  his 
"Columbus"  just  finished,  and  his  "  Alhambra 
Tales  "  ready  for  writing.  His  extraordinary  popu 
larity  in  England  and  his  old  familiarity  with 
its  life  made  him  highly  useful  to  the  American 
minister,  as  Van  Buren  himself  soon  found.  It 
was  not  the  last  time  that  Englishmen  respected 
the  republic  of  the  west  the  more  because  the  re 
spect  carried  with  it  an  homage  to  the  republic  of 
letters.  Irving's  was  an  early  one  of  the  appoint 
ments  which  established  the  agreeable  tradition  of 
the  American  diplomatic  and  consular  service,  that 
literary  men  should  always  hold  some  of  its  places 
of  honor  and  profit.  When  Van  Buren  arrived, 
Irving  was  already  weary  of  his  post  and  had  re> 
signed.  He  remained,  however,  with  the  new  min 
ister  until  he  too  surrendered  his  office.  The  two 
men  became  warm  and  lifelong  friends.  The  day 
after  Van  Buren's  arrival  Irving  wrote :  "  I  have 
just  seen  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  do  not  wonder  you 
should  all  be  so  fond  of  him.  His  manners  are 
most  amiable  and  ingratiating;  and  I  have  no 
doubt  he  will  become  a  favorite  at  this  court." 
After  an  intimacy  of  several  months  he  wrote: 
*'  The  more  I  see  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  the  more  I 
feel  confirmed  in  a  strong  personal  regard  for  him. 
He  is  one  of  the  gentlest  and  most  amiable  men  I 


226  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

have  ever  met  with  ;  with  an  affectionate  disposi- 
tioii  that  attaches  itself  to  those  around  him,  and 
wins  their  kindness  in  return." 

After  a  few  months  of  the  charming  life  which 
an  American  of  distinction  finds  open  to  him  in 
London,  a  life  for  whose  duties  and  whose  pleasures 
Van  Buren  was  happily  fitted,1  there  came  to  him 
an  extraordinary  and  enviable  delight.  He  posted 
through  England  in  an  open  carriage  with  the 
author  of  the  "  Sketch  Book  "  and  "  Braeebridge 
Hall."  From  those  daintiest  sources  he  had  years 
before  got  an  idea  of  English  country  life,  and  of 
the  festivities  of  an  old-fashioned  English  Christ 
mas  ;  and  now  in  an  exquisite  companionship  the 
idea  became  more  nearly  clothed  with  reality  than 
happens  with  most  literary  enchantments.  After 
Oxford  and  Blenheim  ;  after  quartering  in  Strat 
ford  at  the  little  inn  of  the  Red  Horse,  where  they 
"  found  the  same  obliging  little  landlady  that  kept 
it  at  the  time  of  the  visit  recorded  in  the  '  Sketch 
Book ' ;  "  after  Warwick  Castle  and  Kenilworth 
and  Lichfield  and  Newstead  Abbey  and  Hardvvick 
Castle  ;  after  a  fortnight  at  Christmas  in  Barlbor- 
ough  Hall,  —  "a  complete  scene  of  old  English 
hospitality,"  with  many  of  the  ancient  games  and 
customs  then  obsolete  in  other  parts  of  England  ; 

1  A  month  or  two  after  his  arrival  Van  Buren  wrote  Hamilton 
that  his  place  was  decidedly  the  most  agreeable  he  had  ever  held, 
hut  added  :  "  Money  —  money  is  the  thing-."  His  house  was 
splendid  and  in  a  delightful  situation  •,  but  it  cost  him  £000, 
His  carriage  cost  him  £810,  and  his  servants  with  their  board 
$2,600. 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  22? 

after  seeing  there  the  "  mummers  and  morris 
dancers  and  glee  singers;"  after  "great  feasting 
with  the  boar's-head  crowned  with  holly,  the  was 
sail  bowl,  the  yule-log,  snapdragon,  etc. ;  "  —  after 
all  these  delights,  inimitably  told  by  his  companion, 
Van  Buren  returned  to  London,  but  not  for  long. 
He  there  enjoyed  the  halcyon  days  which  the  bril 
liant  society  of  London  knew,  when  George  IV. 
had  just  left  the  throne  to  his  undignified  but  good- 
hearted  and  jovial  brother  ;  when  Louis  Philippe 
had  found  a  bourgeois  crown  in  France  and  the  con 
descending  approval  of  England  ;  when  Wellington 
was  the  first  of  Englishmen  ;  when  Prince  Talley 
rand,  his  early  republicanism  and  sacrileges  not  at 
all  forgotten,  but  forgiven  to  the  prestige  of  his  abili 
ties  and  the  spljiidid  fascinations  of  his  society, 
was  the  chief  person  in  diplomatic  life  ;  when  the 
Wizard  of  the  North,  though  broken,  arid  on  his 
last  and  vain  trip  to  the  Mediterranean  for  health, 
still  lingered  in  London,  one  of  its  grand  figures, 
and  sadly  recalled  to  Irving  the  times  when  they 
"  went  over  the  Eildon  hills  together ; "  when 
Rogers  was  playing  Maecenas  and  Catullus  at 
breakfast-tables  of  poets  and  bankers  and  noble 
men.  It  was  amid  this  serene,  shining,  and  magi 
cal  translation  from  the  politics  at  home  that  Van 
Buren  received  the  rude  and  humiliating  news  of 
his  rejection  by  the  Senate  ;  for  his  appointment 
had  been  made  in  recess,  and  he  had  left  without  a 
confirmation. 

One  evening  in  February,  1832,  before  attending 


228  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

a  party  at  Talleyrand's,  Van  Buren  learned  of  the 
rejection,  as  had  all  London  which  knew  there  was 
an  American  minister.  He  was  half  ill  when  the 
news  came  ;  but  he  seemed  imperturbable.  With 
out  shrinking  he  mixed  in  the  splendid  throng-, 
gracious  and  easy,  as  if  he  did  not  know  that  his 
official  heart  would  soon  cease  to  beat.  Lord 
Auckland,  then  president  of  the  board  of  trade 
and  afterwards  governor-general  of  India,  said  to 
him  very  truly,  and  more  prophetically  than  he 
fancied  :  "  It  is  an  advantage  to  a  public  man  to 
be  the  subject  of  an  outrage."  Levees  and  draw 
ing-rooms  and  state  dinners  were  being  held  ia 
honor  of  the  queen's  birthday.  After  a  doubt  as 
to  the  more  decorous  course,  he  kept  the  tenor  of 
diplomatic  life  until  he  ceased  to  be  a  minister ; 
and  Irving  said  that,  "  to  the  credit  of  John  Bull," 
he  "  was  universally  received  with  the  most  marked 
attention,"  and  "  treated  with  more  respect  and 
attention  than  before  by  the  royal  family,  by  the 
members  of  the  present  and  the  old  cabinet,  and 
the  different  persons  of  the  diplomatic  corps."  On 
March  22,  1832,  he  had  his  audience  of  leave ;  two 
days  later  he  dined  with  the  king  at  Windsor ; 
and  about  April  1  left- for  Holland  and  a  con 
tinental  trip,  this  being,  so  he  wrote  a  committee 
appointed  at  an  indignation  meeting  in  Tammany 
Hall,  kk  the  only  opportunity  "  he  should  probably 
ever  have  for  the  visit. 

Van  Buren's  dispatches  from  England,  now  pre 
served   in  the  archives  of   the  State  Department, 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  229 

are  not  numerous.  They  were  evidently  written 
by  a  minister  who  was  not  very  busy  in  official 
duties  apart  from  the  social  and  ceremonial  life  of 
a  diplomat.  Some  of  them  are  in  his  own  hand 
writing,  whose  straggling  carelessness  is  quite  out 
of  keeping  with  the  obvious  pains  which  he  be 
stowed  upon  every  subject  he  touched,  even  those  of 
seemingly  slight  consequence.  Interspersed  with 
allusions  to  the  northeastern  boundary  question, 
and  with  accounts  of  his  protests  against  abuses 
practiced  upon  American  ships  in  British  ports, 
and  of  the  spread  of  the  cholera,  he  gave  English 
political  news  and  even  gossip.  He  discussed  the 
chances  of  the  reform  bill,  rumors  of  what  the 
ministry  would  do,  and  whether  the  Duke  of  Wel 
lington  would  yield.  Van  Buren  participated  in 
.  no  important  dispute,  although  before  surrendering 
his  post  he  presented  one  of  the  hateful  claims 
which  American  administrations  of  both  parties 
had  to  make  in  those  days.  ^This  was  the  demand 
for  slaves  who  escaped  from  the  American  brig 
"  Comet,"  wrecked  in  the  Bahamas,  on  her  way 
from  the  Potomac  to  New  Orleans,  and  who  were 
declared  free  by  the  colonial  authorities. 

It  is  safe  to  believe  that  Secretary  Livingston 
read  the  more  interesting  of  these  letters  at  the 
White  House.  Van  Buren  discreetly  lightened  up 
some  of  the  diplomatic  pages  with  passages  very 
agreeable  to  Jackson.  In  describing  his  presenta 
tion  to  William  IV.,  he  told  Livingston  that  the 
king  had  formed  the  highest  estimate  of  Jackson's 


230  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

character,  and  repeated  the  royal  remark  "  that 
detraction  and  misrepresentation  were  the  common 
lot  of  all  public  men."  Of  the  President's  message 
of  December,  1831,  he  wrote  that  few  in  England 
ref vised  to  recognize  its  ability  or  the  "  distin 
guished  talents  of  the  executive  by  whose  advice 
and  labors "  the  affairs  "  of  our  highly  favored 
country  "  had  been  "  conducted  to  such  happy  re 
sults." 

On  July  5,  1832,  Van  Buren  arrived  at  New 
York,  having  several  weeks  before  been  nominated 
for  the  vice-presidency.  He  declined  a  public  re 
ception,  he  said,  because,  afflicted  as  New  York 
was  with  the  cholera,  festivities  would  be  discordant 
with  the  feelings  of  his  friends  ;  and  a  few  days 
later  he  was  in  Washington.  Congress  was  in 
session,  debating  the  tariff  bill;  and  he  quickly 
enough  found  it  true,  as  he  had  already  believed, 
that  his  rejection  had  been  a  capital  blunder  of 
his  enemies.  The  rejection  occurred  on  January 
25,  1832.  Jackson's  nomination  had  gone  to  the 
Senate  early  in  December,  but  the  opposition  had 
hesitated  at  the  responsibility  for  the  affront.  The 
debate  took  place  in  secret  session,  but  the  speeches 
were  promptly  made  public  for  their  effect  on  the 
country.  Clay  and  Webster,  the  great  leaders  of 
the  Whigs,  and  Hayne,  the  eloquent  representa 
tive  of  the  Calhoun  Democracy,  and  others,  spoke 
against  Van  Buren.  Clay  and  Webster  based  their 
rejection  upon  his  language  in  the  dispatch  to 
McLaiie,  already  quoted.  Webster  said  that  he 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  231 

would  pardon  almost  anything  where  he  saw  true 
patriotism  and  sound  American  feeling ;  but  he 
could  not  forgive  the  sacrifice  of  these  to  party. 
Van  Buren,  with  sensible  and  skillful  foresight, 
had  frankly  admitted  that  we  had  been  wrong  in 
some  of  our  claims  ;  and  Gallatin,  it  was  afterwards 
shown  from  his  original  dispatch  to  Clay,  had  ex 
pressly  said  the  same  thing.  But  in  a  bit  of  bun 
combe  Webster  insisted  that  no  American  minister 
must  ever  admit  that  his  country  had  been  wrong. 
"  In  the  presence  of  foreign  courts,"  he  solemnly 
said,  "  amidst  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  he  is  to 
stand  up  for  his  country  and  his  whole  country ; 
that  no  jot  nor  tittle  of  her  honor  is  to  suffer  in 
his  hands ;  that  he  is  not  to  allow  others  to  re 
proach  either  his  government  or  his  country,  and 
far  less  is  he  himself  to  reproach  either ;  that  he  is 
co  have  no  objects  in  his  eye  but  American  objects, 
and  no  heart  in  his  bosom  but  an  American  heart." 
To  say  all  this,  Webster  declared,  was  a  duty 
whose  performance  he  wished  might  be  heard  "  by 
every  independent  freeman  in  the  United  States, 
by  the  British  minister  and  the  British  king,  and 
every  minister  and  every  crowned  head  in  Europe." 
Van  Buren's  language,  Clay  said,  had  been  that  of 
an  humble  vassal  to  a  proud  and  haughty  lord, 
prostrating  and  degrading  the  American  eagle  be 
fore  the  British  lion.  These  cheap  appeals  fell 
perfectly  flat.  If  Van  Buren  had  been  open  to 
criticism  for  the  manner  in  which  he  pointed  out  a 
party  change  in  American  administration,  the  error 


232  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

was,  at  the  worst,  committed  to  preclude  a  British 
refusal  from  finding  justification  in  the  offensive 
attitude  previously  taken  by  Adams.  In  admitting 
our  mistaken  "pretensions,"  Van  Buren  had  been 
entirely  right,  barring  a  slight  fault  in  the  word, 
which  did  not,  however,  then  seem  to  import  the 
consciousness  of  wrong  which  it  carries  to  later 
ears.  Webster  and  Clay  ought  to  have  known 
that  Van  Buren's  success  where  all  before  had 
failed  would  make  the  American  people  loath  to 
find  fault  with  his  phrases.  Nor  were  they  at 
all  ready  to  believe  that  Jackson's  administration 
toadied  to  foreign  courts.  They  knew  better  ;  they 
were  convinced  that  no  American  president  had 
been  more  resolute  towards  other  nations. 

It  was  also  said  that  Van  Buren  had  introduced 
the  system  of  driving  men  from  office  for  political 
opinions ;  that  he  was  a  New  York  politician  who 
had  brought  his  art  to  Washington.  Marcy,  one 
of  the  New  York  senators,  defended  his  State  with 
these  words,  which  afterwards  he  must  have  wished 
to  recall :  "  It  may  be,  sir,  that  the  politicians  of 
New  York  are  not  so  fastidious  as  some  gentle 
men  are  as  to  disclosing  the  principles  on  which 
they  act.  They  boldly  preach  what  they  practice. 
When  they  are  contending  for  victory  they  avow 
their  intention  of  enjoying  the  fruits  of  it.  If  they 
are  defeated,  they  expect  to  retire  from  office  ;  if 
they  are  successful,  they  claim,  as  a  matter  of 
right,  the  advantages  of  success.  They  see  nothing 
wrong  in  the  rule  that  to  the  victor  belong  the 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  233 

>ils  of  the  enemy."  To  this  celebrated  and  exe 
crable  defense  Van  Buren  owes  much  of  the  later 
and  unjust  belief  that  he  was  an  inveterate  "  spoils 
man."  It  has  already  been  shown  how  little  foun 
dation  there  is  for  the  charge  that  he  introduced 
the  system  of  official  proscription.  Benton  truly 
said  that  Van  Buren's  temper  and  judgment  were 
both  against  it,  and  that  he  gave  ample  proofs  of 
his  forbearance.  Webster  did  not  touch  upon  this 
objection.  Clay  made  it  very  subordinate  to  the 
secretary's  abasement  before  the  British  lion. 

The  attack  of  the  Calhoun  men  was  based  upon 
Van  Buren's  supposed  intrigue  against  their  chief, 
and  his  breaking  up  of  the  cabinet.  But  people 
saw  then,  better  indeed  than  some  historians  have 
since  seen,  that  between  Calhoun  and  Van  Buren 
there  had  been  great  and  radical  political  diver 
gence  far  deeper  than  personal  jealousy.  To  sur 
render  the  highest  cabinet  office,  to  leave  Washing 
ton  and  all  the  places  of  political  management,  in 
order  to  take  a  lower  office  in  remote  exile  from 
the  sources  of  political  power,  —  these  were  not  be 
lieved  to  be  acts  of  mere  trickery,  but  rather  to  be 
parts  of  a  courageous  and  self-respecting  appeal  for 
justice.  It  seemed  a  piece  of  political  animosity 
wantonly  to  punish  a  rival  with  such  exquisite 
humiliation  in  the  eyes  of  foreigners. 

There  was  a  clear  majority  against  confirming 
Van  Buren.  But  to  make  his  destruction  the  more 
signal,  and  as  Calhoun  had  no  opportunity  to 
Speak,  enough  of  the  majority  refrained  from  vot 


234  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ing  to  enable  the  Democratic  vice-president  to  give 
the  casting  vote  for  the  rejection  of  this  Demo 
cratic  nominee.  Calhoun's  motive  was  obvious 
enouffh  from  his  boast  in  Benton's  hearing :  "  It 

O  c3 

will  kill  him,  sir,  kill  him  dead.  He  will  never 
kick,  sir,  never  kick."  This  bit  of  unaffected  na 
ture  was  refreshing  after  all  the  solemnly  insincere 
declarations  of  grief  which  had  fallen  from  the 
opposition  senators  in  performing  their  duty. 

The  folly  of  the  rejection  was  quickly  apparent. 
Benton  very  well  said  to  Moore,  a  senator  from 
Alabama  who  had  voted  against  Van  Buren,  "  You 
have  broken  a  minister  and  elected  a  vice-president. 
The  people  will  see  nothing  in  it  but  a  combination 
of  rivals  against  a  competitor."  The  popular  ver 
dict  was  promptly  given.  Van  Buren  had  already 
become  a  candidate  to  succeed  Jackson  five  years 
later;  he  was  only  a  possible  candidate  for  vice- 
president  at  the  next  election.  When  the  rejection 
was  widely  known,  it  was  known  almost  equally 
well  and  soon  that  Van  Buren  would  be  the  Jaok- 
sonian  candidate  for  vice-president.  Meetings  were 
held  ;  addresses  were  voted ;  the  issue  was  eagerly 
seized.  The  Democratic  members  of  the  New 
York  legislature  early  in  February,  1832,  under  an 
inspiration  from  Washington,  addressed  to  Jackson 
an  expression  of  their  indignation  in  the  stately 
words  which  our  fathers  loved,  even  when  they 
went  dangerously  near  to  bathos.  They  had  freely, 
they  said,  surrendered  to  his  call  their  most  distin 
guished  fellow-citizen  ;  when  Van  Buren  had  with- 


MINISTER  TO   ENGLAND  233 

drawn  from  the  cabinet  they  had  beheld  in  Jack 
son's  continual  confidence  in  him  irrefragable  proof 
that  no  combination  could  close  Jackson's  eyes  to' 
the  cause  of  his  country  ;  New  York  would  indeed 
avenge  the  indignity  thus  offered  to  her  favorite 
son  ;  but  they  would  be  unmindful  of  their  duty 
if  they  failed  to  console  Jackson  with  their  sym 
pathy  in  this  degradation  of  the  country  he  loved 
so  well.  On  February  28,  Jackson  replied  with 
no  less  dignity  and  with  skill  and  force.  He  was, 
he  said,  — .and  the  whole  country  believed  him, — 
incapable  of  tarnishing  the  pride  or  dignity  of  that 
country  whose  glory  it  had  been  his  object  to  ele 
vate  ;  Van  Bnren's  instructions  to  McLane  had 
been  his  instructions  ;  American  pretensions  which 
Adams's  administration  had  admitted  to  be  unten 
able  had  been  resigned  ;  if  just  American  claims 
were  resisted  upon  the  ground  of  the  unjust  posi 
tion  taken  by  his  predecessor,  then  and  then  only 
was  McLane  to  point  out  that  there  had  been  a 
change  in  the  policy  and  counsels  of  the  govern 
ment  with  the  change  of  its  officers.  Jackson  said 
that  he  owed  it  to  the  late  secretary  of  state  and  to 
the  American  people  to  declare  that  Van  Buren  had 
no  participation  whatever  in  the  occurrences  ba 
tween  Calhoun  and  himself ;  and  that  there  was 
no  ground  for  imputing  to  Van  Buren  advice  to 
make  the  removals  from  office.  He  had  called  Van 
Buren  to  the  state  department  not  more  for  his 
acknowledged  talents  and  public  services  than  to 
meet  the  general  wish  and  expectation  of  the  Re- 


236  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

publican  party ;  his  signal  ability  and  success  in 
office  had  fully  justified  the  selection  :  his  own 
'respect  for  Van  Btiren's  great  public  and  private 
worth,  and  his  full  confidence  in  his  integrity  were 
undiminished.  This  blast  from  the  unquestioned 
head  of  the  party  prodigiously  helped  the  genera! 
movement.  The  only  question  was  how  best  to 
avenge  the  wrong. 

It  was  suggested  that  Van  Buren  should  return 

OO 

directly  and  take  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  which  Dud 
ley  would  willingly  surrender  to  him,  and  should 
there  meet  his  slanderers  face  to  face.  Some 
thought  that  he  should  have  a  triumphal  entry 
into  New  York,  without  an  idea  of  going  into  the 
"  senatorial  cock-pit  "  unless  he  were  not  to  re 
ceive  the  vice-presidency.  Others  thought  that  he 
should  be  made  governor  of  New  York,  an  idea 
shadowed  forth  in  the  Albany  address  to  Jackson. 
As  a  candidate  for  that  place,  he  would  escape  the 
jealousies  of  Pennsylvania  and  perhaps  Virginia, 
and  augment  the  local  strength  of  the  party  in 
New  York.  To  this  it  was  replied  from  Washing 
ton  that  they  might  better  cut  his  throat  at  once ; 
that  if  the  Republican  party  could  not,  under  ex 
isting  circumstances,  make  Van  Buren  vice-presi 
dent,  they  need  never  look  to  the  presidency  for 
him.  This  was  declared  to  be  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  cabinet.  New  York  Republicans 
were  begged  not  to  "  lose  so  glorious  an  opportu 
nity  of  strengthening  and  consolidating  the  party." 
The  people  at  Albany,  it  was  said,  were  "  mad,  .  .  , 


CANDIDATE   FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT        237 

as  if  New  York  can  make  amends  for  an  insult 
offered  by  fourteen  States  of  the  Union." 

In  this  temper  the  Republican  or  Democratic 
convention  met  at  Baltimore  on  May  21,  1832.  It 
was  the  first  national  gathering  of  the  party  ;  and 
was  summoned  simply  to  nominate  a  vice-president. 
Jackson's  renomination  was  already  made  by  the 
sovereign  people,  which  might  be  justly  affronted 
by  the  assembling  of  a  body  in  apparent  doubt 
whether  to  obey  the  popular  decree.  National 
conventions  were  inevitable  upon  the  failure  of  the 
congressional  caucus  in  1824.  The  system  of  sepa 
rate  nominations  in  different  States  at  irregular 
times  was  too  inconvenient,  too  inconsistent  with 
unity  of  action  and  a  central  survey  of  the  whole 
situation.  In  1824  its  inconvenience  had  been 
obvious  enough.  In  1828  circumstances  had  desig 
nated  both  the  candidates  with  perfect  certainty ; 
and  isolated  nominations  in  different  parts  of  the 
country  were  then  in  no  danger  of  clashing.  It 
has  been  recently  said  that  the  convention  of  1832 
was  assembled  to  force  Van  Buren's  nomination  for 
vice-president.  But  it  is  evident  from  the  letter 
which  Parton  prints,  written  by  Lewis  to  Kendall 
on  May  25, 1831,  when  the  latter  was  visiting  Isaac 
Hill,  the  Jacksonian  leader  in  New  Hampshire, 
that  the  convention  was  even  then  proposed  by 
"the  most  judicious"  friends  of  the  administra 
tion.  It  was  suggested  as  a  plan  "of  putting  a 
stop  to  partial  nominations "  and  of  "  harmoniz 
ing  "  the  party.  Bar  hour,  Dickinson,  and  MeLane 


238  MARTIN   VAX  BUREN 

were  the  candidates  discussed  in  this  letter ;  Vai> 
Buren  was  not  named.  He  was  about  sailing  for 
England ;  and  although  an  open  candidate  for  the 
presidential  succession  after  Jackson,  he  was  not 
then  a  candidate  for  the  second  office.  The  ascrip 
tion  of  the  convention  to  management  in  his  behalf 
seems  purely  gratuitous.  Upon  this  early  invita 
tion,  the  New  Hampshire  Democrats  called  the 
convention.  One  of  them  opened  its  session  by  a 
brief  speech  alluding  to  the  favor  with  which  the 
idea  of  the  convention  had  met,  "  although  opposed 
by  the  enemies  of  the  Democratic  party,"  as  the 
Republican  party  headed  by  Jackson  was  now  per 
haps  first  definitely  called.  He  said  that  "  the 
coming  together  of  representatives  of  the  people 
from  the  extremity  of  the  Union  would  have  a 
tendency  to  soothe,  if  not  to  unite,  the  jarring  in 
terests  ; "  and  that  the  people,  after  seeing  its  good 
effects  in  conciliating  the  different  and  distant  sec 
tions  of  the  country,  would  continue  the  mode  of 
nomination.  This  natural  and  sensible  motive  to 
strengthen  and  solidify  the  party  is  ample  explana 
tion  of  the  convention,  without  resorting  to  the 
rather  worn  charge  brought  against  so  many  poli 
tical  movements  of  the  time,  that  they  arose  from 
Jackson's  dictatorial  desire  to  throttle  the  senti 
ment  of  his  party.  In  making  nominations  the 
convention  resolved  that  each  State  should  have  as 
many  votes  as  it  would  be  entitled  to  in  the  electo 
ral  college.  To  assure  what  was  deemed  a  rea- 
Bonable  approach  to  unanimity,  two  thirds  of  the 


CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT        239 

whole  number  of  votes  was  required  for  a  choice, 
—  a  precedent  sad  enough  to  Van  Bureri  twelve 
years  later.  On  the  first  ballot  Van  Buren  had 
208  of  the  283  votes.  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
Indiana,  and  Kentucky,  with  a  few  votes  from 
North  Carolina,  Alabama,  and  Illinois,  were  for 
Philip  P.  Barbour  of  Virginia  or  Richard  M. 
Johnson  of  Kentucky.  The  motion,  nowadays  im 
mediately  made,  that  the  nomination  be  unanimous 
was  not  offered ;  but  after  an  adjournment  a  reso 
lution  was  adopted  that  inasmuch  as  Van  Buren 
had  received  the  votes  of  two  thirds  of  the  dele 
gates,  the  convention  unanimously  concur  "  in  re 
commending  him  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
for  their  support." 

No  platform  was  adopted.  A  committee  was 
appointed  after  the  nomination  to  draft  an  address  ; 
but  after  a  night's  work  they  reported  that,  al 
though  "  agreeing  fully  in  the  principles  and  senti 
ments  which  they  believe  ought  to  be  embodied  in 
an  address  of  this  description,  if  such  an  address 
were  to  be  made,"  it  still  seemed  better  to  them 
that  the  convention  recommend  the  several  delega 
tions  "  to  make  such  explanations  by  address,  re 
port,  or  otherwise  to  their  respective  constituents 
of  the  objects,  proceedings,  and  result  of  the  meet 
ing  as  they  may  deem  expedient."  This  was  a 
franker  intimation  than  those  to  which  we  are  now 
used,  that  the  battle  was  to  be  fought  in  each  State 
upon  the  issue  best  suited  to  its  local  sentiments ; 
and  was  entitled  to  quite  as  much  respect  as  mean- 


£40  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

ingless  platitudes  adopted  lest  one  State  or  anothet 
be  offended  at  something  explicit.  Jackson's  firm 
and  successful  foreign  policy,  his  opposition  to  in 
ternal  improvements  by  the  federal  government, 
his  strong  stand  against  nullification,  his  opposition 
to  the  United  States  Bank,  —  for  from  the  battle 
over  the  re-charter,  precipitated  by  Clay  early  in 
1832  to  embarrass  Jackson,  the  latter  had  not 
shrunk,  —  and  above  all  Jackson  himself,  these 
were  the  real  planks  of  the  platform.  But  the 
party  wanted  the  votes  of  Pennsylvania  Jacksoii- 
ians  who  believed  in  the  Bank  and  of  western 
Jacksonians  who  wished  federal  aid.  for  roads  and 
canals.  The  great  tariff  debate  was  then  going  on 
in  Coiigrees  ;  and  the  subject  seemed  full  of  clanger. 
The  election  was  like  the  usual  English  canvass 
on  a  parliamentary  dissolution.  The  country  was 
merely  asked  without  specifications :  Do  you  on 
the  whole  like  Jackson's  administration  ? 

There  is  no  real  ground,  for  the  supposition 
that  intrigue  or  coercion  was  necessary  to  pro 
cure  Van  .Buren's  nomination.  It  was  dictated  by 
the  simplest  and  plainest  political  considerations. 
Calhoun  was  in  opposition.  After  Jackson,  Van 
Buren  was  clearly  the  most  distinguished  and  the 
ablest  member  of  the  administration  party ;  he  had 
rendered  it  services  of  the  highest  order;  he  was 
very  popular  in  the  most  important  State  of  New 
York ;  he  was  abroad,  suffering  from  what  Irving 
at  the  time  truly  called  "  a  very  short-sighted  arid 
mean-spirited  act  of  hostility."  The  affront  had 


CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT        241 

aroused  a  general  feeling  which  would  enable  Van 
Buren  to  strengthen  the  ticket.  In  his  department 
had  been  performed  the  most  shining  achievements 
of  the  administration.  To  the  politicians  about 
Jackson,  and  very  shrewd  men  they  were,  Van 
Buren's  succession  to  Jackson  promised  a  firmer, 
abler  continuance  of  the  administration  thun  that 
of  any  other  public  man.  Could  he  indeed  have 
stayed  minister  to  England,  he  would  have  con 
tinued  a  figure  of  the  first  distinction,  free  from 
local  and  temporary  animosities  and  embarrass 
ments.  From  that  post  he  might  perhaps,  as  did 
a  later  Democratic  statesman,  most  easily  have 
ascended  to  the  presidency ;  the  vice-presidency 
would  have  been  unnecessary  to  the  final  promo 
tion.  But  after  the  tremendous  affront  dealt  him 
by  Calhoun  and  Clay,  his  tame  return  to  private 
life  would  seem  fatal.  He  must  reenter  public 
life.  And  no  reentry,  it  was  plain,  could*  be  so 
striking  as  a  popular  election  to  the  second  station 
in  the  land,  nominal  though  it  was,  and  in  taking: 

C5  & 

it  to  displace  the  very  enemy  who  had  been  finally 
responsible  for  the  wrong  done  him. 

A  month  after  his  return  Van  Buren  formally 
accepted  the  nomination.  The  committee  of  the 
convention  had  assured  him  that  if  the  great  lie- 
publican  party  continued  faithful  to  its  principles, 
there  was  every  reason  to  congratulate  him  and 
their  illustrious  president  that  there  was  in  reserve 
for  his  wounded  feelings  a  just  and  certain  repara 
tion.  Van  Buren  said  in  reply  that  previous  to 


242  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

his  departure  from  the  United  States  his  name 
had  been  frequently  mentioned  for  the  vice-presi 
dency  ;  but  that  he  had  uniformly  declared  himself 
altogether  unwilling  to  be  considered  a  candidate, 
and  that  to  his  friends,  when  opportunity  offered, 
he  had  given  the  grounds  of  his  unwillingness. 
All  this  was  strictly  true.  He  had  become  a  can 
didate  for  the  presidential  succession  ;  and  honor 
able  absence  as  minister  to  England  secured  a 
better  preparation  than  presence  as  vice-president 
amidst  the  difficulties  and  suspicions  of  Washing 
ton.  But  his  position,  he  added,  had  since  that 
period  been  essentially  changed  by  the  circum 
stance  to  which  the  committee  had  referred,  and 
to  which,  with  some  excess  of  modesty  he  said, 
rather  than  to  any  superior  fitness  on  his  part,  he 
was  bound  to  ascribe  his  nomination.  He  grate 
fully  received  this  spontaneous  expression  of  confi 
dence  and  friendship  from  the  delegated  democracy 
of  the  Union.  He  declared  it  to  be  fortunate  for 
the  country  that  its  public  affairs  were  under  the 
direction  of  one  who  had  an  early  and  inflexible 
devotion  to  republican  principles  and  a  moral  cour 
age  which  distinguished  him  from  all  others.  In 
the  conviction,  he  said,  that  on  a  faithful  adherence 
to  these  principles  depended  the  stability  and  value 
of  our  confederated  system,  he  humbly  hoped  lay 
his  motive,  rather  than  any  other,  for  accepting 
the  nomination.  This  rather  clumsy  affectation  of 
humility  would  have  been  more  disagreeable  had 
it  not  been  closely  associated  with  firm  and  manly 


CANDIDATE   FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT        243 

expressions,  and  because  it  was  so  common  a  for 
mality  in  the  political  vernacular  of  the  day.  In 
treating  the  people  as  the  sovereign,  there  were 
adopted  the  sort  of  rhetorical  extravagances  used 
by  attendants  upon  monarchs. 

On  October  4,  1832,  Van  Buren,  upon  an  inter 
rogation  by  a  committee  of  a  meeting  at  Shocco 
Springs,  North  Carolina,  wrote  a  letter  upon  the 
tariff.  He  said  that  he  believed  "  the  establish 
ment  of  commercial  regulations  with  a  view  to  the 
encouragement  of  domestic  products  to  be  within 
the  constitutional  power  of  Congress."  But  as  to 
what  should  be  the  character  of  the  tariff  he  in 
dulged  in  the  generalities  of  a  man  who  has  opin 
ions  which  he  does  not  think  it  wise  or  timely  to 
exhibit.  He  did  not  wish  to  see  the  power  of 
Congress  exercised  with  "  oppressive  inequality " 
or  "  for  the  advantage  of  one  section  of  the  Union 
at  the  expense  of  another."  The  approaching  ex 
tinguishment  of  the  national  debt  presented  an  op 
portunity  for  a  "  more  equitable  adjustment  of  the 
tariff,"  an  opportunity  already  embraced  in  the 
tariff  of  1832,  whose  spirit  as  "  a  conciliatory  mea 
sure  "  he  trusted  would  be  cherished  by  all  who 
preferred  public  to  private  interests.  These  vague 
expressions  would  have  fitted  either  a  revenue 
reformer  or  an  extreme  protectionist.  Both  disbe 
lieved,  or  said  they  did,  in  oppression  and  inequal 
ity.  With  a  bit  of  irony,  perhaps  unconscious,  he 
added  that  he  had  been  thus  "  explicit "  in  the 
Statement  of  his  sentiments  that  there  might  not 


244  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

be  room  for  misapprehension  of  his  views.  He 
did,  however,  in  the  letter  approve  "  a  reduction  of 
the  revenue  to  the  wants  of  the  government,"  and 
"  a  preference  in  encouragement  given  to  such 
manufactures  as  are  essential  to  the  national  de 
fense,  and  its  extension  to  others  in  proportion  as 
they  are  adapted  to  our  country  and  of  which  the 
raw  material  is  produced  by  ourselves."  The  last 
phrase  probably  hinted  at  Van  Buren's  position. 
He  believed  in  strictly  limiting  protective  duties, 
although  he  had  voted  for  the  tariff  of  1828.  But 
he  told  Benton  that  he  cast  this  vote  in  obedience 
to  the  "  demos  krateo  "  principle,  that  is,  because 
his  State  required  it.  He  again  spoke  strongly 
against  the  policy  of  internal  improvements,  and 
the  "  scrambles  and  combinations  in  Congress " 
unavoidably  resulting  from  them.  He  was  "  un 
reservedly  opposed  "  to  a  renewal  of  the  charter  of 
the  Bank,  and  equally  opposed  to  nullification, 
which  involved,  he  believed,  the  "  certain  destruc 
tion  of  the  confederacy." 

A  few  days  later  he  wrote  to  a  committee  of 
"democratic-republican  young  men"  in  New  York 
of  the  peculiar  hatred  arid  contumely  visited  upon 
him.  Invectives  against  other  men,  he  said,  were 
at  times  suspended  ;  but  he  had  never  enjoyed  a 
moment's  respite  since  his  first  entrance  into  pub 
lic  life.  Many  distinguished  public  men  had,  he 
added,  been  seriously  injured  by  favors  from  the 
press ;  but  there  was  scarcely  an  instance  in  which 
the  objects  of  its  obloquy  had  not  been  raised  in 


CANDIDATE   FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT        245 

public  estimation  in  exact  proportion  to  the  inten 
sity  and  duration  of  the  abuse. 

Both  the  letter  from  the  Baltimore  convention 
and  Van  Bnren's  reply  alluded  to  "  diversity  of 
sentiments  and  interests,"  disagreements  "  us  to 
measures  and  men  :'  among  the  Republicans.  The 
secession  of  Calhouii  and  the  bitter  hostility  of  his 
friends  seriously  weakened  the  party.  But  against 
this  was  to  be  set  the  Anti-Masonic  movement 
which  drew  far  more  largely  from  Jackson's  oppo 
nents  than  from  his  supporters,  for  Jackson  was  a 
Mason  of  a  high  degree.  This  strange  agitation 
had  now  spread  beyond  New  York,  and  secured  the 
support  of  really  able  men.  Judge  McLean  of  the 
Supreme  Court  desired  the  Anti-Masonic  nomina 
tion  ;  William  Wirt,  the  famous  and  accomplished 
Virginian,  accepted  it.  John  Quincy  Adams  would 
probably  have  accepted  it,  had  it  been  tendered 
him.  He  wrote  in  his  diary:  ""The  dissolution  of 
the  Masonic  institution  in  the  United  States  I  be 
lieve  to  be  really  more  important  to  us  and  cur 
posterity  than  the  question  whether  Mr.  Clay  or 
General  Jackson  shall  be  the  president."  In  New 
York  the  National  Republicans  or  Whigs,  with  the 
eager  and  silly  leaning  of  minority  parties  to  po 
litical  absurdities  or  vagaries,  united  with  the  Anti- 
Masons,  among  whom  William  H.  Seward  and 
Thurlow  Weed  had  become  influential.  In  1830 
they  had  supported  Francis  Granger,  the  Anti- 
Masonic  candidate  for  governor.  In  1832  the 
Anti-Masons  in  New  York  nominated  an  electoral 


246  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ticket  headed  by  Chancellor  Kent,  whose  bitter, 
narrow,  and  unintelligent  politics  were  in  singular 
contrast  with  his  extraordinary  legal  equipment 
and  his  professional  and  literary  accomplishments, 
and  by  John  C.  Spencer,  lately  in  charge  of  the 
prosecution  of  Morgan's  abductors.  If  the  ticket 
were  successful,  its  votes  were  to  go  to  Wirt  or 
Clay,  whichever  they  might  serve  to  elect.  Amos 
Ellmaker  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  Anti-Masonic 
candidate  for  vice-president.  In  December,  1831, 
Clay  had  been  nominated  for  president  with  the 
loud  enthusiasm  which  politicians  often  mistake  for 
widespread  conviction.  John  Sergeant  of  Pennsyl 
vania  was  the  candidate  for  vice-president.  The 
Whig  Convention  made  the  Bank  re-charter  the 
issue.  The  very  ably  conducted  Young  Men's 
National  Republican  Convention,  held  at  Wash 
ington  in  May,  1832,  gave  Clay  a  noble  greeting, 
made  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Washington  there 
to  seal  their  solemn  promises,  and  adopted  a  clear 
and  brief  platform  for  protection,  for  internal  im 
provements  by  the  federal  government,  for  the 
binding  force  upon  the  coordinate  branches  of  the 
government  of  the  Supreme  Court's  opinions  as  to 
constitutional  questions,  not  only  in  special  cases 
formally  adjudged,  but  upon  general  principles, 
and  against  the  manner  in  which  the  West  Indian 

O 

trade  had  been  recovered.  They  declared  that  "in 
discriminate  removal  of  public  officers  for  a  mere 
difference  of  political  opinion  is  a  gross  abuse  of 
power,  corrupting  the  morals  and  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people  of  this  country." 


CANDIDATE   FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT       247 

Even  more  clearly  than  in  the  campaign  of  1828 
was  the  campaign  of  1832  a  legitimate  political 
battle  upon  plain  issues.  The  tariff  bill  of  1832, 
supported  by  both  parties  and  approved  by  Jack 
son,  prevented  the  question  of  protection  from 
being'  an  issue,  however  ready  the  Whigs  might 
be,  and  however  unready  the  Democrats,  to  give 
commercial  restrictions  a  theoretical  approval. 
Except  on  the  "  spoils  "  question,  the  later  opinion 
of  the  United  States  has  sustained  the  attitude  of 
Jackson's  party  and  the  popular  verdict  of  1832. 
The  verdict  was  clear  enough.  In  spite  of  the 
Anti-Masonic  fury,  the  numerous  secessions  from 
the  Jacksonian  ranks,  and  some  alarming  jour 
nalistic  defections,  especiall}7"  of  the  New  York 
"  Courier  and  Enquirer  "  of  James  Watson  Webl» 
and  Mord  ecai  M.  Noah,  the  people  of  the  United 
States  continued  to  believe  in  Jackson  and  the 
principles  for  which  he  stood.  Upon  the  popular 
vote  Jackson  and  Van  Buren  received  687,502 
votes  against  530,189  votes  for  Clay  and  Wirt 
combined,  a  popular  majority  over  both  of  157,313. 
In  1828  Jackson  had  had  647,276  votes  and  Adams 
508,064,  a  popular  majority  of  139,212.  The  in 
crease  in  Jackson's  popular  majority  over  two  can 
didates  instead  of  one  was  particularly  significant 
in  the  north  and  east.  The  majority  in  New  York 
rose  from  5350  to  13,601.  In  Maine  a  minority 
of  6806  became  a  majority  of  6087.  In  New 
Hampshire  a  minority  of  3212  became  a  majority 
of  6476.  In  Massachusetts  a  minority  of  23,860 


248  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

was  reduced  to  18,458.  In  Rhode  Island  and  Con. 
necticut  the  minorities  were  reduced.  In  New  Jer 
sey  a  minority  of  1813  became  a  majority  of  463. 
The  electoral  vote  was  even  more  heavily  against 
Clay.  He  had  but  49  votes  to  Jackson's  219. 
Wirt  had  the  7  votes  of  Vermont,  while  South 
Carolina,  beginning  to  step  out  of  the  Union,  gave 
its  11  votes  to  John  Floyd  of  Virginia.  Clay  car 
ried  only  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecti 
cut,  Delaware,  a  part  of  Maryland,  and  his  own 
affectionate  Kentucky.  Van  Buren  received  for 
vice-president  the  same  electoral  vote  as  Jackson, 
except  that  the  30  votes  of  Pennsylvania  went  to 
Wilkins,  a  Pennsylvanian.  Sergeant  had  the  same 
49  votes  as  Clay,  Ellmaker  the  7  votes  of  Vermont, 
and  Henry  Lee  of  Massachusetts  the  11  votes  of 
South  Carolina.1 

This  popular  triumph  brought  great  glory  to 
Jackson's  second  inauguration.  The  glory  was 
soon  afterwards  made  greater  and  almost  universal 
by  his  bold  attack  upon  nullification,  and  by  the 
vigorous  and  ringing  yet  dignified  and  even  pa 
thetic  proclamation  of  January,  1833,  drafted  by 

1  In  estimating-  the  popular  vote  in  1828,  Delaware  and  Soutfc 
Carolina  are  excluded,  their  electors  having-  been  chosen  by  tin 
legislature.  In  Georgia  in  that  year  there  was  no  opposition  to 
Jackson.  In  1832  no  popular  vote  is  included  for  South  Carolina 
or  for  Alabama.  In  Mississippi  and  Missouri  there  was  no  oppo 
sition  to  Jackson.  In  1829,  upon  Van  Buren's  recommendation 
when  g-overnor,  the  system  in  New  York  of  choosing-  electors  by 
districts,  which  had  been  in  force  in  the  election  of  J888,  was 
abolished ;  and  there  was  adopted  the  present  system  of  choosing 
all  the  electors  by  the  popular  vote  of  the  whole  State. 


VICE-PRESIDENT  249 

Edward  Livingston,  in  which  the  President  com 
manded  obedience  to  the  law  and  entreated  for  loy 
alty  to  the  Union.  It  could  not  be  overlooked  that 
the  treasonable  attitude  of  South  Carolina  had 
been  taken  by  the  portion  of  the  Democratic  party 
hostile  to  Van  Buren.  In  a  peculiar  way  therefore 
he  shared  in  Jackson's  prestige. 

The  election  seemed  to  clarify  some  of  the  views 
of  the  administration.  They  now  dared  to  speak 
more  explicitly.  On  his  way  to  the  inauguration, 
Van  Buren,  declining  a  dinner  at  Philadelphia, 
recited  with  approval  what  he  called  Jackson's  re 
peated  and  earnest  recommendations  of  "  a  reduc 
tion  of  duties  to  the  revenue  standard."  In  his 
second  inaugural  Jackson  said  that  there  should 
be  exercised  "  by  the  general  government  those 
powers  only  that  are  clearly  delegated."  In  his 
message  of  December,  1833,  he  again  spoke  of 
"  the  importance  of  abstaining  from  all  appropria 
tions  which  are  not  absolutely  required  for  the 
public  interests,  and  authorized  by  the  powers 
clearly  delegated  to  the  United  States  ;  "  and  this 
he  said  with  the  more  emphasis  because  under  the 
compromise  tariff  of  1833  a  large  decrease  in  reve 
nue  was  anticipated. 

In  September,  1833.  was  announced  Jackson's 
refusal  longer  to  deposit  the  moneys  of  the  govern 
ment  with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
plain  that  the  dangers  of  the  proposed  deposits 
of  the  moneys  in  the  state  banks  were  not  appre 
ciated.  Van  Buren  at  first  opposed  this  so-called 


250  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

"removal  of  the  deposits."  Kendall  tells  of  an 
interview  with  the  Vice-President  not  long  after 
liis  inauguration,  and  while  he  was  a  guest  at  the 
White  House.  Van  Buren  then  warmly  remon 
strated  against  the  continued  agitation  of  the  sub 
ject,  after  the  resolution  of  the  lower  House  at  the 
last  session  that  the  government  deposits  were  safe 
with  the  banks.  Kendall  replied  that  so  certain  to 
his  mind  was  the  success  of  the  Whig  party  at  the 
next  presidential  election  and  the  consequent  re- 
Charter  of  the  Bank,  unless  it  were  now  stripped 
of  the  power  which  the  charge  of  the  public  moneys 
gave  it,  that  if  the  Bank  were  to  retain  the  deposits 
he  should  consider  further  opposition  useless  and 
would  lay  down  his  pen,  leaving  to  others  this  ques 
tion  and  all  other  politics.  "  I  can  live,"  he  said 
to  the  Vice-President,  t;  under  a  corrupt  despotism 
<as  well  as  any  other  man  by  keeping  out  of  its  way, 
which  I  shall  certainly  do."  They  parted  in  excite 
ment.  A  few  weeks  later  Van  Buren  confessed  to 
Kendall,  "  I  had  never  thought  seriously  upon  the 
deposit  question  until  after  my  conversation  with 
you ;  I  am  now  satisfied  that  you  were  right  and  I 
was  wrong."  Kendall  was  sent  to  ascertain  whether 
suitable  state  banks  would  accept  the  deposits,  and 
on  what  terms.  While  in  New  York  Van  Buren, 
with  McLane  lately  transferred  from  the  Treasury 
to  the  State  Department,  called  on  him  and  pro 
posed  that  the  order  for  the  change  in  the  govern 
ment  depositories  should  take  effect  on  the  coming 
lirst  of  January.  The  date  being  a  month  after 


VICE-PRESIDENT  251 

the  meeting  of  Congress,  the  executive  action  would 
seem  less  defiant ;  and  in  the  mean  time  the  friends 
of  the  administration  could  be  more  effectually 
united  in  support  of  the  measure.  Kendall  yielded 
to  the  proposition  though  against  his  judgment,  and 
wrote  to  the  President  in  its  favor.  But  Jackson 
would  not  yield.  Whether  or  not  its  first  inspira 
tion  came  from  Francis  P.  Blair  or  Kendall,  the 
removal  of  the  deposits  was  peculiarly  Jackson's 
own  deed.  The  government  moneys  should  not  be 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  chief  enemy  of  his  admin 
istration,  to  be  loaned  in  its  discretion,  that  it  mio'ht 

O 

secure  doubtful  votes  in  Congress  and  the  support 
of  presses  pecuniarily  weak.  As  the  Bank's  charter 
would  expire  within  three  years,  it  was  pointed  out 
that  the  government  ought  to  prepare  for  it  by  with 
holding  further  deposits  and  gradually  drawing  out 
the  moneys  then  on  deposit.  Van  Buren's  assent 
was  given,  but  probably  with  no  enthusiasm.  He 
disliked  the  Bank  heartily  enough.  The  corrupt 
ing  danger  of  intrusting  government  moneys  to  a 
single  private  corporation  to  loan  in  its  discretion 
was  clear.  But  a  system  of  "  pet  banks  "  through 
the  States  was  too  slight  an  improvement,  if  an 
improvement  at  all.  And  any  change  would  at 
ieast  offend  and  alarm  the  richer  classes.  It  is  im 
possible  to  say  what  effect  upon  the  re-charter  of 
the  Bank  and  the  election  of  1836  its  continued 
possession  of  the  deposits  would  have  had.  Its 
tremendous  power  over  credits  doubtless  gave  it 
many  votes  of  administration  congressmen.  Pos, 


252  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

sibly,  as  Jackson  and  Blair  feared,  it  might  have 
secured  enough  to  pass  a  re-charter  over  a  veto.  If 
it  had  been  thus  re-chartered,  it  may  be  doubtful 
whether  the  blow  to  the  prestige  of  the  administra 
tion  might  not  have  been  serious  enough  to  elect  a 
Whig  in  1836.  But  it  is  not  doubtful  that  Van 
Buren,  and  not  Jackson,  was  compelled  to  face  the 
political  results  of  this  heroic  and  imperfect  mea 
sure. 

Some  financial  disturbance  took  place  in  the 
winter  of  1833-1834,  which  was  ascribed  by  the 
Whigs  to  the  gradual  transfer  of  the  government 
moneys  from  the  United  States  Bank  and  its  nu 
merous  branches  to  the  state  banks.  For  political 
effect,  this  disturbance  was  greatly  exaggerated. 
Deputations  visited  Washington  to  bait  Jackson. 
Memorial  after  memorial  enabled  congressmen  to 
make  friends  by  complimenting  the  enterprise  and 
beauty  of  various  towns,  and  to  depict  the  utter 
misery  to  which  all  their  industries  had  been 
brought,  solely  by  a  gradual  transference  through 
out  the  United  States  of  110,000,000,  from  one 
set  of  depositories  to  another.  The  removal,  Web 
ster  said,  had  produced  a  degree  of  evil  that  could 
not  be  borne.  "  A  tottering  state  of  credit,  cramped 
means,  loss  of  property  and  loss  of  employment, 
doubts  of  the  condition  of  others,  doubts  of  their 
own  condition,  constant  fear  of  failures  and  new 
explosions,  and  awful  dread  of  the  future  "  —  all 
these  evils,  "  without  hope  of  improvement  or 
change,"  had  resulted  from  the  removal.  Clay 


VICE-PRESIDENT  253 

was  more  precise  in  his  absurdity.  The  property 
of  the  country  had  been  reduced,  he  declared,  four 
hundred  millions  in  value.  Addressing  Van  Buren 
in  the  Vice-President's  chair,  he  begged  him  in  a 
burst  of  bathos  to  repair  to  the  executive  mansion 
and  place  before  the  chief  magistrate  the  naked 
and  undisguised  truth.  "Go  to  him,"  he  cried, 
"  and  tell  him  without  exaggeration,  but  in  the 
language  of  truth  and  sincerity,  the  actual  con 
dition  of  this  bleeding  country,  ...  of  the  tears 
of  helpless  widows  no  longer  able  to  earn  their 
bread,  and  of  unclad  and  unfed  orphans."  Van 
Buren,  in  the  story  often  quoted  from  Benton,  while 
thus  apostrophized,  looked  respectfully  and  inno 
cently  at  Clay,  as  if  treasuring  up  every  word  to 
be  faithfully  borne  to  the  President ;  and  when 
Clay  had  finished,  he  called  a  senator  to  the  chair, 
went  up  to  the  eloquent  and  languishing  Ken- 
tuckian,  asked  him  for  a  pinch  of  his  fine  macco- 
boy  snuff,  and  walked  away.  But  this  frivolity 
was  not  fancied  everywhere.  At  a  meeting  in 
Philadelphia  it  was  resolved  "  that  Martin  Van 
Buren  deserves  and  will  receive  the  execrations  of 
all  good  men,  should  he  shrink  from  the  responsi 
bility  of  conveying  to  Andrew  Jackson  the  message 
sent  by  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay."  The  whole 
agitation  was  hollow  enough.  Jackson  was  not  far 
wrong  in  saying  in  his  letter  to  Hamilton  of  Janu 
ary  2,  1834 :  "  There  is  no  real  general  distress. 
It  is  only  with  those  who  live  by  borrowing,  trade 
or  loans,  and  the  gamblers  in  stocks."  The  busi 


254:  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ness  of  the  country  was  not  injured  by  refusing  to 
let  Nicholas  Biddle  and  his  subordinates,  rather 
than  other  men,  lend  for  gain  ten  millions  of  gov 
ernment  money.  But  business  was  soon  to  be  in 
jured  by  permitting  the  state  banks  to  do  the  same 
thing.  The  change  did  not,  as  Jackson  thought, 
"  leave  all  to  trade  on  their  own  credit  and  capital 
without  any  interference  by  the  general  government 
except  using  its  powers  by  giving  through  its  mint 
a  specie  currency." 

Van  Buren  took  a  permanent  residence  in  Wash 
ington  after  his  inauguration  as  vice-president.  He 
now  held  a  rank  accorded  to  no  other  vice-president 
before  or  since.  He  was  openly  adopted  by  the 
American  Augustus,  and  seemed  already  to  wear 
the  title  of  Caesar.  As  no  other  vice-president  has 
been,  he  was  the  chief  adviser  of  the  President, 
and  as  much  the  second  officer  of  the  government 
in  power  as  in  the  dignity  of  his  station.  His 
only  chance  of  promotion  did  not  lie  in  the  Presi 
dent's  death.  That  the  President  should  live  until 
after  the  election  of  1836  was  safely  over,  Van 
Buren  had  every  selfish  motive  as  well  as  many 
generous  motives  to  desire.  His  ambition  was  no 
wise  disagreeable  to  his  chief.  To  see  that  am 
bition  satisfied  would  gratify  both  patriotic  and 
personal  wishes  of  the  tempestuous  but  not  erratic 
old  man  in  the  White  House.  For  there  was 
the  utmost  intimacy  and  confidence  between  the 
two  men.  Van  Buren  had  every  reason,  personal, 
political,  and  patriotic,  to  desire  the  entire  sue- 


VICE-PRESIDENT  255 

cess  of  the  administration.  He  was  not  only  the 
second  member  of  it ;  but  in  his  jealous  and  anx 
ious  watch  over  it  he  wras  preserving  his  own  pa 
trimony.  His  ability  and  experience  were  far 
greater  than  those  of  any  other  of  its  members. 
After  Taney  had  been  transferred  from  the  attor 
ney-general's  office  to  the  Treasury,  in  September, 
1833,  to  make  the  transfer  of  the  deposits,  Jackscn 
appointed  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  Van  Buren's  inti 
mate  friend,  his  former  pupil  and  partner,  to  Ta- 
ney's  place.  Louis  McLane,  Van  Buren's  prede 
cessor  in  the  mission  to  England,  and  his  successor, 
after  Edward  Livingston,  in  the  State  Department, 
resigned  the  latter  office  in  the  summer  of  1834. 
He  had  disapproved  Jackson's  removal  of  the  de 
posits  ;  he  believed  it  would  be  unpopular,  and  the 
presidential  bee  was  buzzing  in  his  bonnet.  John 
Forsyth  of  Georgia,  an  admirer  of  Van  Buren,  and 
one  of  his  defenders  in  the  senatorial  debate  at 
the  time  of  his  rejection,  then  took  the  first  place 
in  the  cabinet.  Van  Buren  accompanied  Jackson 
during  part  of  the  latter's  visit  to  the  Northeast 
in  the  summer  of  1833,  when  as  the  adversary  of 
nullification  his  popularity  was  at  its  highest,  so 
high  indeed  that  Harvard  College,  to  Adams's 
disgust,  made  him  a  Doctor  of  Laws.  But  the 
exciting  events  of  Jackson's  second  term  hardly 
belong,  with  the  information  we  yet  have,  to  Van 
Buren's  biography.  They  have  been  often  and 
admirably  told  in  the  lives  of  Jackson  and  Clay, 
the  seeming  chiefs  on  the  two  sides  of  the  long 
encounter. 


256  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Van  Buren's  nomination  for  the  presidency,  bit 
ter  as  the  opposition  to  it  still  was,  came  as  matter 
of  course.  The  large  and  serious  secession  of  Cal- 
houn  and  his  followers  from  the  Jacksonian  party 
was  followed  by  the  later  and  more  serious  defec 
tion  of  the  Democrats  who  made  a  rival  Demo 
cratic  candidate  of  Hugh  L.  White,  a  senator 
from  Tennessee,  and  formerly  a  warm  friend  and 
adherent  of  Jackson.  It  was  in  White's  behalf 
that  Davy  Crockett  wrote,  in  1835,  his  entertain 
ing  though  scurrilous  life  of  Van  Buren.  Jack 
son's  friendship  for  Van  Buren,  Crockett  said,  had 
arisen  from  his  hatred  to  Calhoun,  of  which  Van 
Buren,  who  was  *'  secret,  sly,  selfish,  cold,  calculat 
ing,  distrustful,  treacherous,"  had  taken  advantage. 
Jackson  was  now  about  to  give  up  "  an  old,  long- 
tried,  faithful  friend,  Judge  White,,  v/ho  stuck  to 
him  through  all  his  tribulations,  helped  to  raise 
his  fortunes  from  the  beginning ;  adventurers  to 
gether  in  a  new  country,  friends  in  youth  and  in 
old  age,  fought  together  in  the  same  battles,  risked 
the  same  dangers,  starved  together  in  the  same 
deserts,  merely  to  gratify  this  revengeful  feeling." 
Van  Buren  was  "  as  opposite  to  General  Jackson 
as  dung  is  to  a  diamond." 

It  is  difficult  to  find  any  justification  for  White's 
candidacy.  He  was  a  modest,  dignified  senator 
whose  popularity  in  the  Democratic  Southwest  ren 
dered  him  available  to  Van  Buren's  enemies.  But 
neither  his  abilities  nor  his  services  to  the  pub 
lic  or  his  party  would  have  suggested  him  for 


VICE-PRESIDENT  257 

the  presidency.  Doubtless  in  him  as  with  other 
modest,  dignified  men  in  history,  there  burned  am 
bition  whose  fire  never  burst  into  flame,  and  which 
perhaps  for  its  suppression  was  the  more  trouble 
some.  He  consented,  apparently  only  for  personal 
reasons,  to  head  the  Southern  schism  from  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  ;  and  in  his  political  destruction 
he  paid  the  penalty  usually  and  justly  visited  upon 
statesmen  who,  through  personal  hatred  or  jealousy 
or  ambition,  break  party  ties  without  a  real  differ 
ence  of  principle.  Ben  ton  said  that  White  con 
sented  to  run  "  because  in  his  advanced  age  he  did 
the  act  which,  with  all  old  men,  is  an  experiment, 
and  with  most  of  them  an  unlucky  one.  He  mar 
ried  again ;  and  this  new  wife  having  made  an 
immense  stride  from  the  head  of  a  boarding-house 
table  to  the  head  of  a  senator's  table,  could  see  no 
reason  why  she  should  not  take  one  step  more,  and 
that  comparatively  short,  and  arrive  at  the  head  of 
the  presidential  table." 

The  Democratic-Republican  Convention  met  at 
Baltimore  on  May  20,  1835,  nearly  eighteen  months 
before  the  election.  There  were  over  five  hundred 
delegates  from  twenty-three  States.  South  Caro 
lina,  Alabama,  and  Illinois  were  not  represented. 
Party  organization  was  still  very  imperfect.  The 
modern  systei  u  of  precise  and  proportional  repre 
sentations  was  not  yet  known.  The  States  which 
approved  the  convention  sent  delegates  in  such 
number  as  suited  their  convenience.  Maryland, 
the  convention  being  held  in  its  chief  city,  sent 


-258  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

183  delegates ;  Virginia,  close  at  hand,  sent  102 ; 
New  York,  although  the  home  of  the  proposed 
candidate,  sent  but  42,  the  precise  number  of  its 
electoral  votes.  Tennessee  cisnt  but  one ;  Missis 
sippi  and  Missouri,  only  two  each.  In  making 
the  nominations,  the  delegates  from  each  State, 
however  numerous  or  few,  cast  a  number  of  votes 
equal  to  its  representation  in  the  electoral  college. 
The  183  delegates  from  Maryland  cast  therefore 
but  ten  votes ;  while  the  single  delegate  from  Ten 
nessee,  much  courted  man  that  he  must  have  been, 
cast  15. 

It  was  the  second  national  convention  of  the 
party.  The  members  assembled  at  the  "  place  oi 
worship  of  the  Fourth  Presbyterian  Church."  In 
stead  of  the  firm  and  now  long-recognized  opening 
by  tue  chairman  of  the  nation?.!  committee  pro 
vided  by  the  well-geared  machinery  of  our  later  poli 
tics,  George  Kremer  of  Pennsylvania  first  "  stated 
the  objects  of  the  meeting."  Andrew  Stevenson  of 
Virginia,  the  president,  felt  it  necessary  in  his 
opening  speech  to  defend  the  still  novel  party  insti 
tution.  Efforts,  he  said,  would  be  made  at  the 
approaching  election  to  divide  the  Republican  party 
and  possibly  to  defeat  an  election  by  the  people  in 
their  primary  colleges.  Their  venerable  president 
had  advised,  but  in  vain,  constitutional  amendments 
securing  this  election  to  the  people,  and  preventing 
its  falling  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  A 
national  convention  was  the  best  means  of  concen 
trating  the  popular  will,  the  only  defense  against  a 


VICE-PRESIDENT  259 

minority  party.  It  was  recommended  by  prudence, 
sanctioned  by  the  precedent  of  1832,  and  had 
proved  effectual  by  experience.  They  must  guard 
against  local  jealousies.  "What,  gentlemen,"  he 
said,  "  would  you  think  of  the  sagacity  and  prudence 
of  that  individual  who  would  propose  the  expedient 
of  cutting  up  the  noble  ship  that  each  man  might 
seize  his  own  plank  and  steer  for  himself  ?  "  The  in 
quiries  must  be  :  Who  can  best  preserve  the  unity 
of  the  Democratic  party  ?  Who  best  understands 
the  principles  and  motives  of  our  government? 
Who  will  carry  out  the  principles  of  the  Jefferson- 
ian  era  and  General  Jackson's  administration  ? 
These  demands  clearly  enough  pointed  out  Van 
Buren.  Prayers  were  then  offered  up  "  in  a  fer 
vent,  feeling  miumer."  The  rule  requiring  two 
thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  for  a  nomi 
nation  was  again  adopted,  because  "  it  would  have 
a  more  imposing  effect,"  though  nearly  half  the 
convention,  210  to  231,  thought  a  majority  was 
more  "  according  to  Democratic  principles."  Niles 
records  that  the  formal  motion  to  proceed  to  the 
nomination  caused  a  smile  among  the  members,  so 
well  settled  was  it  that  Van  Buren  was  to  be  the 
nominee.  He  received  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
convention.  A  strong  fight  was  made  for  the  vice- 
presidency  between  the  friends  of  Richard  M. 
Johnson  of  Kentucky  and  William  C.  Rives  of 
Virginia.  The  former  received  barely  the  two- 
thirds  vote.  The  Virginia  delegation  upon  the 
defeat  of  the  latter  did  what  would  now  be  a  sac- 


260  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

rilegious  laying  of  violent  hands  on  the  ark.  Party 
regularity  was  not  yet  so  chief  a  deity  in  the  polit 
ical  temple.  The  Virginians  had,  they  said,  an 
unpleasant  duty  to  perform  ;  but  they  would  not 
shrink  from  it.  They  would  not  support  Johnson 
for  the  vice-presidency  ;  they  had  no  confidence  in 
his  principles  or  his  character ;  they  had  come  to 
the  convention  to  support  principles,  not  men  ; 
they  had  already  gone  as  far  as  possible  in  support 
ing  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  they  would  not  go  further. 
Not  long  afterwards  Rives  left  the  party.  No  plat 
form  was  adopted  ;  but  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people. 

The  Whigs  nominated  General  William  Henry 
Harrison  for  the  presidency  and  Francis  Granger 
for  the  vice-presidency.  They  had  but  a  forlorn 
hope  of  direct  success.  But  the  secession  from 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  iiullifiers,  and  the  more 
serious  secession  in  the  Southwest  headed  by  White, 
made  it  seem  possible  to  throw  the  election  into 
the  House.  John  Tyler  of  Virginia  was  the  nom 
inee  of  the  bolting  Democrats,  for  vice-president 
upon  the  ticket  with  White.  The  Whigs  of  Mas 
sachusetts  preferred  their  unequaled  orator ;  for 
they  then  and  afterwards  failed  to  see,  as  the  ad 
mirers  of  some  other  famous  Americans  have  failed 
to  see,  that  other  qualities  make  a  truer  equipment 
for  the  first  office  of  the  land  than  this  noble  art 
of  oratory.  South  Carolina  would  vote  against 
Calhoun's  victorious  adversary  ;  but  she  would  not> 
in  the  first  instance  at  least,  vote  with  the  Whig 
heretics. 


VICE-PRESIDENT  261 

It  was  a  disorderly  campaign,  lasting  a  year  and 
a  half,  and  never  reaching  the  supreme  excitement 
of  1840  or  1844.  The  opposition  did  not  deserve 
success.  It  had  neither  political  principle  nor  dis 
cipline.  Calhoun  described  the  Van  Buren  men 
as  u  a  powerful  faction  (party  it  cannot  be  called) 
held  together  by  the  hopes  of  public  plunder  and 
marching  under  a  banner  whereon  is  written  4  to 
the  victors  belong  the  spoils.'  '  There  was  in  the 
rhetorical  exaggeration  enough  truth  perhaps  to 
make  an  issue.  But  the  political  removals  under 
Jackson  were  only  incidentally  touched  in  the  can 
vass.  Amos  Kendall,  then  postmaster-general,  to 
wards  the  close  of  the  canvass  wrote  u  letter  which, 
coming  from  perhaps  the  worst  of  Jackson's  "  spoils 
men,  "  shows  how  far  public  sentiment  was  even 
then  from  justifying  the  political  interference  of 
federal  officers  in  elections.  Samuel  McKean,  sen 
ator  from  Pennsylvania,  had  written  to  Kendall 
complaining  that  three  employees  of  the  post-office 
had  used  the  time  and  influence  of  their  official 
stations  to  affect  elections,  by  written  communica 
tions  and  personal  importunities.  This,  he  said, 
was  "  a  loathsome  public  nuisance,"  though  admit 
ting  that  since  Kendall  became  postmaster-general 
he  had  given  no  cause  of  complaint.  Kendall  re 
plied  on  September  27,  1836,  that  though  it  was 
difficult  to  draw  the  line  between  the  rights  of  the 
citizen  and  the  assumptions  of  the  officeholder,  hb 
thought  it  dangerous  to  our  institutions  that  govern 
ment  employees  should  "  assume  to  direct  public 


2G2  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

opinion  and  control  the  results  of  elections  in  the 
general  or  stats  government."  His  advice  to  mem 
bers  of  his  department  was  to  keep  as  clear  from 
political  strife  as  possible,  "  to  shun  mere  political 
meetings,  or,  if  present,  to  avoid  taking  any  part 
in  their  proceedings,  to  decline  acting  as  members 
of  political  committees  or  conventions/'  In  making 
appointments  he  would  prefer  political  friends  ;  but 
lie  "  would  not  remove  a  good  postmaster  and  hon 
est  man  for  a  mere  difference  of  political  opinion." 
The  complaints  were  for  offenses  committed  under 
his  predecessor  ;  one  of  the  three  offenders  had 
left  the  service  ;  the  other  two  had  been  free  from 
criticism  for  seventeen  months.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  standard  thus  set  up  in  public  was 
higher  than  the  general  practice  of  Kendall  or  his 
subordinates ;  but  the  letter  showed  that  public 
sentiment  had  not  yet  grown  callous  to  this  odious 
abuse. 

Jackson  did  not  permit  the  presidential  office  to 
restrain  him  from  most  vigorous  and  direct  advocacy 
of  Van  Buren's  claims.  He  begged  Tennessee  not 
to  throw  herself  "  into  the  embraces  of  the  Federal 
ists,  the  Nullifiers,  or  the  new-born  Whigs."  They 
were  living,  he  said,  in  evil  times,  when  political 
apostasy  had  become  frequent,  when  public  men 
(referring  to  White,  John  Tyler,  and  others  who 
had  gone  with  them)  were  abandoning  principle 
and  their  party  attachment  for  selfish  ends.  To 
this  it  was  replied  that  the  president's  memory  was 
treacherous  •  that  he  had  forgotten  his  early  friends. 


VICE-PRESIDENT  262 

and  listened  only  "  to  the  voice  of  flattery  and  the 
siren  voice  of  sycophancy."  The  dissenting  Repub 
licans  affected  to  support  administration  measures, 
but  protested  against  Jackson's  dictating  the  suc 
cession.  They  were  the  n,  they  said,  "'  what  they 
were  in  1828,  —  Jacksonians  following  the  creed 
of  that  apostle  of  liberty,  Thomas  Jefferson." 

Without  principle  as  was  this  formidable  seces 
sion,  it  is  impossible  to  feel  much  more  respect  for 
the  declaration  of  principles  made  for  the  Whig 
candidates.  Clay,  the  chief  spokesman,  complained 
that  Jackson  had  killed  with  the  pocket  veto  the 
land  bill,  which  proposed  to  distribute  the  proceeds 
of  the  sales  of  public  lands  among  the  States  ac 
cording  to  their  federal  population  (which  in  the 
South  included  three  fifths  of  the  slaves),  to  be  used 
for  internal  improvements,  education,  or  other  pur 
poses,  lie  pointed  out,  with  "  mixed  feelings  of 
pity  and  ridicule,"  that  the  few  votes  in  the  Senate 
against  the  "  deposit  bill,"  which  was  to  distribute 
the  surplus  among  the  States,  had  been  cast  by 
administration  senators,  since  deserted  by  their 
numerous  followers  who  demanded  distribution. 
He  rejoiced  that  Kentucky  was  to  get  a  million 
and  a  half  from  the  federal  treasury.  He  de 
nounced  Jackson's  "  tampering  with  the  currency" 
by  the  treasury  order  requiring  public  lands  to  be 
paid  for  in  specie  and  not  in  bank-notes.  Jack 
son's  treatment  of  the  Cherokees  seemed  the  only 
point  of  attack  apart  from  his  financial  policy. 

The  real  party  pi  at  for  in  tj  this  year  were  curiously 


264  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

found  in  letters  of  the  candidates  to  Sherrod  Wil 
liams,  an  individual  by  no  means  distinguished. 
On  April  7,  1836,  lie  addressed  a  circular  letter  to 
Harrison,  Van  Buren,  and  White,  asking  each  of 
them  his  opinions  on  five  points  :  Did  he  approve 
a  distribution  of  the  surplus  revenue  among  the 
States  according  to  their  federal  population,  for 
such  uses  as  they  might  appoint  ?  Did  he  approve 
a  like  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
public  lands  ?  Did  he  approve  federal  appropria 
tions  to  improve  navigable  streams  above  ports  of 
entry  ?  Did  he  approve  another  bank  charter,  if  it 
should  become  necessary  to  preserve  the  revenue 
and  finances  of  the  nation?  Did  he  believe  it  con 
stitutional  to  expunge  from  the  records  of  a  house 
of  Congress  any  of  its  proceedings  ?  The  last 
question  referred  to  Benton's  agitation  for  a  reso 
lution  expunging  from  the  records  of  the  Senate 
the  resolution  of  1834,  condemning  Jackson's  re 
moval  of  the  deposits  as  a  violation  of  the  Consti 
tution.  Harrison,  for  whose  benefit  the  questions 
were  put,  returned  what  was  supposed  to  be  the 
popular  affirmative  to  the  first  three  inquiries. 
The  fourth  he  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  the 
fifth  in  the  negative.  Van  Buren  promptly  pointed 
out  to  Williams  that  he  doubted  the  light  of  an 

O 

elector,  who  had  already  determined  to  oppose  him, 
to  put  inquiries  "  with  the  sole  view  of  exposing, 
at  his  own  time  and  the  mode  he  may  select,  the 
opinions  of  the  candidate  to  unfriendly  criticism,' 
but  nevertheless  promised  a  reply  aftei  Congress 


VICE-PRESIDENT  265 

had  risen.  This  delay  he  deemed  proper,  because 
during  the  session  he  might,  as  president  of  the 
Senate,  have  to  vote  upon  some  of  the  questions. 
Williams  replied  that  the  excuse  for  delay  was 
"  wholly  and  entirely  unsatisfactory."  Van  Bureii 
curtly  said  that  he  should  wait  as  he  had  stated. 
On  August  8,  not  far  from  the  time  nowadays 
selected  by  presidential  candidates  for  their  letters 
of  acceptance,  Van  Buren  addressed  a  letter  to 
Williams,  the  prolixity  of  which  seems  a  fault,  but 
which,  when  newspapers  were  fewer  and  shorter, 
and  read  ing  was  less  multifarious,  secured  perhaps, 
from  its  length,  a  more  ample  and  deliberate  study 
from  the  masses  of  the  people. 

For  clearness  and  explicitness,  and  for  cogency 
of  argument,  this  letter  has  few  equals  among  those 
written  by  presidential  candidates.  This  most  con 
spicuous  of  Van  Bureii 's  preelection  utterances  has 
been  curiously  ignored  by  those  who  have  accused 
him  of  "  non-committalism/'  Congress,  he  said, 
does  not  possess  the  power  under  the  Constitution 
to  raise  money  for  distribution  among  the  States. 
If  a  distinction  were  justifiable,  and  of  this  he  was 
not  satisfied,  between  raising  money  for  such  a 
purpose  and  the  distribution  of  an  unexpected 
surplus,  then  the  distribution  ought  not  to  be  at 
tempted  without  previous  amendment  of  the  Consti 
tution.  Any  system  of  distribution  must  introduce 
vices  into  both  the  state  and  federal  governments. 
It  would  be  a  great  misfortune  if  the  distribution 
bill  already  passed  should  be  deemed  a  pledge  of 


266  MARTIN   VAN  BUPxEN 

like  legislation  in  the  future.  So  much  of  the 
letter  has  since  largely  had  the  approval  of  Ameri 
can  sentiment,  and  was  only  too  soon  emphasized 
by  the  miserable  results  of  the  bill  thus  condemned. 
The  utterance  was  clear  and  wise ;  and  it  was  far 
more.  It  was  a  singularly  bold  attitude  to  assume, 
not  only  against  the  views  of  the  opposition,  but 
against  a  measure  passed  by  Van  Buren's  own 
party  friends  and  signed  by  Jackson,  a  measure 
having  a  vast  and  cheap  popularity  throughout  the 
States  which  were  supposed,  and  with  too  much 
truth,  not  to  see  that  for  what  they  took  out  of  the 
federal  treasury  they  would  simply  have  to  put  so 
much  more  in.  "  I  hope  and  believe,"  said  Van 
Buren,  "  that  the  public  voice  will  demand  that 
this  species  of  legislation  shall  terminate  with  the 
emergency  that  produced  it."  To  .the  inquiry 
whether  he  wrould  approve  a  distribution  among 
the  States  of  the  proceeds  of  selling  the  public 
lands,  Van  Buren  plainly  said  that  if  he  were 
elected  he  would  not  favor  the  policy.  These 
moneys,  he  declared,  should  be  applied  "  to  the 
general  wants  of  the  treasury."  To  the  inquiry 
whether  he  would  approve  appropriations  to  im 
prove  rivers  above  ports  of  entry,  he  quoted  with 
approval  Jackson's  declaration  in  the  negative. 
He  would  not  go  beyond  expenditures  for  light 
houses,  buoys,  beacons,  piers,  and  the  removal 
of  obstructions  in  rivers  and  harbors  below  such 
ports. 

Upon   the   bank  question,  too,  he    left    his   in- 


VICE-PRESIDENT  267 

terrogator  in  no  doubt.  If  the  people  wished  a 
national  bank  as  a  permanent  branch  of  their  in 
stitutions,  or  if  they  desired  a  chief  magistrate  who 
as  to  that  would  consider  it  his  duty  to  watch  the 
course  of  events  and  give  or  withhold  his  assent 
according  to  the  supposed  necessity,  then  another 
than  himself  must  be  chosen.  And  he  added  :  "If, 
on  the  other  hand,  with  this  seasonable,  explicit, 
and  published  avowal  before  them,  a  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  nevertheless 
bestow  upon  me  their  suffrages  for  the  office  of 
president,  skepticism  itself  must  cease  to  doubt, 
and  admit  their  will  to  be  that  there  shall  not  be 
any  Bank  of  the  United  States  until  the  people,  in 
the  exercise  of  their  sovereign  authority,  see  fit  to 
give  to  Congress  the  right  to  establish  one."  It 
was  high  time  "  that  the  federal  government  con 
fine  itself  to  the  creation  of  coin,  and  that  the 
States  afford  it  a  fair  chance  for  circulation." 
With  the  power  of  either  house  of  Congress  to 
expunge  from  its  records,  he  pointed  out  that  the 
President  could  have  no  concern.  But  rather  than 
avoid  an  answer,  he  said  that  he  regarded  the  pas 
sage  of  Colonel  Benton's  resolution  as  "an  act  of 
justice  to  a  faithful  and  greatly  injured  public 
servant,  not  only  constitutional  in  itself,  but  im 
periously  demanded  by  a  proper  respect  for  the 
well-known  will  of  the  people." 

This  justly  famous  letter  made  up  for  the  rather 
jejune  and  conventional  letter  of  acceptance  written 
a  year  before.  Not  concealing  his  sensitiveness  to 


268  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

the  charge  of  intrigue  and  management,  Van  Buren 
had  then  appealed  to  the  members  of  the  Demo 
cratic  convention,  to  the  "  editors  and  politicians 
throughout  the  Union  "  who  had  preferred  him,  to 
his  "  private  correspondents  and  intimate  friends," 
and  to  those,  once  his  "  friends  and  associates, 
whom  the  fluctuations  of  political  life  "  had  "  con 
verted  into -opponents."  No  man,  he  declared, 
could  truly  say  that  he  had  solicited  political  sup 
port,  or  entered  or  sought  to  enter  into  any  arrange 
ment  to  procure  him  the  nomination  he  had  now 
received,  or  to  elevate  him  to  the  chief  magistracy. 
There  was  no  public  question  of  interest  upon 
which  his  opinions  had  not  been  made  known  by 
his  official  acts,  his  own  public  avowals,  and  the 
authorized  explanations  of  his  friends.  The  last 
was  a  touch  of  the  frankness  which  Van  Buren 
used  in  vain  to  stop  his  enemies'  accusations  of 
indirectness.  Instead  of  shielding  himself,  as  pub 
lic  men  usually  and  naturally  do,  behind  Butler, 
th«  attorney-general,  and  others  who  had  spoken 
for  him,  he  directly  assumed  responsibility  for  their 
"explanations."  He  considered  himself  selected 
to  carry  out  the  principles  and  policy  of  Jackson's 
administration,  "  happy,"  he  said,  "  if  I  shall  be 
able  to  perfect  the  work  which  he  has  so  gloriously 
begun."  He  closed  with  the  theoretical  declara 
tion  which  consistently  ran  through  his  chief  utter 
ances,  that,  though  he  would  "  exercise  the  powers 
which  of  right  belong  to  the  general  government 
in  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  brotherly  love,"  he 


VICE-PRESIDENT  269 

would  on  the  other  hand  "  religiously  abstain  from 
the  assumption  of  such  as  have  not  been  delegated 
by  the  Constitution." 

Upon  still  another  question  Van  Buren  explicitly 
declared  himself  before  the  election.  In  1835, 
the  year  of  his  nomination,  appeared  the  cloud 
like  a  man's  hand  which  was  not  to  leave  the  sky 
until  out  of  it  had  come  a  terrific,  complete,  and 
beneficent  convulsion.  Then  openly  and  seriously 
began  the  work  of  the  extreme  anti-slavery  men. 
Clay  pointed  out  in  his  speech  on  colonization  in 
1836  that  "  this  fanatical  class  "  of  abolitionists 
"  were  none  of  your  old-fashioned  gradual  emanci 
pationists,  such  as  Franklin,  Rush,  and  the  other 
wise  and  benevolent  Pennsylvanians  who  framed 
the  scheme  for  the  gradual  removal  of  slavery.'* 
He  was  right.  Many  of  the  new  abolitionists  were 
on  the  verge,  or  beyond  it,  of  quiet  respectability. 
Educated,  intelligent,  and  even  wealthy  as  some  of 
them  were,  the  abolitionists  did  not  belong  to  the 
always  popular  class  of  well-to-do  folks  content 
with  the  institutions  of  society.  Most  virtuous  and 
religious  people  saw  in  them  only  wicked  disturbers 
of  the  peace.  All  the  comfortable,  philosophical 
opponents  of  slavery  believed  that  such  wild  and 
reckless  agitators  would,  if  encouraged,  prostrate 
the  pillars  of  civilization,  and  bring  on  anarchy, 
bloodshed,  and  servile  wars  worse  even  to  the  slaves 
than  the  wrongs  of  their  slavery.  But  to  the  mem 
bers  of  the  abolition  societies  whiclr  now  rose,  this 
was  no  abstract  or  economical  question.  They 


270  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

were  undaunted  by  the  examples  of  Washington 
and  Jefferson  and  Patrick  Henry,  who,  whatever 
they  said  or  hoped  against  slavery,  nevertheless 
held  human  beings  in  bondage  ;  or  of  Adams  and 
other  Northern  adherents  of  the  Constitution,  who 
for  a  season  at  least  had  joined  in  a  pact  to  pro 
tect  the  infamous  slave  traffic.  To  them,  talk  of 
the  sacred  Union,  or  of  the  great  advance  which 
negroes  had  made  in  slavery  and  would  not  have 
made  in  freedom,  was  idle.  With  unquenched 
vision  they  saw  the  horrid  picture  of  the  individual 
slave  life,  not  the  general  features  of  slavery  ;  they 
saw  the  chain,  the  lash,  the  brutalizing  and  con 
trived  ignorance  ;  they  saw  the  tearing  apart  of 
families,  with  their  love  arid  hope,  precisely  like 
those  of  white  men  and  women,  crushed  out  by 
detestable  cruelty ;  they  saw  the  beastly  disso 
luteness  inevitable  to  the  plantation  system.  Nor 
would  they  be  still,  whatever  the  calm  preach 
ing  of  political  wisdom,  whatever  the  sincere  and 
weighty  insolence  of  men  of  wisdom  and  upright 
ness  and  property.  Northern  men  of  1888  must 
look  with  a  real  shame  upon  the  behavior  of 
their  fathers  and  grandfathers  towards  the  narrow, 
fiery,  sometimes  almost  hateful,  apostles  of  human 
rights  ;  and  with  even  greater  shame  upon  the  talk 
of  the  sacred  right  of  white  men  to  make  brutes  of 
black  men,  a  right  to  be  treated,  as  the  best  of 
Americans  were  so  fond  of  saying,  with  a  tender 
and  affectionate  regard  for  the  feelings  of  the 
white  slave-masters.  About  the  same  time  began 


VICE-PRESIDENT  271 

the  continual  presentation  to  Congress  of  petitions 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  foolish  but 
Heaven-ordained  attack  of  slaveholders  on  the  right 
of  petition.  The  agitation  rapidly  flaming  up  was 
far  different  from  the  practical  and  truly  political 
discussion  over  the  Missouri  Compromise  fifteen 
years  before. 

As  yet,  indeed,  the  matter  was  not  politically 
important,  except  in  the  attack  upon  Van  Buren 
made  by  the  Southern  members  of  his  party.  Six 
teen  years  before,  he  had  voted  against  admitting 
more  slave  States.  He  had  aided  the  reelection  of 
Rufus  King,  a  determined  enemy  of  slavery.  He 
had  strongly  opposed  Calhoun  and  the  Southern 
nullifiers.  In  the  "  Evening  Post  "  and  the  "  Plain- 
dealer  "  of  New  York  appeared  from  1835  to  1837 
the  really  noble  series  of  editorials  by  William 
Leggett,  strongly  proclaiming  the  right  of  free 
discussion  and  the  essential  wrong  of  slavery ;  al 
though  sometimes  he  condemned  the  fanaticism 
now  aroused  as  u  a  species  of  insanity."  The 
"  Post "  strongly  supported  Van  Buren,  and  was 
declared  at  the  South  to  be  his  chosen  organ  for 
addressing  the  public.  It  denied,  however,  that 
Van  Buren  had  any  "  connection  in  any  way  or 
shape  with  the  doctrines  or  movements  of  the  abo 
litionists."  But  such  denials  were  widely  disbe 
lieved  by  the  slaveholders.  It  was  declared  that 
he  had  a  deep  agency  in  the  Missouri  question 
which  fixed  upon  him  a  support  of  abolition  ;  his 
denials  were  answered  by  the  anti-slavery  petitions 


272  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

from  twenty  thousand  memorialists  in  his  own  State 
of  New  York,  and  by  the  support  brought  him  by 
the  enemies  of  slavery.  To  all  this  the  Whig 

"  dousli-faces "    listened    with    entire    satisfaction. 

o 

They  must  succeed,  if  at  all,  through  Southern  dis 
trust  or  dislike  of  Van  Buren.  In  July,  1834,  he 
had  publicly  written  to  Samuel  Gwin  of  Mississippi 
that  his  opinions  upon  the  power  of  Congress  over 
slave  property  in  the  Southern  States  were  so  well 
understood  by  his  friends  that  he  was  surprised 
that  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  deceive  the 
public  about  them ;  that  slavery  was  in  his  judg 
ment  "  exclusively  under  the  control  cf  the  state 
governments ; "  that  no  "  contrary  opinion  to  an 
extent  deserving  consideration"  was  entertained  in 
any  part  of  the  United  States ;  and  that,  without  a 
change  of  the  Constitution,  no  interference  with  it 
in  a  State  could  be  had  "  even  at  the  instance  of 
either  or  of  all  the  slaveholding  States."  But,  it 
was  said,  "  Tappan,  Garrison,  and  every  other  fa 
natic  and  abolitionist  in  the  United  States  not  en 
tirely  run  mad,  will  grant  that."  And,  indeed, 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated  twenty-four  years 
later  upon  a  like  declaration  of  "  the  right  of  each 
State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic  institu 
tions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively." 

The  District  of  Columbia,  however,  was  one  bit 
of  territory  in  which  Congress  doubtless  had  the 
power  to  abolish  slavery.  In  our  better  days  it 
would  seem  to  have  been  a  natural  enough  impulse 
to  seek  to  make  free  soil  at  least  of  the  capital 


VICE-PRESIDENT  273 

of  the  land  of  freedom.  But  the  District  lay  be 
tween  and  was  completely  surrounded  by  two  slave 
States.  Washington  had  derived  its  laws  and 
customs  from  Maryland.  If  the  District  were 
free  while  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  slave,  it 
was  feared  with  much  reason  that  there  would 
arise  most  dangerous  collisions.  Its  perpetual 
slavery  was  an  unforeseen  part  of  the  price  Alex 
ander  Hamilton  had  paid  to  procure  the  federal 
assumption  of  the  wrar  debts  of  the  States.  In 
Van  Buren's  time  there  was  almost  complete 
acquiescence  in  the  proposition  that,  though  sla 
very  had  in  the  District  no  constitutional  protec 
tion,  it  must  still  be  deemed  there  a  part  of  the 
institution  in  Virginia  and  Maryland.  How  clear 
was  the  understanding  may  be  seen  from  language 
of  undoubted  authority.  John  Quincy  Adams  had 
hitherto  labored  for  causes  which  have  but  cold 
and  formal  interest  to  posterity.  But  now,  leav 
ing  the  field  of  statesmanship,  where  his  glory 
had  been  meagre,  and,  fortunately  for  his  reputa 
tion,  with  the  shackles  of  its  responsibility  no 
longer  upon  him,  the  generous  and  exalted  love  of 
humanity  began  to  touch  his  later  years  with  the 
abiding  splendor  of  heroic  and  far-seeing  courage. 
He  became  the  first  of  the  great  anti-slavery  lead 
ers.  He  entered  for  all  time  the  group  of  men, 
Garrison,  Lovejoy,  Giddings,  Phillips,  Sumner, 
and  Beecher,  to  whom  so  largely  we  owe  the 
second  and  nobler  salvation  of  our  land,  But 
Adams  was  emphatically  opposed  to  the  abolition 


274  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

of  slavery  in  the  District.  In  December,  1831, 
the  first  month  of  his  service  in  the  House,  on 
presenting  a  petition  for  such  abolition,  he  de 
clared  that  he  should  not  support  it.  In  Feb 
ruary,  1837,  a  few  days  before  Van  Buren's  inau 
guration,  there  occurred  the  scene  when  Adams, 
with  grim  and  dauntless  irony,  brought  to  the 
House  the  petition  of  some  slaves  against  abolition. 
In  his  speech  then  he  said :  "  From  the  day  I 
entered  this  House  down  to  the  present  moment, 
I  have  invariably  here,  and  invariably  elsewhere, 
declared  my  opinions  to  be  adverse  to  the  prayer 
of  petitions  which  call  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia." 

It  is  a  curious  but  inevitable  impeachment  of 
the  impartiality  of  history  that  for  a  declaration 
precisely  the  same  as  that  made  by  a  great  and 
recognized  apostle  of  anti-slavery,  and  made  by 
that  apostle  in  a  later  year,  Van  Buren  has  been 
denounced  as  a  truckler  to  the  South,  a  "  Northern 
man  with  Southern  principles."  Van  Buren's  de 
claration  was  made,  not  like  Adams's  in  the  easy 
freedom  of  an  independent  member  of  Congress 
from  an  anti-slavery  district,  but  under  the  con 
straint  of  a  presidential  nomination  partially  com 
ing  from  the  South.  In  the  canvass  before  his 
election,  Van  Buren  gave  perfectly  fair  notice  of 
his  intention.  "  I  must  go,"  he  said,  "  into  the 
presidential  chair  the  inflexible  and  uncompro 
mising  opponent  of  every  attempt  on  the  part  of 
Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 


VICE-PRESIDENT  273 

Columbia  against  the  wishes  of  the  slaveholding 
States."  This  was  the  attitude,  not  only  of  Van 
Buren  and  Adams,  but  of  every  statesman  North 
and  South,  and  of  the  entire  North  itself  with 
insignificant  exceptions.  The  former's  explicit 
declaration  was  doubtless  aimed  at  the  pro-slavery 
jealousy  stirred  up  against  himself  in  the  South  ; 
it  was  intended  to  have  political  effect.  But  it 
was  none  the  less  the  unambiguous  expression  of 
an  opinion  sincerely  shared  with  the  practically 
unanimous  sense  of  the  country. 

A  skillful  effort  was  made  to  embarrass  Van 
Buren  with  his  Southern  supporters  over  a  more 
difficult  question.  The  anti-slavery  societies  at 
the  North  sought  to  circulate  their  literature  at 
the  South.  So  strong  an  enemy  of  slavery  as 
William  Leggett  condemned  this  as  "fanatical 
obstinacy,"  obviously  tending  to  stir  up  at  the 
South  insurrections,  whose  end  no  one  could  fore 
see,  and  as  the  fruit  of  desperation  and  extrava 
gance.  The  Southern  States  by  severe  laws  for 
bade  the  circulation  of  the  literature.  Its  receipts 
from  Southern  post-offices  led  to  great  excitement 
and  even  violence.  In  August,  1835,  Kendall,  the 
postmaster-general,  was  appealed  to  by  the  post 
master  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  for  advice 
whether  he  should  distribute  papers  "inflamma 
tory,  and  incendiary,  and  insurrectionary  in  the 
highest  degree,"  papers  whose  very  custody  en 
dangered  the  mail.  Kendall,  in  an  extraordinary 
letter,  said  that  he  had  no  legal  authority  to  pro- 


276  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

hibit  the  delivery  of  papers  on  account  of  their 
character,  but  that  he  was  not  prepared  to  direct 
the  delivery  at  Charleston  of  papers  such  as  were 
described.  Gouverneur,  the  postmaster  at  New 
York,  being  then  appealed  to  by  his  Charleston 
brother,  declined  to  forward  papers  mailed  by  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society.  This  dangerous 
usurpation  was  defended  upon  the  principle  of 
salus  populi  suprema  lex. 

In  December,  1835,  Jackson  called  the  attention 
of  Congress  to  the  circulation  of  "  inflammatory 
appeals  addressed  to  the  passions  of  the  slaves " 
(as  they  used  to  call  the  desire  of  black  men  to  be 
free),  "calculated  to  stimulate  them  to  insurrection 
and  produce  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war."  A 
bill  was  introduced  making  it  unlawful  for  any 
postmaster  knowingly  to  deliver  any  printed  or 
pictorial  paper  touching  the  subject  of  slavery 
in  States  by  whose  laws  their  circulation  was  pro- 
hibited.  Webster  condemned  the  bill  as  a  federal 
violation  of  the  freedom  of  the  press.  Clay 
thought  it  unconstitutional,  vague,  indefinite,  and 
unnecessary,  as  the  States  could  lay  hold  of  citi 
zens  taking  such  publications  from  post-offices 
within  their  borders.  Benton  and  other  senators, 
several  of  them  Democrats,  and  seven  from  slave- 
holding  States,  voted  against  the  bill,  because  they 
were,  so  Benton  said,  "  tired  of  the  eternal  cry  of 
dissolving  the  Union,  did  not  believe  in  it,  and 
would  not  give  a  repugnant  vote  to  avoid  the 
trial."  The  debate  did  not  reach  a  very  exalted 


VICE-PRESIDENT  277 

height.  The  question  was  by  no  means  free  from 
doubt.  Anti-slavery  papers  probably  were,  as  the 
Southerners  said,  "  incendiary "  to  their  States. 
Slavery  depended  upon  ignorance  and  fear.  The 
federal  post-office  110  doubt  was  intended,  as  Ken 
dall  argued,  to  be  a  convenience  to  the  various 
States,  and  not  an  offense  against  their  codes  of 
morality.  There  has  been  little  opposition  to  the 
present  prohibition  of  the  vise  of  the  post-office  for 
obscene  literature,  or,  to  take  a  better  illustration, 
for  the  circulars  of  lotteries  which  are  lawful  in 
some  States  but  not  in  others. 

When  the  bill  came  to  a  vote  in  the  Senate, 
although  there  was  really  a  substantial  majority 
against  it,  a  tie  was  skillfully  arranged  to  compel 
Van  Buren,  as  Vice-President,  to  give  the  easting: 
vote.  White-,  the  Southern  Democratic  candidate 
so  seriously  menacing  him,  was  in  the  Senate,  and 
voted  for  the  bill.  Van  Buren  must,  it  was  sup 
posed,  offend  the  pro-slavery  men  by  voting  against 
the  bill,  or  offend  the  North  and  perhaps  bruise 
his  conscience  by  voting  for  it.  When  the  roll 
was  being  called,  Van  Buren,  so  Benton  tells  us, 
was  out  of  the  chair,  walking  behind  the  colonnade 
at  the  rear  of  the  vice-president's  seat.  Calhonn, 
fearful  lest  he  might  escape  the  ordeal,  eagerly 
asked  where  he  was,  and  told  the  sergeant-at-arms 
to  look  for  him.  But  Van  Buren  was  ready,  and 
at  once  stepped  to  his  chair  and  voted  for  the  bilL 
His  close  friend,  Silas  Wright  of  New  York,  also 
voted  for  it.  Beiiton  says  he  deemed  both  the 


278  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

votes  to  be  political  and  given  from  policy.  So 
they  probably  were.  To  Van  Buren  all  the  fire- 
eating  measures  of  Calhoun  and  the  pro-slavery 
men  were  most  distasteful.  He  probably  thought 
the  bill  would  do  more  to  increase  than  allay  agita 
tion  at  the  North.  Walter  Scott,  when  the  prince 
regent  toasted  him  as  the  author  of  "  Waverley," 
feeling  that  even  royal  highness  had  no  right  in 
a  numerous  company  to  tear  away  the  long  kept 
and  valuable  secrecy  of  "  the  great  Unknown,"  rose 
and  gravely  said  to  his  host :  "  Sire,  I  am  not  the 
author  of  4  Waverley.'  '  There  were,  he  thought, 
questions  which  did  not  entitle  the  questioner  to 
be  told  the  truth.  So  Van  Buren  may  have 
thought  there  were  political  interrogations  which, 
being  made  for  sheer  party  purposes,  might  right 
fully  be  answered  for  like  purposes.  Since  the 
necessity  for  his  vote  was  contrived  to  injure  him 
and  not  to  help  or  hurt  the  bill,  he  probably  felt 
justified  so  to  vote  as  best  to  frustrate  the  design 
against  him.  This  persuasive  casuistry  usually 
overcomes  a  candidate  for  great  office  in  the  stress 
of  conflict.  But  lenient  as  may  be  the  judgment 
of  party  supporters,  and  distressing  as  may  seem 
the  necessity,  the  untruth  pretty  surely  returns  to 
plague  the  statesman.  Van  Buren  never  deserved 
to  be  called  a  "  Northern  man  with  Southern  prin 
ciples."  But  this  vote  came  nearer  to  an  excuse 
for  the  epithet  than  did  any  other  act  of  his  career. 
The  election  proved  how  large  was  the  Southern 
defection.  Georgia  and  Tennessee,  which  had  been 


VICE-PRESIDENT  279 

almost  unanimous  for  Jackson  in  1836,  now  voted 
for  White.  Mississippi,  where  in  that  year  there 
had  been  no  opposition,  and  Louisiana,  where 
Jackson  had  eight  votes  to  Clay's  five,  now  gave 
Van  Buren  majorities  of  but  three  hundred  each. 
In  North  Carolina  Jackson  had  had  24,862  votes, 
and  Clay  only  4563 ;  White  got  23,626  to  26,910 
for  Van  Buren.  In  Virginia  Jackson  had  three 
times  the  vote  of  Clay  ;  Van  Buren  had  but  one 
fourth  more  votes  than  White.  In  Benton's  own 
State,  so  nearly  unanimous  for  Jackson,  White 
had  over  7000  to  Van  Burenrs  11,000.  But  in 
the  Northeast  Van  Buren  was  very  strong.  Jack 
son's  majority  in  Maine  of  6087  became  a  majority 
of  7751  for  Van  Buren.  New  Hampshire,  the 
home  of  Hill  and  Woodbury,  had  given  Jackson 
a  majority  of  6376 ;  it  gave  Van  Buren  over 
12,000.  The  Democratic  majority  in  New  York 
rose  from  less  than  14,000  to  more  than  28,000, 
and  this  majority  was  rural  and  not  urban.  The 
majority  in  New  York  city  was  but  about  1000. 
Of  the  fifty -six  counties,  Van  Buren  carried 
forty-two,  while  nowadays  his  political  successors 
rarely  carry  more  than  twenty.  Connecticut  had 
given  a  majority  of  6000  for  Clay ;  it  gave  Van 
Buren  over  500.  Rhode  Island  had  voted  for 
Clay ;  it  now  voted  for  Van  Buren.  Massachu 
setts  was  carried  for  Webster  by  42,247  against 
34,474  for  Van  Buren  ;  Clay  had  had  33,003  to 
only  14,545  for  Jackson.  But  New  Jersey  shifted 
from  Jackson  to  Harrison,  although  a  very  close 


280 


MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 


State  at  both  elections ;  and  in  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  Van  Bin-en  fell  far 
behind  Jackson.  The  popular  vote,  omitting  South 
Carolina,  where  the  legislature  chose  the  electors, 
was  as  follows  :  — 


New 
England. 

Middle 
States. 

South. 

West. 

Total. 

Van  Buren     . 
Harrison,  White, 
and  Webster  . 

112,480 
106,169 

810,208 
282,870 

141,942 

138,059 

198,0:>8 
209,040 

702,078 
785,050 

The  electoral  votes  were  thus  divided : 


New 
England    ' 

Middle 

States. 

South. 

West. 

Total. 

Van  Bnren     .     . 

29 

72 

57 

12 

170 

Harrison    . 

7 

21 

45 

78 

Webster     .     .     . 

14 

— 





14 

White    .... 

—       I 

—  • 

20 

— 

26 

Van  Buren  thus  came  to  the  presidency  sup 
ported  by  the  great  Middle  States  and  New  Eng 
land  against  the  West,  with  the  South  divided. 
Omitting  the  uncontested  reelection  of  Monroe  in 
1820,  and  the  almost  uncontested  reelection  of 
Jefferson  in  1804,  Van  Buren  was  the  first  Demo 
cratic  candidate  for  president  who  carried  New 
England.  He  had  there  a  clear  majority  in  both 
the  electoral  and  the  popular  vote.  Nor  has  any 
Democrat  since  Van  Buren  obtained  a  majority  of 
the  popular  vote  in  that  strongly  thinking  and 
strongly  prejudiced  community.  Pierce,  against 
the  feeble  Whig  candidacy  of  Scott,  carried  its 
electoral  vote  in  1852,  but  by  a  minority  of  its 


ELECTION   TO   THE   PRESIDENCY          281 

popular  vote,  and  only  because  of  the  large  Free 
Soil  vote  for  Hale.  No  other  Democrat  since  1852 
has  had  any  electoral  vote  from  New  England  out 
side  of  Connecticut.  Virginia  refused  its  vote  to 
Johnson,  who,  in  the  failure  of  either  candidate  to 
receive  a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote,  was  chosen 
vice-president  by  the  Senate. 

When  the  electoral  votes  were  formally  counted 
before  the  houses  of  Congress,  the  result,  so  con- 
temporary  record  informs  us,  was  u  received  with 
perfect  decorum  by  the  House  and  galleries." 
Enthusiasm  was  going  out  with  Jackson,  to  come 
back  again  with  Harrison.  Van  Buren's  election 
was  the  success  of  intellectual  convictions,  and  not 
the  triumph  of  sentiment.  He  had  come  to  power 
as  "the  House  and  galleries"  well  knew,  in  "per 
fect  decorum."  Not  a  single  one  of  the  generous 
but  sometimes  cheap  and  fruitless  rushes  of  feeling 
occasionally  so  potent  in  politics  had  helped  him 
to  the  White  House.  Not  that  he  was  ungenerous 
or  lacking  in  feeling.  Very  far  from  it ;  few  men 
have  inspired  so  steady  and  deep  a  political  attach 
ment  among  men  of  strong  character  and  patriotic 
aspirations.  But  neither  in  his  person  nor  in  his 
speech  or  conduct  was  there  anything  of  the  strong 
picturesqueness  which  impresses  masses  of  men, 
who  must  be  touched,  if  at  all,  by  momentary 
glimpses  of  great  men  or  by  vivid  phrases  which 
become  current  about  them.  His  election  was  no 
more  than  a  triumph  of  disciplined  good  sense  and 
political  wisdom. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

CRISIS   OF   1837 

ON  March  4,  1837,  Jackson  and  Van  Buren 
rode  together  from  the  White  House  to  the  Capitol 
in  a  "  beautiful  phaeton  "  made  from  the  timber  of 
the  old  frigate  Constitution,  the  gift  to  the  general 
from  the  Democrats  of  New  York  city.  He  was 
the  third  and  last  president  who  has,  after  serving 
through  his  term,  left  office  amid  the  same  en 
thusiasm  which  attended  him  when  he  entered 
it,  and  to  whom  the  surrender  of  place  has  not 
been  full  of  those  pangs  which  attend  sudden  loss 
of  power,  and  of  which  the  certain  anticipation 
ought  to  moderate  ambition  in  a  country  so  rarely 
permitting  a  long  and  continuous  public  career. 
Washington,  amid  an  almost  unanimous  love  and 
reverence,  left  a  station  of  which  he  was  unaffect 
edly  weary  ;  and  he  was  greater  out  of  office  than  in 
it.  Jefferson  and  Jackson  remained  really  power 
ful  characters.  Neither  at  Monticello  nor  at  the 
Hermitage,  after  their  masters  had  returned,  was 
there  any  lack  of  the  incense  of  sincere  popular 
flattery  or  of  the  appeals  for  the  exercise  of  admit 
ted  and  enormous  influence,  in  which  lies  much  ot 
the  unspeakable  fascination  of  a  great  public  sta 
tion. 


CRISIS  OF   1837  283 

Leaving  the  White  House  under  a  still  and  bril 
liant  sky,  the  retiring  and  incoming  rulers  had  such 
a  popular  and  military  attendance  as  without  much 
order  or  splendor  has  usually  gone  up  Capitol  Hill 
with  our  presidents.  Van  Buren's  inaugural  speech 
was  heard,  it  is  said,  by  nearly  twenty  thousand 
persons  ;  for  he  read  it  with  remarkable  distinctness 
and  in  a  quiet  air,  from  the  historic  eastern  portico, 
He  returned  from  the  inauguration  to  his  private- 
residence  ;  and  with  a  fine  deference  insisted  upoi> 
Jackson  remaining  in  the  White  House  until  hia 
departure,  a  few  days  later,  for  Tennessee.  Van 
Buren  in  his  own  carriage  took  Jackson  to  the-> 
terminus  of  the  new  railway  upon  which  the  journey 
home  was  to  begin.  He  bade  the  old  man  a  most 
affectionate  farewell,  and  promised  to  visit  him  a>- 
the  Hermitage  in  the  summer. 

The  new  cabinet,  with  a  single  exception,  was 
the  same  as  Jackson's :  John  Forsyth  of  Georgia, 
secretary  of  state ;  Levi  Woodbury  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  secretary  of  the  treasury  ;  Mahlon  Dickerson 
of  New  Jersey,  secretary  of  the  navy  ;  Kendall, 
postmaster-general ;  and  Butler,  attorney-general. 
Joel  R.  Poinsett,  a  strong  union  man  among  the 
nullifiers  of  South  Carolina,  became  secretary  of 
war.  Cass  had  left  this  place  in  1836  to  be  minis 
ter  to  France,  and  Butler  had  since  temporarily 
filled  it,  as  well  as  his  own  post  of  attorney-general. 
The  cabinet  had  indeed  been  largely  Van  Buren's, 
two  years  and  more  before  he  was  president. 

Van  Buren's  inaugural  address  began  again  with 


284  MARTIN   VAN   BUKElN 

the  favorite  touch  of  humility,  but  it  now  had  an 
agreeable  dignity.  He  was,  he  said,  the  first  presi 
dent  born  after  the  Revolution ;  he  belonged  to  a 
later  age  than  his  illustrious  predecessors.  Nor 
ought  he  to  expect  his  countrymen  to  weigh  his 
actions  with  the  same  kind  and  partial  hand  which 
they  had  used  towards  worthies  of  Revolutionary 
times.  But  he  piously  looked  for  the  sustaining 
support  of  Providence,  and  the  kindness  of  a  peo 
ple  who  had  never  yet  deserted  a  public  servant 
honestly  laboring  in  their  cause.  There  was  the 
usual  congratulation  upon  American  institutions 
and  history.  We  were,  he  said,  —  and  the  boast 
though  not  so  delightful  to  the  taste  of  a  later  time 

o  o 

was  perfectly  true,  —  without  a  parallel  throughout 
the  world  u  in  all  the  attributes  of  a  great,  happy, 
and  flourishing  people."  Though  we  restrained 
government  to  the  "  sole  legitimate  end  of  political 
institutions,"  we  reached  the  Benthamite  "  greatest 
happiness  of  the  greatest  number,"  and  presented 
"an  aggregate  of  human  prosperity  surely  not  else 
where  to  be  found."  We  must,  by  observing  the 
limitations  of  government,  perpetuate  a  condition 
of  things  so  singularly  happy.  Popular  govern 
ment,  whose  failure  had  fifty  years  ago  been  boldly 
predicted,  had  now  been  found  "wanting  in  no 
element  of  endurance  or  strength."  His  policy 
should  be  "  a  strict  adherence  to  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  constitution  .  .  .  viewing  it  as  limited 
to  national  objects,  regarding  it  as  leaving  to  the 
people  and  the  States  all  power  not  explicitly  parted 


CRISIS  OF  1837  285 

with."  Upon  one  question  he  spoke  precisely.  For 
the  first  time  slavery  loomed  up  in  the  inaugural 
of  an  American  president.  It  seemed,  however, 
at  once  to  disappear  from  politics  in  the  practically 
unanimous  condemnation  of  the  abolition  agitation, 
an  agitation  which,  though  carried  on  for  the  no 
blest  purposes,  seemed  —  for  such  is  the  march  of 
human  rights  —  insane  and  iniquitous  to  most  pa 
triotic  and  intelligent  citizens.  Van  Buren  quoted 
the  explicit  declaration  made  by  him  before  the 
election  against  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  without  the  consent  of  the  slave 
States,  and  against  "  the  slightest  interference  with 
it  in  the  States  where  it  exists."  Not  a  word  was 
said  of  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the  Territories. 
That  question  still  slept  under  the  potion  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  to  wake  with  the  acquisition 
of  Texas.  In  Van  Buren's  declaration  there  was 
nothing  in  the  slightest  degree  inconsistent  even 
with  the  Republican  platforms  of  1856  and  1860. 
The  inaugural  concluded  with  a  fine  tribute  to 
Jackson.  "I  know,"  Van  Bureu  said,  "that  1 
cannot  expect  to  perform  the  arduous  task  with 
equal  ability  and  success.  But  united  as  I  have 
been  in  his  counsels,  a  daily  witness  of  his  ex 
clusive  and  unsurpassed  devotion  to  his  country's 
welfare,  agreeing  with  him  in  sentiments  which  his 
countrymen  have  warmly  supported,  and  permitted 
to  partake  largely  of  his  confidence,  I  may  hope 
that  somewhat  of  the  same  cheering  approbation 
will  be  found  to  attend  upon  my  path.  For  him 


286  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

I  but  express,  with  my  own,  the  wishes  of  all,  that 
he  may  yet  long  live  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  evening 
of  his  well-spent  life." 

The  lucid  optimism  of  the  speech  was  in  perfect 
temper  with  this  one  of  those  shining  and  mellow 
vlays,  which  even  March  now  and  then  brings  to 
Washington.  But  there  was  latent  in  the  atmos 
phere  a  storm,  carrying  with  it  a  furious  and 
complete  devastation.  In  the  month  before  the 
inauguration,  Benton,  upon  whom  Van  Buren  was 
pressing  a  seat  in  the  cabinet,  told  the  President 
elect  that  they  were  on  the  eve  of  an  explosion  of 
the  paper-money  system.  But  the  latter  offended 
Benton  by  saying :  "Your  friends  think  you  a  little 
exalted  in  the  head  on  the  subject/'  And  doubt 
less  the  prophecies  of  the  Bank  opponents  had  been 
somewhat  discredited  by  the  delay  of  the  disaster 
which  was  to  justify  their  denunciations.  The  pro 
foundly  thrilling  and  hidden  delight  which  comes 
with  the  first  taste  of  supreme  power,  even  to  the 
experienced  and  battered  man  of  affairs,  had  been 
enjoyed  by  Van  Buren  only  a  few  days,  when  the 
air  grew  heavy  about  him,  and  then  perturbed,  and 
then  violently  agitated,  until  in  two  months  broke 
fiercely  and  beyond  all  restraint  the  most  terrific 
of  commercial  convulsions  in  the  United  States. 
Since  Washington  began  the  experiment  of  our 
federal  government  amid  the  sullen  doubts  of  ex 
treme  Federalists  and  extreme  Democrats,  no  pre 
sident,  save  only  Abraham  Lincoln,  has  had  to  face 
at  the  outset  of  his  presidency  so  appalling  a  polit 
'.0^,1  situation. 


CRISIS  OF  1837  287 

The  causes  of  the  panic  of  1837  lay  far  deeper 
than  in  the  complex  processes  of  banking  or  in  the 
faults  of  federal  administration  of  the  finances. 
But,  as  a  man  suddenly  ill  prefers  to  find  for  his 
ailment  some  recent  and  obvious  cause,  and  is  not 
convinced  by  even  a  long  and  dangerous  sickness 
that  its  origin  lay  in  old  and  continued  habits  of 
life,  so  the  greater  part  of  the  American  people 
and  of  their  leaders  believed  this  extraordinary 
crisis  to  be  the  result  of  financial  blunders  of 
Jackson's  administration.  They  believed  that  Van 
Buren  could  with  a  few  strokes  of  his  pen  repair,  rF 
he  pleasecITthose  blunders,  anHjjstore  commercial 
confidence  and^prosperity.  The  panic  of  ISSTTie- 
came,  and  has  very  largely  remained,  the  subject  of 
political  and  partisan  differences,  which  obscure  its 
real  phenomena  and  causes.  The  far-seeing  and 
patriotic  intrepidity  with  which  Van  Buren  met  its 
almost  overwhelming1  difficulties  is  really  the  crown 

O __  *; 

of  his  political  career.  Fairly  to  appreciate  the 
service  he  then  rendered  his  country,  the  causes  of 
this  famous  crisis  must  be  attentively  considered. 

In  1819  the  United  States  suffered  from  com 
mercial  and  financial  derangement,  which  may  be 
assumed  to  have  been  the  effect  of  the  second  war 
with  Great  Britain.  The  enormous  waste  of  a 
great  war  carried  on  by  a  highly  organized  nation 
is  apt  not  to  become  obvious  in  general  business 
distress  until  some  time  after  the  war  has  ended. 
A  buoyant  extravagance  in  living  and  in  com 
mercial  and  manufacturing  ventures  will  continue 

O 


288  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

after  a  peace  has  brought  its  extraordinary  pro« 
mises,  upon  the  faith  of  which,  and  in  joyful  igno 
rance,  the  evil  and  inevitable  day  is  postponed. 
All  this  was  seen  later  and  on  a  vaster  scale  from 
1865  to  1873.  In  1821  the  country  had  quite 
recovered  from  its  depression  ;  and  from  this  time 
on  to  near  the  end  of  Jackson's  administration  the 
United  States  saw  a  material  prosperity,  doubtless 
greater  than  any  before  known.  The  exuberant 
outburst  of  John  Quincy  Adams's  message  of  1827, 
- —  that  the  productions  of  our  soil,  the  exchanges 
of  our  commerce,  the  vivifying  labors  of  human 
industry,  had  combined  "  to  mingle  in  our  cup  a 
portion  of  enjoyment  as  large  and  liberal  as  the 
indulgence  of  Heaven  has  perhaps  ever  granted  to 
the  imperfect  state  of  man  upon  earth,"  —was  in 
the  usual  tone  of  the  public  utterances  of  our  pre 
sidents  from  1821  to  1837.  Our  harvests  were 
always  great.  We  were  a  chosen  people  delighting 
in  reminders  from  our  rulers  of  our  prosperity,  and 
not  restless  under  their  pious  urgency  of  perennial 
gratitude  to  Providence.  In  1821  the  national 
debt  had  slightly  increased,  reaching  upwards  of 
$90,000,000;  but  from  that  time  its  steady  and 
rapid  payment  went  on  until  it  was  all  discharged  in 
1834.  Our  cities  grew.  Our  population  stretched 
eagerly  out  into  the  rich  Mississippi  valley.  From 
a  population  of  ten  millions  in  1821,  we  reached 
sixteen  millions  in  1837.  New  York  from  about 
1,400,000  became  2,200,000;  and  Pennsylvania 
from  about  1,000,000  became  1,600,000.  But  the 


CRISIS   OF   1837  289 

amazing  growth  was  at  the  West  —  Illinois  from 
60,000  to  400,000,  Indiana  from  170,000  to  600,- 
000,  Ohio  from  600,000  to  1,400,000,  Tennessee 
from  450,000  to  800,000.  Missouri  had  increased 
her  70,000  five-fold  ;  Mississippi  her  80,000  four 
fold  ;  Michigan  her  10,000  twenty-fold.  Iowa  and 
Wisconsin  were  entirely  unsettled  in  1821  ;  in 
1837  the  fertile  lands  of  the  former  maintained 
nearly  forty  thousand  and  of  the  latter  nearly 
thirty  thousand  hardy  citizens.  New  towns  and 
cities  rose  with  magical  rapidity.  With  much  that 
was  unlovely  there  was  also  exhibited  an  amazing 
energy  and  capacity  for  increase  in  wealth.  The 
mountain  barriers  once  passed,  n^t_onlyjby  adven 
turous  pioneers  but  by  the  pressing  throngs  of  set- 
tiers,  there  were  few  obstacles  to  the  rapid  creation 
of  comfort  and  wealth.  Nor  in  the  Mississippi  ' 
valley  and  the  lands  of  the  Northwest  were  the 
settlers  met  by  the  harsh  soil,  the  hostilities  and 
reluctance  of  nature  in  whose  conquest  upon  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  the  American  people  had  gained 
some  of  their  strongest  and  most  enduring  charac 
teristics.  We  hardly  realize  indeed  how  much  bet 
ter  it  was  for  after  times  that  our  first  settlements 
were  difficult.  In  the  easy  opening  and  tillage  of 
the  rich  and  sometimes  rank  lands  at  the  West 
there  was  an  inferior,  a  less  arduous  discipline^ 
American  temper  there  rushed  often  to  speculation, 
rather  than  to  toil  or  venture.  It  durrrot  seem 
necessary  to  create  wealth  by  labor ;  the  treasures 
lay  ready  for  those  first  reaching  the  doors  of  the 


290  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

treasure  house.  To  make  easy  the  routes  to  El 
Dorado  of  prairies  and  river  bottoms  was  the 
quickest  way  to  wealth. 

Roads,  canals,  river  improvements,  preceded,  at 
tended,  followed  these  sudden  settlements,  this  vast 
and  jubilant  movement  of  population.  There  was 
an  extraordinary  growth  of  "  internal  improve 
ments."  In  his  message  of  1831,  Jackson  rejoiced 
at  the  high  wages  earned  by  laborers  in  the  con 
struction  of  these  works,  which  he  truly  said  were 
"extending  with  unprecedented  rapidity."  The 
constitutional  power  of  the  federal  government  to 
promote  the  improvements  within  the  States  be 
came  a  serious  question,  because  the  improvements 
proposed  were  upon  so  vast  a  scale.  No  single  in 
terest  had  for  fifteen  years  before  1837  held  so 
large  a  part  of  American  attention  as  did  the 
making  of  canals  and  roads.  The  debates  of  Con 
gress  and  legislatures,  the  messages  of  presidents 
and  governors,  were  full  of  it.  If  the  Erie  Canal, 
finished  in  1825,  had  rendered  vast  natural  re 
sources  available,  and  had  made  its  chief  builder 
famous,  why  should  not  like  schemes  prosper  fur 
ther  west?  The  success  of  railroads  was  already 
established ;  and  there  was  indefinite  promise  in 
the  extensions  of  them  already  planned.  In  1830 
twenty-three  miles  had  been  constructed  ;  in  1831 
ninety-four  miles  ;  and  in  1836  the  total  construc 
tion  had  risen  to  1273  miles. 

The  Americans  were  then  a  far  more  homogene- 
9us  people  than  they  are  to-day.  The  great  Irish, 


CRISIS   OF  1837  291 

German,  and  Scandinavian  immigrations  had  not 
taken  place.  Our  race  diversities  were,  with  ex 
ceptions,  unimportant  in  extent  or  lost  in  the  lapse 
of  time,  the  diversities  merely  of  British  descend 
ants.  Nor  were  there  the  extremes  of  fortune  or 
the  diversities  of  occupation  which  have  come  with 
the  growth  of  cities  and  manufacturing  interests. 
The  United  States  were  still  a  nation  of  farmers. 
The  compensations  and  balances,  which  in  the  vary 
ing  habits  and  prejudices  of  a  more  varied  popula 
tion  tend  to  restrain  and  neutralize  vagaries,  did 
not  exist.  One  sentiment  seized  the  whole  nation 
far  more  readily  than  could  happen  in  the  complex 
ity  of  our  modern  population  and  the  diversity  and 
rivalry  of  its  strains.  Not  onlv  did  this  homogene 
ity  make  Americans  open  t;)  single  impulses  ;  but 
there  was  little  essential  difference  of  environment. 
They  all,  since  the  later  days  of  Monroe's  presi 
dency,  had  lived  in  the  atmosphere  of  official  de 
light  and  congratulation  over  the  past,  and  of  un 
restrained  promise  for  the  future.  All,  whether  in 
the  grain  fields  at  the  North  or  the  cotton  fields  at 
the  South,  had  behind  them  the  Atlantic  with  tra 
ditions  or  experiences  of  poverty  and  oppression 
beyond  it.  Ever}7  American  had,  in  his  own  lati 
tude,  since  the  ampler  opening  of  roads  and  water 
ways,  and  the  peaceful  conquest  of  the  Appalachian 
mountain  ranges,  seen  to  the  west  of  him  fertility 
and  promise  and  performance.  And  the  fertility  and 
promise  had,  since  the  second  English  war,  been  no 
longer  in  a  land  of  hardship  and  adventure  remote 


292  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

and  almost  foreign  to  the  seaboard.  Every  Amer 
ican  under  Jackson's  administration  had  before 
liim^  as  the  one  universal  experience  of  those  who 
had  taken  lands  at  the  West,  an  enormous  and  cer 
tain  increase  of  value,  full  of  enchantment  to  those 
lately  tilling  the  flinty  soil  of  New  England  or  the 
overused  fields  of  the  South.  If  new  lands  at  the 
West  could  be  made  accessible  by  internal  im 
provements,  the  succession  of  seed  time  and  har 
vest  had  for  a  dozen  years  seemed  no  more  certain 
than  that  the  value  of  those  lands  would  at  once 
increase  prodigiously.  So  the  American  people 
with  one  consent  o;ave  themselves  to  an  amazing 

o  & 

extravagance  of  land  speculation.  The  Eden  which 
Martin  Chuzzlewit  saw  in  later  malarial  decay  was 
to  be  found  in  the  new  country  on  almost  every 
stream  to  the  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  on  many 
streams  west  of  it,  where  flatboats  could  be  floated. 
Frauds  there  doubtless  were ;  but  they  were  inci 
dental  to  the  honest  delusion  of  intelligent  men 
inspired  by  the  most  extraordinary  growth  the 
world  had  seen.  The  often  quoted  illustration  of 
Mobile,  the  valuation  of  whose  real  estate  rose 
from  11,294,810  in  1831  to  $27,482,961  in  1837, 
to  sink  again  in  1846  to  $8,638,250,  not  unfairly 
tells  the  story.  In  Pensacola,  lots  which  to-day 
are  worth  $50  each  were  sold  for  as  much  as  lots 
on  Fifth  Avenue  in  New  York,  which  to-day  are 
worth  $100,000  apiece.  Real  estate  in  the  latter 
city  was  assessed  in  1836  at  more  than  it  was  in 
the  greatly  larger  and  richer  city  of  fifteen  years 


CRISIS   OF  1837  293 

later.  From  1830  to  1837  the  steamboat  tonnage 
on  tLe  Western  rivers  rose  froni  63,053  to  253,661. 
From  1833  to  1837  the  cotton  crop  of  the  newer 
slave  States,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Louisiana,  Arkansas  and  Florida,  increased  from 
536,450  to  916,960  bales,  while  the  price  with 
fluctuations  rose  from  ten  to  twenty  cents  a  pound. 
Foreign  capital  naturally  enough  came  to  share  in 
the  splendid  money-makingo  From  1821  to  1833 
the  annual  import  of  specie  from  England  had 
averaged  about  $100,000,  in  the  last  year  being 
only  $31,903 ;  but  in  1834  it  became  $5,716,253, 
in  1835  $914,958,  and  in  1836  $2,322,920,  the  en 
tire  export  to  England  of  specie  for  all  these  three 
years  being  but  $51,807,  while  the  average  export 
from  1822  to  1830  had  been  about  $400,000;  and 
its  amount  in  1831  had  been  $2,089,766,  and  in 
1832  $1,730,571.  From  1830  to  1837,  both  years 
inclusive,  although  the  imports  from  all  countries  of 
general  merchandise  exceeded  the  exports  by  $140,- 
700,000,  there  was  no  counter  movement  of  specie. 
The  imports  of  specie  from  all  countries  during 
these  years  exceeded  the  exports  by  the  compara 
tively  enormous  sum  of  $44,700,000.  The  foreign 
ers  therefore  took  pay  for  their  goods,-  not  only  in 
our  raw  materials,  but  also  in  our  investments  or 
rather  our  speculations,  and  sent  these  vast  quan 
tities  of  moneys  besides.  So  our  good  fortune 
fired  the  imaginations  of  even  the  dull  Europeans. 
They  helped  to  feed  and  clothe  us  that  we  might 
experiment  with  Aladdin's  lamp. 


294  MARTIN  VAtt  BUREN 

The  price  of  public  lands  was  fixed  by  law  at 
SI. 25  an  acre  ;  arid  they  were  open  to  any  pur 
chaser,  without  the  wholesome  limits  of  acreage 
and  the  restraint  to  actual  settlers  which  were 
afterwards  established.  Here  then  was  a  commod 
ity  whose  price  to  wholesale  purchasers  did  not  rise, 
and  the  very  commodity  by  which  so  many  fortunes 
had  been  made.  In  public  lands,  therefore,  the 
fury  of  money-getting,  the  boastful  confidence  in 
the  future  of  the  country,  reached  their  climax. 
From  1820  to  1829  the  annual  sales  had  averaged 
less  than  $1,300,000,  in  1829  being  $1,517,175. 
But  in  1830  they  exceeded  $2,300,000,  in  1831 
$3,200,000,  in  1832  $2,600,000,  in  1833  $3,900,- 
000,  and  in  1834  $4,800,000.  In  1835  they  sud 
denly  mounted  to  $14,757,600,  and  in  1836  to 
$24,877,179.  In  his  messages  of  1829  and  1830 
Jackson  not  unreasonably  treated  the  moderate  in 
crease  in  the  sales  as  a  proof  of  increasing  prosper 
ity.  In  1831  his  congratulations  were  hushed : 
but  in  1835  he  again  fancied,  even  in  the  abnormal 
sales  of  that  year,  only  an  ampler  proof  of  ampler 
prosperity.  In  1836  he  at  last  saw  that  tremendous 
speculation  was  the  true  significance  of  the  enor 
mous  increase.  Prices  of  course  went  up.  Every 
body  thought  himself  richer  and  his  labor  worth 
more.  A  week  after  Van  Buren's  inauguration  a 
meeting  was  held  in  the  City  Hall  Park  in  New 
York  to  protest  against  high  rents  and  the  high 
prices  of  provisions  ;  and  with  much  discernment 
the  cry  went  up,  "  No  rag  money  ;  give  us  gold 
and  silver !  " 


CRISIS  OF   1837  295 

There  is  no  longer  dispute  that  the  prostra 
tion  of  business  in  1837,  and  for  several  years 
afterward,  was  the  perfectly  natural  result  of  the 
speculation  which  had  gone  before.  The  absurd 
denunciations  of  Van  Buren  by  the  most  eminent 
of  the  Whigs  for  not  ending  the  crisis  by  govern 
mental  interference  are  no  longer  respected.  But 
it  is  still  fancied  that  the  speculation  itself  wae, 
caused  by  one  financial  blunder,  and  the  crisis  im 
mediately  occasioned  by  another  financial  blunder., 
of  Jackson.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  deposits- 
of  treasury  moneys  in  fifty  state  banks  1  instead  of 
in  the  United  States  Bank  and  its  twenty  anc? 
more  branches,  which  began  in  the  fall  of  1833^ 
aided  the  tendency  to  speculation.  But  this  aid 
was  at  the  most  a  slight  matter.  The  impres 
sion  has  been  setlulously  created  that  these  state, 
banks,  the  "  pet  banks,"  were  doubtful  institutions. 
There  seems  little  reason  to  doubt  that  in  general 
they  were  perfectly  sound  and  reputable  institu- 

1  The  Treasurer's  statement  for  August,  1837,  gave  eighty-four 
deposit  banks.  But  of  these,  nine  had  less  than  $5000  each  on 
deposit,  six  from  $5K)0  to  $10,000,  and  eig-ht  from  $10,000  to 
$20,000.  Fourteen  had  from  $50,000  to  $100,000  each.  Only 
twenty-nine  had  more  than  $100,000  each.  It  is  not  unfair  to 
speak  of  the  deposits  as  being-  substantially  in  fifty  banks. 

The  enormous  land  sales  at  the  Southwest  had  placed  a  most 
disproportionate  amount  of  money  in  banks  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  John  Quincy  Adams  seemed,  but  with  little  reason, 
to  consider  this  an  intentional  discrimination  against  the  North. 
Ic  is  quite  probable  that,  if  the  deposits  had  been  in  one  national 
bank,  the  peculiarly  excessive  strain  at  that  point  would  have 
been  modified.  But  this  was  no  great  factor  in  the  crisis. 


296  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

tions,  with  which  the  government  moneys  would 
be  quite  as  safe  as  with  the  United  States  Bank. 
It  is  clear  that  if  the  latter  Bank  were  not  to  be 
rechartered,  the  deposits  should,  without  regard 
to  the  accusations  of  political  meddling  brought 
against  it,  have  been  removed  some  time  in  advance 
of  its  death  in  March,  1836.  At  best  it  is  matter 
of  doubtful  speculation  whether  the  United  States 
Bai\k  under  Biddle's  direction  would,  in  1834, 
1885,  and  1836,  while  the  government  deposits 
were  enormously  increasing,  have  behaved  with 
much  greater  prudence  and  foresight  than  did  the 
state  deposit  banks.  So  far  as  actual  experience 
helps  us,  the  doubt  might  well  be  solved  in  the 
negative.  The  United  States  Bank,  when  its  fed 
eral  charter  lapsed,  obtained  a  charter  from  Penn 
sylvania,  continuing  under  the  same  management ; 
and  is  said,  and  possibly  with  truth,  to  have  entered 
upon  its  new  career  with  a  great  surplus.  But  it 
proved  no  stronger  than  the  state  banks  in  1837  ; 
it  obstructed  resumption  in  1838 ;  it  suspended 
again  in  1839,  while  the  Eastern  banks  stood  firm  ; 
and  in  1841  it  went  to  pieces  in  disgraceful  and 
complete  disaster. 

The  enormous  extension  of  bank  credits  during 
the  three  years  before  the  break-down  in  1837 
was  rather  the  symptom  than  the  cause  of  the 
disease.  The  fever  of  speculation  was  in  the  veins 
of  tlie  community  before  "  kiting  "  began.  Bank 
officers  dwelt  in  the  same  atmosphere  as  did  other 
Americans,  and  their  sanguine  extravagance  hi 


CRISIS   OF  1837  297 

turn  stimulated  the  universal  temper  of  specula 
tion. 

When  the  United  States  Bank  lost  the  crovern- 

O 

nient  deposits,  late  in  1833,  they  amounted  to  a 
little  less  than  $10,000,000.  On  January  1,  1835. 
more  than  a  year  after  the  state  banks  took  the 
deposits,  they  had  increased  to  a  little  more  than 
110,000,000.  But  the  public  debt  being  then  paid 
and  the  outgo  of  money  thus  checked,  the  deposits 
had  by  January  1,  1836,  reached  125,000,000,  and 
by  June  1,  1836,  141,500,000.  This  enormous  ad 
vance  represented  the  sudden  increase  in  the  sales 
of  public  lands,  which  were  paid  for  in  bank  paper, 
which  in  turn  formed  the  bulk  of  the  government 
deposits.  The  deposits  were  with  only  a  small  part 
of  the  six  hundred  and  more  state  banks  then  in 
existence.  But  the  increase  in  the  sales  of  public 
lands  was  the  result  of  all  the  organic  causes  and 
of  all  the  long  train  of  events  which  had  seated 
the  fever  of  speculation  so  profoundly  in  the  Ameri 
can  character  of  the  day.  To  those  causes  and 
events  must  ultimately  be  ascribed  the  extension 
of  bank  credits  so  far  as  it  immediately  arose  out 
of  the  increase  of  government  deposits.  Nor  is 
there  any  sufficient  reason  to  suppose  that  if  the 
deposits,  instead  of  being  in  fifty  state  banks, 
had  remained  in  the  United  States  Bank  and  its 
branches,  the  tendency  to  speculation  would  have 
been  less.  The  influences  which  surrounded  that 
Bank  were  the  very  influences  most  completely 
subject  to  the  popular  mania. 


298  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

But  the  increase  of  government  deposits  was  only 
fuel  added  to  the  flames.  The  craze  for  banks 
and  credits  was  unbounded  before  the  removal  of 
the  deposits  had  taken  place,  and  before  their  great 
increase  could  have  had  serious  effect.  Between 
1830  and  January  1,  1834,  the  banking  capital  of 
the  United  States  had  risen  from  161,000,000  to 
about  1200,000,000;  the  loans  and  discounts  of 
the  banks  from  1200,000,000  to  1324,000,000  ;  and 
their  note  circulation  from  161,000,000  to  $95,- 
000,000.  The  increase  from  January  1,  1834,  to 
January  1,  1836,  was  even  more  rapid,  the  banking 
capital  advancing  in  the  two  years  to  $251,000,000, 
the  loans  and  discounts  to  $457,000,000,  and  the 
note  circulation  to  $140,000,000.  But  there  was 
certainty  of  disaster  in  the  abnormal  growth  from 
1830  to  1834.  The  insanity  of  speculation  was  in 
ample  though  unobserved  control  of  the  country 
while  Nicholas  Biddle  still  controlled  the  deposits, 
and  was  certain  to  reach  a  climax  whether  they 
stayed  with  him  or  went  elsewhere. 

It  is  difficult  rightly  to  apportion  among  the 
statesmen  and  politicians  of  the  time  so  much  of 
blame  for  the  mania  of  speculation  as  must  go  to 
that  body  of  men.  They  had  all  drunk  in  the 
national  intoxication  over  American  success  and 
growth.  But  if  we  pass  from  the  greater  and 
deeper  causes  to  the  lesser  though  more  obvious 
ones,  it  is  impossible  not  to  visit  the  greater  mea 
sure  of  blame  upojxjthe  statesmen  who  resisted 
reduction  of  taxation,  which  would  have i  lefiunoney 


CRISIS   OF   1837  299 

in^the  pockets  _of  those  who  earned  itj_  and-,  not 

collected  it  in  one  great  bank  with  many  branches 
or  in  fifty  lesser  banks  ;  upon  the  statesmen  who 
ie  'overnment  ouht  to  aid  commer 


cial  ventures  by  encouraging  the  loans  to  traders 
of  its  own  moneys  held  in  the  deposit  banks  ;  upon 
the  statesmen  who  promoted  the  dangerous  scheme 
of  distributing  the  surplus  among  the  States  instead 
of  abolishing  the  surplus.  As  the  condemnation 
of  public  men  in  the  wrong  must  be  proportioned 
somewhat  to  the  distinction  of  their  positions  and 
the  greatness  of  their  natural  gifts,  this  larger 
share  of  blame  must  go  chiefly  to  Daniel  Webster 
and  Henry  Clay.  At  the  head  of  their  associates, 
they  had  resisted  the  reduction  of  taxation.  In 
his  speech  on  the  tariff  bill  of  1832  Clay  said, 
with  the  exuberance  so  delightful  to  minds  of 
easy  discipline,  that  our  resources  should  u  not  be 
hoarded  and  hugged  with  a  miser's  embrace^  but 
Ji^rj^]yIuse(I7'  They  insisted  upon  freely  lending 
the  public  moneys.  In  his  speech  on  the  distri 
bution  of  the  surplus,  Webster  urged  that  the 
number  of  the  deposit  banks  "  be  so  far  increased 
that  each  may  regard  that  portion  of  the  public 
treasure  which  it  may  receive  as  an  increase  of  its 
effective  deposits,  to  be  used,  like  other  moneys  in 
deposit,  as  a  basis  of  discount,  to  a  just  and  proper 
extent."  The  public  money  was  locked  up,  he 
declared,  instead  of  aiding  the  general  business  of 
the  country.  Nor  after  this  was  he  ashamed  in 
1838  to  condemn  Jackson's  secretary  of  the  trea« 


300  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

sury  for  advising  the  new  deposit  banks,  as  he 
had  himself  thus  advised  them,  "  to  afford  in 
creased  facilities  to  commerce."  If,  indeed,  Con 
gress  would  not  take  steps  to  keep  a  government 
surplus  out  of  the  banks  and  in  the  pockets  of 
producers,  the  secretary  ought  not  to  have  been 
harshly  judged  for  advising  that  the  money  go  out 
into  commerce  rather  than  lie  in  bank  vaults. 

The  distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the  States 
by  the  law  of  1836  was  the  last  and  in  some  re 
spects  the  worst  of  the  measures  which  aided  and 
exaggerated  the  tendency  to  speculation.  By  this 
bill,  all  the  money  above  15,000,000  in  the  trea 
sury  on  January  1,  1837,  was  to  be  "deposited" 
with  the  States  in  four  quarterly  installments  com 
mencing  on  that  day.  According  to  the  law  the 
"deposit"  was  but  a  loan  to  the  States  ;  but,  as 
Clay  declared,  not  "  a  single  member  of  either 
House  imagined  that  a  dollar  would  ever  be  re 
called."  It  was  in  truth  a  mere  gift.  Clay's 
triumphant  ridicule  of  the  opposition  to  this  mea 
sure  has  already  been  mentioned.  Webster  in 
sounding  periods  declared  his  "  deep  and  earnest 
conviction"  of  the  propriety  of  the  stupendous 
folly.  He  did  not,  indeed,  defend  the  general 
system  of  making  the  federal  government  a  tax- 
gatherer  for  the  States.  But  this  one  distribution 
would,  he  said  in  his  speech  of  May  31,  1836, 
w  remove  that  severe  and  almost  unparalleled  pres 
sure  for  money  which  is  now  distressing  and  break 
ing  down  the  industry,  the  enterprise,  and  even 


CRISIS   OF  1837  301 

the  courage  of  the  commercial  community."  The 
Whig  press  declared  that  a  congressman  who  could 
for  mere  party  reasons  vote  against  a  measure 
which  would  bring  so  much  money  into  his  State, 
must  be  "  far  gone  in  political  hardihood  as  well 
as  depravity  ;  "  and  that  "  to  the  Republican-Whig 
party  alone  are  the  States  indebted  for  the  bene 
fits  arising  from  the  distribution."  William  H.T 
Seward,  two  years  before  and  two  years  later  the 
Whig  candidate  for  governor  of  New  York,  said 
the  proposal  was  "  noble  and  just."  The  mea 
sure  passed  the  Senate  with  six  Democratic  votes 
against  it,  among  them  the  vote  of  Silas  Wright, 
then  probably  closer  than  any  other  senator  to 
Van  Buren.  Jackson  yielded  to  the  bill  what  in 
his  message  in  December  of  the  same  year  he 
called  "  a  reluctant  approval."  He  then  gave  at 
length  very  clear  reasons  for  his  reluctance,  but 
none  for  his  approval.  He  declared  that  "  im 
provident  expenditure  of  money  is  the  parent  of 
profligacy,"  and  that  no  intelligent  and  virtuous 
community  would  consent  to  raise  a  surplus  for 
the  mere  purpose  of  dividing  it.  In  his  first  mes 
sage,  indeed,  Jackson  had  called  the  distribution 
among~the  States  "  the  most  safe,  just,  and  federal 
disposition "  of  the  surplus.  But  his  views  upon 
this,  as  upon  other  subjects,  had  changed  during 
the  composition  of  the  Democratic  creed  which 
went  on  during  the  early  years  of  his  administra 
tion.  His  second  message  rehearsed  at  length  the 
objections  to  the  distribution,  though  affecting  to 


802  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

meet  them.  In  his  third  message  he  recommended 
the  abolition  of  unnecessary  taxation,  not  the  dis 
tribution  of  its  proceeds  ;  and  in  1832  he  made  his 
explicit  declaration  that  duties  should  be  "  re 
duced  to  the  revenue  standard."  Benton  says  it 
was  understood  that  in  1836  some  of  Van  Buren's 
friends  urged  Jackson  to  approve  the  bill,  lest  a 
veto  of  so  popular  a  measure  might  bring  a  Demo 
cratic  defeat.  There  must  have  been  some  reason 
unrelated  to  the  merit  of  the  measure.  But  what 
ever  the  opinions  of  Van  Buren's  friends,  he  took 
care  before  the  election  to  make  known  une 
quivocally,  in  the  Sherrod  Williams  letter  already 
quoted,  his  dislike  of  this  piece  of  demagogy. 
From  the  passage  of  the  deposit  bill  in  June, 
1836,  until  the  crash  in  1837,  this  superb  donation 
of  thirty-seven  millions  was  before  the  enraptured 
and  deluded  vision  of  the  country.  Over  nine 
millions  a  quarter  to  be  poured  into  "  improve 
ments  "  or  loaned  to  the  needy,  —  what  a  delight 
ful  prospect  to  citizens  harassed  by  the  restraints 
of  prudent,  fruitful  industry  !  The  lesson  is  strik 
ing  and  wholesome,  and  ought  not  to  be  forgotten, 
that  it  was  when  the  land  was  in  the  very  midst  of 
these  largesses  that  the  universal  bankruptcy  set 
in. 

During  1835  and  1836  there  were  omens  of  the 
coming  storm.  Some  perceived  the  rabid  charac 
ter  of  the  speculative  fever.  William  L.  Marcy, 
governor  of  New  York,  in  his  message  of  January, 
1836,  answering  the  dipsomaniac  cry  for  more 


CRISIS   OF   1837  303 

banks,  declared  that  an  unregulated  spirit  of 
speculation  had  taken  capital  out  of  the  State ; 
but  that  the  amount  so  transferred  bore  no  com 
parison  to  the  enormous  speculations  in  stocks 
and  in  real  property  within  the  State.  Lands 
near  the  cities  and  villages  of  the  State  had  risen 
several  hundred  per  cent,  in  value,  and  were  sold, 
not  to  be  occupied  by  the  buyers,  but  to  be  sold 
again  at  higher  prices.  The  passion  for  specula 
tion  prevailed  to  an  extent  before  unknown,  not 
only  among  capitalists,  but  among  merchants,  who 
abstracted  capital  from  their  business  for  land  and 
stock  speculations  and  then  resorted  to  the  banks. 
The  warning  was  treated  contemptuously ;  but 
before  the  year  was  out  the  federal  administration 
also  became  anxious,  and  the  increase  in  land 
sales  no  longer  signified  to  Jackson  an  increasing 
prosperity.  The  master  hand  which  drew  the 
economic  disquisition  in  his  message  of  1836 
pointed  to  these  sales  as  the  effects  of  the  exten 
sion  of  bank  credit  and  of  the  over-issue  of  bank 
paper.  The  banks,  it  was  declared,  had  lent  their 
notes  as  "  mere  instruments  to  transfer  to  specula 
tors  the  most  valuable  public  land,  and  pay  the 
government  by  a  credit  on  the  books  of  the 
banks."  Each  speculation  had  furnished  means 
for  another.  No  sooner  had  one  purchaser  paid 
his  debt  in  the  notes  than  they  were  lent  to  another 
for  a  like  purpose.  The  banks  had  extended  their 
business  and  their  issues  so  largely  as  to  alarm 
considerate  men.  The  spirit  of  expansion  and 


304  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

speculation  had  not  been  confined  to  deposit 
banks,  but  had  pervaded  the  whole  multitude  of 
banks  throughout  the  Union,  and  had  given  rise 
to  new  institutions  to  aggravate  the  evil.  So 
Jackson  proceeded  with  his  sound  defense  of  the 
famous  specie  circular,  long  and  even  still  de 
nounced  as  the  causa  causans  of  the  crisis  of 
1837. 

By  this  circular,  issued  on  July  11,  1836,  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  had  required  payment 
for  public  lands  to  be  made  in  specie,  with  an  ex 
ception  until  December  15,  1836,  in  favor  of  actual 
settlers  and  actual  residents  of  the  State  in  which 
the  lands  were  sold.  The  enormous  sales  of  land 
in  this  year,  and  the  large  payments  required  for 
them  under  the  circular,  at  once  made  the  banks 
realize  that  there  ought  to  be  an  actual  physical 
basis  for  their  paper  transactions.  Gold  was 
called  from  the  East  to  the  banks  at  the  West  to 
make  the  land  payments.  Into  the  happy  exalta 
tion  of  unreal  transactions  was  now  plunged  that 
harsh  demand  for  real  value  which  sooner  or 
later  must  always  come.  The  demand  was  passed 
on  from  one  to  another,  and  its  magnitude  and 
peremptoriness  grew  rapidly.  The  difference  be 
tween  paper  and  gold  became  plainer  and  plainer. 
Nature's  vital  arid  often  hidden  truth  that  value 
depends  upon  labor  could  no  longer  be  kept  secret 
by  a  few  wise  men.  The  suspicion  soon  arose  that 
there  was  not  real  and  available  value  to  meet 
the  demands  of  nominal  value.  The  suspicion  was 


CRISIS   OF   1837  305 

soon  bruited  among  the  less  as  well  as  the  more 
wary.  Every  man  rushed  to  his  bank  or  his 
debtor,  crying1,  "  Pay  me  in  value,  not  in  promises 
to  pay  ;  there  is,  I  at  last  see,  a  difference  between 
them."  But  the  banks  and  debtors  had  no  availa 
ble  value,  but  only  its  paper  semblances.  Every 
man  found  that  what  he  wanted,  his  neighbors  did 
not  have  to  give  him,  and  what  he  had,  his  neigh 
bors  did  not  want. 

This  is  hardly  an  appropriate  place  to  attempt 
an  analysis  of  the  elements  of  a  commercial  crisis. 
But  it  is  not  possible  rightly  to  estimate  Van 
Buren's  moral  courage  and  keen-sighted  wisdom  in 
meeting  the  terrible  pressure  of  1837  without  ap 
preciating  what  it  was  which  had  really  happened. 
The  din  of  the  disputes  over  the  refusal  to  re- 
charter  the  bank,  over  the  removal  of  the  deposits, 
over  the  refusal  to  pay  the  last  installment  of  the 
distribution  among  the  States,  and  over  the  specie 
circular,  resounds  even  to  our  own  time.  To  many 
the  crisis  seemed  merely  a  financial  or  even  a  great 
banking  episode.  Many  friends  of  the  administra 
tion  loudly  cried  that  the  disaster  arose  from  the 
treachery  of  the  banks  in  suspending.  Many  of  its 
enemies  saw  only  the  normal  fruit  of  administrative 
blunders,  first  in  recklessness,  and  last  in  heartless 
indifference.  To  most  Americans,  whatever  their 
differences,  the  explanation  of  this  profound  and 
lasting  disturbance  seemed  to  lie  in  the  machinery 
of  finance,  rather  than  in  the  deeper  facts  of  the 
physical  wealth  and  power  of  the  trading  classes* 


300  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

Speculation  is  sometimes  said  to  be  universal ; 
and  it  was  never  nearer  universality  than  from 
1830  to  1837.  ,  But  speculation  affects  after  all  but 
a  small  part  of  the  community,  —  the  part  engaged 
in  trade,  venture,  new  settlement  or  new  manufacv 
ture  ;  those  classes  of  men  the  form  of  whose  work 
is  not  established  by  tradition,  but  is  changing  am 
improving  under  the  spur  of  ingenuity  and  inven 
tion,  and  with  whom  imagination  is  most  powerful 
and  fruitful.  These  men  use  the  surplus  resources 
of  the  vastly  greater  number  who  go  on  through 
periods  of  high  prices  and  of  low  prices  with  their 
steady  toll  and  unvaried  production.  In  our  cotin 
try  and  in  all  industrial  communities  it  is  to  the 
former  comparatively  small  class  that  chiefly  and 
characteristically  belong  "  good  times  "  and  "  bad 
times,"  panics  and  crises  and  depressions.  It  is 
this  class  which  in  newspapers  and  financial  reviews 
becomes  "  the  country."  It  chiefly  supports  the 
more  influential  of  the  clergy,  the  lawyers,  the  edi 
tors,  and  others  of  the  professional  classes.  It 
deals  with  the  new  uses  and  the  accumulations  of 
wealth  ;  it  almost  monopolizes  public  attention  ;  it 
is  chiefly  and  conspicuously  identified  with  indus 
trial  and  commercial  changes  and  progress.  But  if 
great  depressions  were  as  nearly  universal  as  the 
rhetoric  of  economists  and  historians  would  literally 
signify,  our  ancestors  fifty  years  ago  must  have  ex 
perienced  a  devastation  such  as  Alaric  is  said  to 
have  brought  to  the  fields  of  Lombardy.  But  this 
was  not  so.  The  processes  of  general  production 


CRISIS  OF   1837  307 

went  on  ;  the  land  was  tilled  ;  the  farmer's  work 
of  the  year  brought  about  the  same  amount  of  com 
fort  ;  the  ordinary  mechanic  was  not  much  worse 
off.  If  some  keen  observer  from  another  planet 
had  in  1835  and  again  later  in  1837  looked  into 
the  dining-rooms  and  kitchens  and  parlors  of  Amer 
ica,  had  seen  its  citizens  with  their  families  going 
to  church  of  a  Sunday  morning,  or  watched  the  tea- 
parties  of  their  wives,  or  if  he  had  looked  over  the 
fields  and  into  the  shops,  there  would  have  seemed  to 
him  but  slight  difference  between  the  two  years  in 
the  occupations,  the  industry,  or  the  comfort  of  the 
people.  But  if  he  had  stopped  looking  and  begun 
to  listen,  he  would  in  1837  at  once  have  perceived 
a  tremendous  change.  The  great  masses  of  pro 
ducing  men  would  have  been  mute,  as  they  usually 
are.  But  the  capitalists,  the  traders,  the  manu 
facturers,  all  whose  skill,  courage,  imagination, 
and  adventure  made  them  the  leaders  of  progress, 
and  whose  voices  were  the  only  loud,  clear,  intel 
ligible  voices,  until  there  arose  the  modern  organi 
zations  of  laboring  men,  —  all  those  who  in  1835 
were  flushed  and  glorious  with  a  royal  money-get 
ting,  —  he  would  now  have  heard  crying  in  frenzy 
and  desperation.  It  is  not  meant  to  disparage  the 
importance  of  this  smaller  but  louder  body  of  men, 
or  to  underrate  the  disaster  which  they  suffered. 
In  proportion  to  their  numbers,  they  were  vastly 
the  most  important  part  of  the  community.  If  they 
were  prostrated,  there  must  not  only  suffer  the 
body  of  clerks,  operatives,  and  laborers  immediately 


308  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

engaged  in  their  enterprises,  arid  who  may  for  eco 
nomical  purposes  be  ranked  with  them  ;  but  later 
on,  the  masses  of  the  community  must  to  a  real  ex 
tent  feel  the  interruption  of  progress  which  has 
overtaken  that  section  of  the  community  to  which 
are  committed  the  characteristic  operations  of  ma 
terial  progress ;  and  whether  through  the  fault  or 
the  misfortune  of  that  section,  the  injury  is  alike 
serious.  A  wise  ruler,  in  touching  the  finances  of 
his  country,  will  forget  none  of  this.  He  will  look 
through  all  the  agitation  of  bankers  and  traders 
and  manufacturers,  the  well-voiced  leaders  of  the 
richer  classes  of  men,  to  the  far  vaster  processes  of 
industry  carried  on  by  men  who  are  silent,  and 
whose  silent  industry  will  go  011  whatever  devices 
of  currency  or  banking  may  be  adopted.  This  wis 
dom  Van  Buren  now  showed  in  an  exalted  degree. 
The  disaster  which  in  1837  overtook  so  large 

o 

and  so  important  a  part  of  the  community  was,  in 
its  ultimate  nature,  not  difficult  to  comprehend. 

There  had  not  been  one  equal  and  universal  in 
crease  in  nominal  values.  Such  an  increase  would 
not  have  produced  the  crisis.  But  while  the  great 
mass  of  the  national  industry  went  on  in  channels 
and  with  methods  and  rates  substantially  undis 
turbed,  there  took  place  an  enormous  and  specula 
tive  advance  of  prices  in  the  cities  where  were 
carried  on  the  operations  of  important  traders  and 
the  promoters  of  enterprises,  and  in  the  very  new 
country  where  these  enterprises  found  their  mate 
rial.  When  a  new  canal  or  road  was  built,  or  a 


CRISIS  OF  1837  309 

new  line  of  river  steamers  launched  and  an  unset 
tled  country  made  accessible,  several  things  inevi 
tably  happened  in  the  temper  produced  by  the 
jubilant  observation  of  the  past.  There  was  not 
only  drawn  from  the  ordinary  industry  of  the  coun 
try  the  wealth  necessary  to  build  the  canal  or  road 
or  steamers  ;  but  the  country  thus  rendered  acces 
sible  seemed  suddenly  to  gain  a  value  measured  by 
the  best  results  of  former  settlements,  however 
exceptional,  and  by  the  most  sanguine  hopes  for 
the  future.  The  owners  of  the  prairies  and  woods 
and  river  bottoms  became  suddenly  rich,  as  a  miner 
in  Idaho  becomes  rich  when  he  strikes  a  true  nV 
sure  vein.  The  owners  of  the  canal  or  road  o»- 
line  of  steamers  found  their  real  investment  a*, 
once  multiplied  in  dollars  by  the  value  of  the  coun 
try  whose  trade  they  were  to  enjoy  ;  for,  new  a?- 
that  value  was,  it  seemed  assured.  Like  invest 
ments  were  made  in  banks,  and  in  every  implement 
of  direct  or  indirect  use  in  the  conduct  of  indus 
tries  which  seemed  to  belong  as  a  necessity  to  the 
new  value  of  the  land.  The  numerous  sales  of  lands 
and  of  stocks  in  roads  or  canals  or  banks  at  rapidly 
advancing  prices  did  not  alter  the  nature,  although 
they  vastly  augmented  the  effect,  of  what  was  hap 
pening.  The  so-called  "  business  classes  "  through 
out  the  country,  related  as  they  quickly  became, 
under  the  great  impetus  of  the  national  hopefulness 
and  vanity,  to  the  new  lands,  to  the  new  cities  and 
towns  and  farms,  and  to  the  means  of  reaching 
them  and  of  providing  them  with  the  necessities 


310  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

and  comforts  of  civilization,  found  their  wealth 
rapidly  and  largely  increasing.  Then  naturally 
enough  followed  the  spending  of  money  in  per 
sonal  luxury.  This  meant  the  withdrawal  of  labor 
in  the  older  part  of  the  country  from  productive 
work,  for  which  the  country  was  fitted,  to  work 
which,  whether  suitable  or  not,  was  unproductive. 
The  unproductive  labor  was  paid,  as  the  employers 
supposed,  from  the  new  value  lately  created  at  the 
West.  So  capital,  that  is,  accumulated  labor,  was 
first  spent  in  improvements  in  the  new  country, 
and  then,  and  probably  in  a  far  greater  amount, 
spent  in  more  costly  food,  clothes,  equipage,  and 
other  luxuries  in  the  older  country.  The  succes 
sive  sales  at  advancing  prices  simply  increased  the 
sense  of  new  wealth,  and  augmented  more  and 
more  this  destructive  consumption  of  the  products 
of  labor,  or  the  destructive  diversion  of  labor  from 
productive  to  unproductive  activity  at  the  East  by 
the  well-to-do  classes. 

On  the  eve  of  the  panic  the  new  wealth,  whose 
seeming  possession  apparently  justified  this  de 
structive  consumption  or  diversion  to  luxury  of 
physical  value,  was  primarily  represented  by  titles 
to  lands,  stocks  in  land,  canal,  turnpike,  railroad, 
transportation,  or  banking  companies,  and  the 
notes  issued  by  banks  or  traders  or  speculators. 
The  value  of  these  stocks  and  notes  depended  upon 
the  fruitfulness  of  the  lands  or  canals  or  roads  or 
steamboat  lines.  Prices  pf  many  commodities  had, 
indeed,  been  enhanced  by  speculation  beyond  al] 


CRISIS   OF   1837  311 

proper  relation  to  other  commodities,  measured  by 
the  ultimate  standard  of  the  quantity  and  quality 
of  labor.  But  important  as  was  this  element,  it 
was  subordinate  to  the  apparent  creation  of  wealth 
at  the  West. 

Before  the  panic  broke,  it  began  to  appear  that 
mere  surveys  of  wild  tracts  into  lots  made  neither 
towns  nor  cities  ;  that  canals  and  roads  and  steam 
boats  did  not  hew  down  trees  or  drain  morasses  or 
open  the  glebe.  The  basis  of  the  operations  of 
capitalists  and  promoters  and  venturers  in  new 
fields,  if  those  operations  were  to  have  real  suc 
cess,  must  lie  in  the  masses  of  strong  and  skillful 
arms  of  men  of  labor.  The  operations  were  fruit 
less  until  there  came  a  population  well  sinewed  and 
gladly  ready  for  arduous  toil.  In  1836  and  1837 
the  operators  found  that  there  was  no  longer  a 
population  to  give  enduring  life  to  their  new  opera 
tions.  They  had  far  outstripped  all  the  immediate 
or  even  the  nearly  promised  movements  of  settlers. 
Men,  however  hardy,  preferred  to  work  within  an 
easier  reach  of  the  physical  and  social  advantages 
of  settlements  already  made,  until  they  could  see 
the  superior  fruitfulness  of  labor  further  on.  The 
new  cities  and  towns  and  farms  and  the  means 
of  reaching  them  would  be  mere  paper  assets  until 
'^in  army  of  settlers  was  ready  to  enter  in  and  make 
them  sources  of  actual  physical  wealth.  But  the 
army  stopped  far  short  of  the  new  Edens  and  me 
tropolises.  There  was  no  creation  among  them  of 
the  actual  wealth,  the  return  of  physical  labor,  to 


812  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

make  good  and  real  the  popular  semblances  of 
wealth,  upon  the  faith  of  which  in  the  older  part 
of  the  country  had  arisen  new  methods  of  business 
and  habits  of  living.  The  withdrawal  of  actual 
wealth  from  the  multifarious  treasuries  of  capital 
and  industry,  to  meet  the  expense  of  the  improve 
ments  at  the  West  and  the  increased  luxury  at 
the  East,  had  reached  a  point  where  the  pressure 
caused  by  the  deficiency  of  physical  wealth  was 
too  great  for  the  hopefulness  or  credulity  of  those 
who  had  been  surrendering  that  wealth  upon  the 
promises  of  successful  and  opulent  settlements  at 
the  West.  Nor  was  all  this  confined  to  ventures 
in  the  new  States.  Almost  every  Eastern  city  had 
a  suburb  where  with  slight  differences  all  the  phe 
nomena  of  speculation  were  as  real  and  obvious  as 
in  Illinois  or  Mississippi. 

Jackson's  specie  circular  toppled  over  the  house 
of  cards,  which  at  best  could  have  stood  but  little 
longer.  In  place  of  bank-notes,  which  symbolized 
the  expectations  and  hopes  of  the  owners  of  new 
towns  and  improvements,  the  United  States  after 
July,  1836,  required  from  all  but  actual  settlers 
gold  and  silver  for  lands.  An  insignificant  part  of 
the  sales  had  been  lately  made  to  settlers.  They 
were  chiefly  made  to  speculators.  The  public 
lands,  which  sold  invariably  at  $1.25  an  acre,  were 
enormously  magnified  in  nominal  value  the  instant 
the  speculators  owned  them.  Paper  money  was 
freely  issued  upon  these  estimates  of  value,  to  be 
again  paid  to  the  government  for  more  lands  at 


CRISIS  OF   1837  313 

81.25.  But  now  gold  and  silver  must  be  found  ; 
and  nothing  but  actual  labor  could  find  gold  and 
silver.  A  further  stream  of  true  wealth  was  sum 
moned  from  the  East,  already  denuded,  as  it  was, 
of  all  the  surplus  it  had  ready  to  be  invested  upon 
mere  expectation.  Enormous  rates  were  now  paid 
for  real  money.  But  of  the  real  money  necessary  to 
make  good  the  paper  bubble  promises  of  the  spec 
ulators  not  one-tenth  part  really  existed.  Banks 
could  neither  make  their  debtors  pay  in  gold  and 
silver,  nor  pay  their  own  notes  in  gold  and  silver. 
So  they  suspended. 

The  great  and  long  concealed  devastation  of 
physical  wealth  and  of  the  accumulation  of  legiti 
mate  labor,  by  premature  improvements  and  costly 
personal  living,  became  now  quickly  apparent,, 
Fancied  wealth  sank  out  of  sight.  Paper  symbols 
of  new  cities  and  towns,  canals  and  roads,  were 
not  only  without  value,  but  they  were  now  plainly 
seen  to  be  so.  Rich  men  became  poor  men.  The 
prices  of  articles  in  which  there  had  been  specu 
lation  sank  in  the  reaction  far  below  their  true 
value.  The  industrious  and  the  prudent,  who  had 
given  their  labor  and  their  real  wealth  for  paper 
promises  issued  upon  the  credit  of  seemingly  as 
sured  fortunes,  suffered  at  once  with  men  whose 
fortunes  had  never  been  anything  better  than  the 
delusions  of  their  hope  and  imagination. 

It  is  now  plain  enough  that  to  recover  from  this 
crisis  was  a  work  of  physical  reparation  to  which 
must  go  time,  industry,  and  frugality.  There  was 


314  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

folly  in  every  effort  to  retain  and  use  as  valuable 
assets  the  investments  in.  companies  and  bank^ 
whose  usefulness,  if  it  had  ever  begun,  was  now 
ended.  There  was  folly  in  every  effort  to  conceal 
from  the  world  by  words  of  hopefulness  the  fact 
that  the  imagined  values  in  new  cities  and  garden 
lands  had  disappeared  in  a  rude  disenchantment 
as  complete  as  that  of  Abou-Hassan  in  the  Thou 
sand  and  One  Nights,  or  that  of  Sly,  the  tinker, 
left  untold  in  the  Taming  of  the  Shrew.  Their 
sites  were  no  more  than  wild  lands,  whose  value 
jnust  wait  the  march  of  American  progress,  fast 
enough  indeed  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  but  slow  as 
the  snail  to  the  wild  pacing  of  the  speculators. 
Every  pretense  of  a  politician,  whether  in  or  out 
of  the  senate  chamber,  that  the  government  could 
by  devices  of  financiering  avoid  this ,  necessity  of 
long  physical  repair,  was  either  folly  or  wickedness. 
And  of  this  folly  or  even  wickedness  there  was  no 
lack  in  the  anxious  spring  and  summer  of  1837. 

There  had  already  occurred  in  many  quarters 
that  misery  which  is  borne  by  the  humbler  pro 
ducers  of  wealth  not  for  their  own  consumption, 
but  simply  for  exchange,  whose  earnings  are  not 
increased  to  meet  the  inflation  of  prices  upon  which 
traders  and  speculators  are  accumulating  apparent 
fortunes  and  spending  them  as  if  they  were  real 
On  February  14,  1837,  several  thousand  people 
met  in  front  of  the  City  Hall  in  New  York  under 
a  call  of  men  whom  the  "  Commercial  Advertiser  " 
described  as  "Jackson  Jacobins."  The  call  was 


CRISIS  OF   1837  315 

headed:  "Bread,  meat,  rent,  fuel!  Their  prices 
must  come  down  !  "  It  invited  the  presence  of  "  all 
friends  of  humanity  determined  to  resist  monopo 
lists  and  extortionists."  A  very  respectable  meet 
ing  about  high  prices  had  been  held  two  or  three 
weeks  before  at  the  Broadway  Tabernacle.  The 
meeting  in  the  City  Hall  Park,  with  a  mixture  of 
wisdom  and  folly,  urged  the  prohibition  of  bank 
notes  under  $100,  and  called  for  gold  and  silver ; 
and  then  denounced  landlords  and  dealers  in  pro 
visions.  The  excitement  of  the  meeting  was  fol 
lowed  by  a  riot,  in  which  a  great  flour  warehouse 
was  gutted.  The  rioters  were  chiefly  foreigners 
and  few  in  number ;  nor  were  the  promoters  of  the 
meeting  involved  in  the  riot.  The  military  were 
called  out ;  and  Eli  Hart  &  Co.,  the  unfortunate 
flour  merchants,  issued  a  card  pointing  out  with 
grim  truth  u  that  the  destruction  of  the  article  can 
not  have  a  tendency  to  reduce  the  price." 

The  distribution  of  the  treasury  surplus  to  the 
States  precipitated  the  crash.  The  first  quarter's 
payment  of  $9,367,000  was  made  on  January  1, 
1837.  There  was  disturbance  in  taking  this  large 
sum  of  money  from  the  deposit  banks.  Loans  had 
to  be  called  in,  and  the  accommodation  to  business 
men  lessened  for  the  time.  There  was  speculative 
disturbance  in  the  receipt  of  the  moneys  by  the 
state  depositories.  There  was  apprehension  for 
the  next  payment  on  April  1,  which  was  accom 
plished  with  still  greater  disturbance,  and  after 
the  crisis  had  begun.  The  calls  for  gold  and  silver. 


316  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

begun  under  the  specie  circular,  and  the  disturb 
ances  caused  by  these  distributions,  were  increased 
by  financial  pressure  in  England,  whose  money 
aids  to  America  were  but  partly  shown  by  the 
shipments  of  gold  and  silver  already  mentioned. 
The  extravagance  of  living  had  been  shown  in  for 
eign  importations  for  consumption  in  luxury,  to 
ineet  which  there  had  gone  varied  promises  to  pay, 
and  securities  whose  true  value  depended  upon  the 
true  and  not  the  apparent  creation  of  wealth  in 
America.  Before  the  middle  of  March  the  money 
excitement  at  Manchester  was  great ;  and  to  the 
United  States  alone,  it  was  then  declared,  attention 
was  directed  for  larger  remittances  and  for  specie. 
The  merchants  of  Liverpool  about  the  same  time 
sent  a  memorial  to  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer 
saying  "  that  the  distress  of  the  mercantile  interest 
is  intense  beyond  example,  and  that  it  is  rapidly 
extending  to  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  the  com 
munity,  so  as  to  threaten  irretrievable  ruin  in  all 
directions,  involving  the  prudent  with  the  impru 
dent."  The  "  London  Times"  on  April  10,  1837, 
said  that  great  distress  and  pressure  had  been  pro 
duced  in  every  branch  of  national  industry,  and 
that  the  calamity  had  never  been  exceeded. 

The  cry  was  quickly  reechoed  from  America. 
Commercial  failures  began  in  New  York  about 
April  1.  By  April  8  nearly  one  hundred  failures 
had  occurred  in  that  city,  —  five  of  foreign  and  ex 
change  brokers,  thirty  of  dry-goods  jobbers,  sixteen 
of  commission  houses,  twenty-eight  of  real-estate 


CRISIS   OF  1837  317 

speculators,  eight  of  stock  brokers,  and  several 
others.  Three  days  later  the  failures  had  reached 
one  hundred  and  twenty-eight.  Provisions,  wages, 
rents,  everything,  as  the  "  New  York  Herald  "  on 
that  day  announced,  were  coming  down.  Within  a 
few  days  more  the  failures  were  too  numerous  to  be 
specially  noticed ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  month 
the  rest  of  the  country  was  in  a  like  condition. 
The  prostration  in  the  newer  cotton  States  was 
peculiarly  complete.  Their  staple  was  now  down 
to  ten  cents  a  pound ;  within  a  year  it  had  been 
worth  twenty.  All  other  staples  fell  enormously 
in  price. 

Later  in  April  the  merchants  of  New  York  met. 
Instead  of  condemning  their  own  folly,  they  re 
solved,  in  a  silly  fury,  that  the  disaster  was  due  to 
government  interference  with  the  business  and  com 
mercial  operations  of  the  country  by  requiring  land 
to  be  paid  for  in  specie  instead  of  paper,  to  its 
destruction  of  the  Bank,  and  to  its  substitution 
of  a  metallic  for  a  credit  currency.  A  commit 
tee  of  fifty,  including  Thomas  Denny,  Henry  Par 
ish,  Elisha  Riggs,  and  many  others  whose  names 
are  still  honored  in  New  York,  was  appointed  to 
remonstrate  with  the  president.  "  What  consti 
tutional  or  legal  justification,"  it  was  seriously  de 
manded,  "  can  Martin  Van  Buren  offer  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  for  having  brought  upon 
them  all  their  present  difficulties?"  The  contin 
uance  of  the  specie  circular,  they  said,  was  more 
high-handed  tyranny  than  that  which  had  cost 


318  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Charles  I.  his  crown  and  his  head.  On  May  3 
the  committee  visited  Washington  and  told  the 
President  that  their  real  estate  had  depreciated 
forty  millions,  their  stocks  twenty  millions,  their 
immense  amounts  of  merchandise  in  warehouses 
thirty  per  cent.  They  piteously  said  to  him,  "  The 
noble  city  which  we  represent  lies  prostrate  in  de 
spair,  its  credit  blighted,  its  industry  paralyzed,  jind 
without  a  hope  beaming  through  the  darkness,  un 
less  "  —  and  here  we  might  suppose  they  would 
have  added,  "  unless  Americans  at  once  stop  spend 
ing  money  which  has  not  been  earned,  and  repair 
the  ruin  by  years  of  sensible  industry  and  strict 
economy."  But  the  conclusion  of  the  merchants 
was  that  the  darkness  must  continue  unless  relief 
came  from  Washington.  It  was  unjust,  they  said, 
to  attribute  the  evils  to  excessive  development  of 
mercantile  enterprise ;  they  flowed  instead  from 
"  that  unwise  system  which  aimed  at  the  substitu 
tion  of  a  metallic  for  a  paper  currency."  The 
error  of  their  rulers  "  had  produced  a  wider  deso 
lation  than  the  pestilence  which  depopulated  our 
streets,  or  the  conflagration  which  laid  them  in 
ashes."  In  the  opinion  of  these  sapient  gentlemen 
of  business,  it  was  the  requirement  that  the  United 
States,  in  selling  Western  lands  to  speculators, 
should  be  paid  in  real  and  not  in  nominal  money, 
which  had  prostrated  in  despair  the  metropolis  of 
the  country.  They  asked  for  a  withdrawal  of  the 
specie  circular,  for  a  suspension  of  government  suits 
against  importers  on  bonds  given  for  duties,  for 


CRISIS  OF  1837  319 

an  extra  session  of  Congress  to  pass  Clay's  bill 
for  the  distribution  of  the  land  revenue  among 
the  States,  and  for  the  re-chartering  of  the  Bank. 
Never  did  men  out  of  their  heads  with  fright  pro 
pose  more  foolish  attempts  at  relief  than  some  of 
these.  But  the  folly,  as  will  be  seen,  seized  states 
men  of  the  widest  experience  as  well  as  frenzied 
merchants.  The  President's  answer  was  dignified, 
but  "  brief  and  explicit."  To  the  insolent  sugges 
tion  that  Jackson's  financial  measures  had  been 
more  destructive  than  fire  or  pestilence,  he  calmly 
reminded  them  that  he  had  made  fully  known, 
before  he  was  elected,  his  own  approval  of  those 
measures ;  that  knowing  this  the  people  had  deli 
berately  chosen  him  ;  and  that  he  would  still  adhere 
to  those  measures.  The  specie  circular  should  be 
neither  repealed  nor  modified.  Such  indulgence 
in  enforcing  custom-house  bonds  would  be  allowed 
as  the  law  permitted.  The  emergency  did  not,  he 
thought,  justify  an  extra  session.  Nicholas  Biddle 
called  on  Van  Buren  ;  and  many  were  disgusted 
that  in  the  presence  of  this  arch  enemy  the  presi 
dent  remained  u  profoundly  silent  upon  the  greaV 
and  interesting  topics  of  the  day." 

Van  Buren's  resolution  to  face  the  storm  with 
out  either  the  aid  or  the  embarrassment  of  the 
early  presence  of  Congress  he  was  soon  compelled 
to  abandon.  Within  a  few  days  of  the  return  of 
the  merchants  to  New  York,  that  city  sent  the  Pre 
sident  an  appalling  reply.  On  May  10  its  banks 
suspended  payment  of  their  notes  in  coin.  A  few 


$20  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

days  before  some  banks  in  lesser  cities  of  the 
Southwest  had  stopped.  On  the  day  after  the 
New  York  suspension,  the  banks  of  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  Albany,  Hartford,  New  Haven,  and 
Providence  followed.  On  the  12th  the  banks  of 
Boston  and  Mobile,  on  the  13th  those  of  New 
Orleans,  and  on  the  17th  those  of  Charleston  and 
Cincinnati  fell  in  the  same  crash.  There  was 
now  simply  a  general  bankruptcy.  Men  would 
no  longer  meet  their  promises  to  pay,  because  no 
longer  could  new  paper  promises  pay  off  old  ones. 
No  longer  would  men  surrender  physical  wealth 
safely  in  their  hands  for  the  expectation  of  wealth 
to  be  created  by  the  future  progress  of  the  coun 
try.  But  men  with  perfectly  real  physical  wealth 
in  their  storehouses,  which  they  could  not  them 
selves  use,  were  also  in  practical  bankruptcy  be 
cause  of  their  commercial  debts  most  prudently 
incurred.  The  natural  exchange  of  their  own 
goods  for  goods  which  they  or  their  creditors 
might  use  was  obstructed  by  the  utter  discredit  of 
paper  money,  and  by  the  almost  complete  disap 
pearance  of  gold  and  silver.  Extra  sessions  of 
state  legislatures  were  called  to  devise  relief. 
The  banks'  suspension  of  specie  payment  in  New 
York  was  within  a  few  days  legalized  by  the  legis 
lature  of  that  State.  On  May  12  the  secretary  of 
the  treasury  directed  government  collectors  them 
selves  to  keep  public  moneys  where  the  deposit 
banks  had  suspended. 

For  banks  holding  the  public  moneys  sank  with 


CRISIS   OF   1837  321 

the  others.  And  it  was  this  which  compelled  Van 
Bureu  in  one  matter  to  yield  to  the  storm.  On 
May  15  he  issued  a  proclamation  for  an  extra  ses 
sion  of  Congress  to  meet  on  the  first  Monday  of 
September.  It  would  meet,  the  proclamation  said, 
to  consider  "  great  and  weighty  matters."  No 
scheme  of  relief  was  suggested.  The  locking  up 
of  public  moneys  in  suspended  banks  made  neces 
sary  some  relief  to  the  government  itself.  It  was, 
perhaps,  well  enough  that  excited  and  terrified 
people,  casting  about  for  a  remedy,  should,  until 
their  wits  were  somewhat  restored,  be  soothed  by 
assurance  that  the  great  council  of  the  nation 
would,  at  any  rate,  discuss  the  situation.  More 
over,  it  was  wise  to  secure  time,  that  most  potent 
ally  of  the  statesman.  Within  the  three  months 
and  a  half  to  elapse,  Van  Buren,  like  a  wise  ruler, 
thought  the  true  nature  of  the  calamity  would  be 
come  more  apparent ;  proposals  of  remedies  might 
be  scrutinized  ;  and  thoughtless  or  superficial  men 
might  weary  of  their  own  absurd  proposals,  or 
the  people  might  fully  perceive  their  absurdity. 

During  the  summer  popular  excitement  ran 
very  high  against  the  administration.  The  Whig 
papers  declared  it  to  be  "  the  melancholy  truth, 
the  awful  truth,"  that  the  administration  did 
nothing  to  relieve,  but  everything  to  distress  the 
commercial  community.  Abbot  Lawrence,  one  of 
the~richest  and  most  influential  citizens  of  Boston, 
told  a  great  meeting,  on  May  17,  that  there  was 
Ho  other  people  on  the  face  of  God's  earth  that 


322  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

were  so  abused,  cheated,  plundered,  and  trampled 
on  by  their  rulers  ;  that  the  government  exacted 
impossibilities.  No  overt  act,  he  said,  with  almost 
a  sinister  suggestion,  ought  to  be  committed  until 
the  laws  of  self-preservation  compelled  a  forcible 
resistance ;  but  the  time  might  come  when  the 
crew  must  seize  the  ship.  The  friends  of  the  ad 
ministration  sought,  indeed,  to  stem  the  tide ;  and 
a  series  of  skillfully  devised  popular  gatherings 
was  held,  very  probably  inspired_by  Van  Buren, 
who  highly  estimated,  such  organized  appeals  to 
popular  sentiment.  In  Philadelphia  a  great  meet 
ing  denounced  the  bank  suspensions  and  the  issue 
of  small  notes  as  devices  in  the  interest  of  a  foreign 
conspiracy  to  throw  silver  coin^out^of  circulation 
and  export  it  to  Europe,  to  raise  the  prices  of 
necessaries,  and  recommence  a  course  of  gambling 
under  the  name  of  speculation  and  trade,  in  which 
the  people  must  be  the  victims,  and  "  the  foreign 
and  home  desperadoes  "  the  gainers.  The  meeting 
declared  for  a  metallic  currency.  "  We  hereby 
pledge  our  lives,  if  necessary,"  they  said,  "  for  the 
support  of  the  same."  Later,  on  May  22,  there 
was  in  the  same  city  a  large  gathering  at  Inde 
pendence  Square,  which  solemnly  called  upon  the 
administration  "  manfully,  fearlessly,  and  at  all 
hazards  to  go  on  collecting  the  public  revenues 
and  paying  the  public  dues  in  gold  and  silver." 
Their  forefathers,  who  fought  for  their  liberties, 
the  framers  of  our  Constitution,  the  patriarchs 
whose  memory  they  revered,  were,  with  a  funny 


CRISIS  OF  1837  323 

mixture  of  truth  and  falsehood,  declared  to  have 
been  hard-money  men.  A  week  later,  a  great 
meeting  in  Baltimore  approved  the  specie  circular, 
and  urged  its  fearless  execution,  "  notwithstanding 
the  senseless  clamors  of  the  British  party  ;  "  for 
the  crisis,  they_  said,  was  "  a  struggle  of  the  vir 
tuous  and  industrious  portions  of  the  community 
against  bank  advocates  and  the  enemies  to  good 
morals  and  republicanism."  Protests  were  else 
where  made  against  forcing  small  notes  into  circu 
lation.  Paper  had,  however,  to  be  used,  for  there 
was  nothing  else.  Barter  must  go  on,  even  upon 
the  most  flimsy  tokens.  In  New  York  one  saw, 
as  were  seen  twenty-four  years  later,  bits  of  paper 
like  this :  "  The  bearer  will  be  entitled  to  fifty 
cents'  value  in  refreshments  at  the  Auction  Hotel, 
123  and  125  Water  Street.  New  York,  May, 
1837.  Charles  Redaboek."  In  Tallahassee  a 
committee  of  citizens  was  appointed  to  print  bank 
tickets  for  purposes  of  change.  In  Easton  the 
currency  had  a  more  specific  basis.  One  of  the 
tokens  read  :  "  This  ticket  will  hold  good  for  a 
sheep's  tongue,  two  crackers,  and  a  glass  of  red 
eye." 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  country  had  cried 
itself,  if  not  to  sleep,  at  least  to  seeming  quiet. 
The  sun  had  not  ceased  to  rise  and  set.  Although 
merchants  and  bankers  were  prostrate  with  anxiety 
or  even  in  irremediable  ruin  :  although  thousands 

O 

of  clerks  and  laborers  were  out  of  employment  or 
earning  absurdly  low  wages,  —  for  near  New  York 


324  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

hundreds  of  laborers  were  rejected  who  applied  for 
work  at  four  dollars  a  month  and  board  ;  although 
honest  frontiersmen  found  themselves  hopelessly 
isolated  in  a  wilderness,  —  for  the  frontier  had 
suddenly  shrunk  far  behind  them,  —  still  the  har 
vest  had  been  good,  the  masses  of  men  had  been 
at  work,  and  economy  had  prevailed.  The  despera 
tion  was  over.  But  there  was  a  profound  melan 
choly,  from  which  a  recovery  was  to  come  only  toe 
soon  to  be  lasting. 


CHAPTER  IX 

PRESIDENT.  —  SUB-TREASURY   BILL 

VAN  BUREN'S  bearing  in  the  crisis  was  admira^ 
ble.  Even  those  who  have  treated  him  with  ani 
mosity ^j>r  ^miteln2t_d£jipt_here  Defuse  hTnTTngh 
praise.__"In  this  one  question,"  says  Von  Hoist, 
"  he  really  evinced  courage,  firmness,  and  states 
manlike  insight.  .  .  .  Van  Buren  bore  the  storm 
bravely.  He  repelled  all  reproaches  with  decision, 
but  with  no  bitterness.  .  .  .  Van  Buren  unques 
tionably  merited  well  of  the  country,  because  he  re 
fused  his  cooperation,  in  accordance  with  the  guar 
dianship  principle  of  the  old  absolutisms,__to_ac- 
custom  the  people  of  the  Republic  also  to  see  the 
government  enter  as  a  saving  ileus  ex  machina  in 
every  calamity  brought  about  by  their  own  fault 
and  folly-  ^  .  .  Van  Buren  had  won  a  brilliant 
victory  and  placed  his  countrymen  under  lasting 
obligations  to  him."  1 

1  I  cannot  refrain  from  noticing1  here  the  curious  fact  that  Dr. 
Von  Hoist,  after  a  contemptuous  picture  of  Van  Buren  as  a  mere 
verbose,  coarse-grained  politician  given  to  scheming-  and  duplicity, 
was  not  surprised  at  his  meeting-  vn  so  lofty  a  spirit  this  really  great 
trial.  For  surely  here,  if  anywhere,  the  essential  fibre  of  the  man 
would  be  discovered.  I  must  also  express  my  regret  that  this 
writer,  to  whom  Americans  owe  very  much,  should  have  been 


326  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Yan  Buren  met  the  extra  session  with  a  message 
which  marks  the  zenith  of  his  political  wisdom.  It 
is  one  of  the  greatest  of  American  state  papers. 
With  clear,  unflinching,  and  unanswerable  logic  he 
faced  the  crisis.  There  was  no  effort  to  evade  the 
questions  put  to  him,  or  to  divert  public  attention 
from  the  true  issue.  The  government  could  not, 
he  showed,  help  people  ear!TTheTF~ITving ;  biTt  It 
could  refuse  to  aid  the  deception  that  paper  was 
gold,  and  the  delusion  that  value  could  arise  with 
out  labor.  The  masterly  argument  seems  long  to  a 
sauntering  reader ;  but  it  treated  a  difficult  ques 
tion  which  had  to  be  answered  by  the  multitudes 
of  a  democracy  many  of  whom  were  pinched  and 
excited  b}^  personal  distresses  and  anxiety  and  who 
were  sure  to  read  it.  Few  episodes  in  our  political 
history  give  one  more  exalted  appreciation  of  the 

content  (although  in  this  he  has  but  joined  some  other  historians  of 
American  politics)  to  accept  mere  campaign  or  partisan  rumors 
which  when  directed  against  other  men,  have  gone  unnoticed,  but 
against  Van  Buren  have  become  the  basis  for  emphatic  disparage 
ment  and  contumely.  Even  Mackenzie,  the  publisher  of  the  pur 
loined  letters,  writing  his  pamphlet  with  the  most  obvious  and 
reckless  venom,  is  quoted  by  this  learned  historian  as  respectable 
authority.  Van  Buren  had  refused  during  nearly  a  year  to  pardon 
Mackenzie  from  prison  for  his  unlawful  use  of  American  territory 
to  prepare  armed  raids  on  Canada.  Sir  Francis  B.  Head's  opinion 
was  doubtless  somewhat  colored;  but  he  was  not  entirely  without 
justification  in  applying  to  Mackenzie  the  words:  "  He  lies  out  of 
every  pore  in  his  skin.  Whether  he  be  sleeping  or  waking,  on  foot 
or  on  horseback,  together  with  his  neighbors  or  writing1  for  a  news 
paper,  a  multitudinous  swarm  of  lies,  visible,  palpable,  and  tan 
gible,  are  buzzing  and  settling  about  him  like  flies  around  a  horse 
in  August."  (Narrative  of  Sir  F.  B.  Head,  London,  1839.) 


EXTRA  SESSION 

^T 

good  sense  of  the  American  masses,  than  that,  in 

this  stress  of  national  suffering,  a  skillful  politician 
should  have  appealed  to  them,  not  even  sweetening 
the  truth,  but  resisting  with  direct  and  painful  so 
briety  their  angry  and  natural  impulses  ;  this,  too, 
when  most  of  the  talented  and  popular  leaders  were 
promoting,  rather  than  reducing  or  diverting  the 
heated  folly  of  the  time. 

Van  Bureii  quietly  began  by  saying  that  the  law 
required  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  deposit 
public  moneys  only  in  banks  that  paid  their  notes 
in  specie.  All  the  banks  had  stopped  such  pay 
ment.  It  was  obvious  therefore  that  some  other 
custody  of  public  moneys  must  be  provided,  and  it 
was  for  this  that  he  had  summoned  Congress.  He 
then  began  what  was  really  an  address  to  the  peo 
ple.  He  pointed  out  that  the  government  had  not 
causedTandTTHatr  if  could  not  cure,  the  profound 
commercial  distemper.  Antecedent  causes  had 
been'sHmuiated  by  "the-  enormous  inflations  of  bank 
currency^and  other  credits,  and  among  them  tne 
many  millions  of  foreign  loans,  and  the  lavish  ac 
commodations  extended  '"by  foreign  dealers  to  our 
merchants."  Thence  had  come  the  spirit  of  reckless 
speculation;  and  from  that  a  foreign  debt  of  more 
than  thirty  millions ;  the  extension  to  traders  in 
the  interior  of  credits  for  supplies  greatly  beyond 
the  wants  of  the  people  ;  the  investment  of  thirty- 
nine  and  a  half  millions  in  unproductive  public 
lands ;  the  creation  of  debts  to  an  almost  countless 
amount  for  real  estate  in  existing  or  anticipated 


328  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

cities  and  villages ;  the  expenditure  of  immense 
sums  in  improvements  ruinously  improvident ;  the 
diversion  to  other  pursuits  of  labor  that  should 
have  gone  to  agriculture,  so  that  this  first  of  agri 
cultural  countries  had  imported  two  millions  of 
dollars  worth  of  grain  in  the  first  six  months  of 
1837  ;  and  the  rapid  growth  of  luxurious  habits 
founded  too  often  on  merely  fancied  wealth.  These 
evils  had  been  aggravated  by  the  great  loss  of 
capital  in  the  famous  fire  at  New  York  in  Decem 
ber,  1835,  a  loss  whose  effects,  though  real,  were 
not  at  once  apparent  because  of  the  shifting  and 
postponement  of  the  burdens  through  facilities  of 
credit,  by  the  disturbance  which  the  transfers  of 
public  moneys  in  the  distribution  among  the  States 
caused,  and  by  necessities  of  foreign  creditors  which 
made  them  seek  to  withdraw  specie  from  the  United 
States.  He  pointed  out  the  unprecedented  expan 
sion  of  credit  in  Great  Britain  at  the  same  time, 
and,  with  the  redundancy  of  paper  currency  l  there, 
the  rise  of  adventurous  and  unwholesome  specula 
tion. 

To  the  denrand  for  a  reestablishment  of  a  na 
tional  bank,  he  replied  that  quite  a  contrary  thing- 
must  be  done  ;  that  the  fiscal  concerns "ofTiKe  gov-, 
ernment  must  be  separated  from  those  pF  Indivi 
duals  or  corporations ;  that  to  create  such  a  bank 
would  be  to  disregard  the  popular  will  twice 
solemnly  and  unequivocally  expressed  ;  that  the 

1  The  reference  was  to  commercial  paper  .and  not  to  bank-notes. 
But  both  hud  been  active  characteristics  of  American  speculation. 


EXTRA  SESSION  329 

same  motives  would  operate  on  the  administrators 
of  a  natioiiat-^roTrTlTose  ol  state  banks  ;  that  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  had  not  prevented  for 
mer  and  similar  "'embarrassments,  and  that  the 
Bank  ,of  England  had  1m  t  lately  failed  in  its  own 
land  to  prevent  serious  abuses  of  credit.  He_knew 
indeed  of  loud  and  serious  cornplaint  because  the 
government  djd,jipXiio_w^aidIixminier cial  exchange. 
But  this  was  no  part  of  its  duty.  It  was  not  the 
province  of  government  to  aid  individuals  in  the  ^ 
transfer  of  their  funds  otherwise  than  through 
the  facilities  of  the  post-office.  As  justly  might 
the  government  be  asked  to  transport  merchandise. 
These  were  operations  of  trade  to  be  conducted  by 
those  who  were  interested  in  them.  Throughout 
Europe  domestic  as  well  as  foreign  exchanges  were 
carried  on  by  private  houses,  and  often,  if  not 
generally,  without  the  assistance  of  banks.  Our 
own  exchanges  ought  to  be  carried  on  by  private 
enterprise  and  competition,  without  legislative  as 
sistance,  free  from  the  influence  of  political  agita 
tion,  and  from  the  neglect,  partiality,  injustice,  and 
oppression  unavoidably  attending  the  interference 
of  government  with  the  proper  concerns  of  indi 
viduals.  His  own  views,  Van  Buren  declared,  were 
unchanged.  Before  his  election  he  had  distinctly 
apprised  the  people  that  he  would  not  aid  in  the 
reestablishment  of  a  national  bank.  His  convic 
tion  had  been  strengthened  that  such  a  bank  meant 
a  concentrated  money  power  hostile  to  the  spirit 
and  permanency  of  our  republican  institutions. 


/330  i  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

He  then  turned  to  those  state  banks  which  had 
held  government  deposits.  At  all  times  they  had 
held  some  of  the  federal  moneys,  and  since  1833 
they  had  held  the  whole.  Since  that  year  the 
utmost  security  had  been  required  from  them  for 
such  moneys ;  but  when  lately  called  upon  to  pay 
the  surplus  to  the  States,  they  had,  while  curtailing 
their  discounts  and  increasing  the  general  distress, 
been  with  the  other  banks  fatally  involved  in  the 
revulsion.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was  a 
solemn  duty  to  inquire  whether  the  evils  inherent 
in  any  connection  between  the  government  and 
banks  of  issue  were  not  such  as  to  require  a  di 
vorce.  Ought  the  moneys  taken  from  the  people 
for  public  uses  longer  to  be  deposited  in  banks 
and  thence  to  be  loaned  for  the  profit  of  private 
persons  ?  Ought  not  the  collection,  safe-keeping, 
transfer,  and  disbursement  of  public  moneys  to 
be  managed  by  public  officers  ?  The  public  rev 
enues  must  be  limited  to  public  expenses  so  that 
there  should  be  no  great  surplus.  The  care  of  the 
moneys  inevitably  accumulated  from  time  to  time 
would  involve  expense ;  but  this  was  a  trifling  con 
sideration  in  so  important  a  matter.  Personally  it 
would  be  agreeable  to  him  to  be  free  from  concern 
in  the  custody  and  disbursement  of  the  public  rev 
enue.  Not  indeed  that  he  would  shrink  from  a 
proper  official  responsibility,  but  because  he  firmly 
believed  the  capacity  of  the  executive  for  useful 
ness  was  in  no  degree  promoted  by  the  possession 
of  patronage  not  actually  necessary.  But  he  was 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  331 

clear  that  the  connection  of  the  executive  with 
powerful  moneyed  institutions,  capable  of  minis 
tering  to  the  interests  of  men  in  points  where  they 
were  most  accessible  to  corruption,  was  more  liable 
to  abuse  than  his  constitutional  agency  in  the  ap 
pointment  and  control  of  the  few  public  officers 
required  by  the  proposed  plan. 

Thus  was  announced  the  independent  treasury 
scheme,  the  divorce  of  bank  and  state,  the  famo 
achievement  of  Van  Buren's  presidency. 
argued  besides  elaborately  in  favor  of  the  s 
circular.  An  individual  could,  if  he  pleased,  ac 
cept  payment  in  a  paper  promise  or  in  any  other 
way  as  he  saw  fit.  But  a  public  servant  should  in 
exchange  for  public  domain  take  only  what  was 
universally  deemed  valuable.  He  ought  not  to 
have  a  discretion  to  measure  the  value  of  mere 
promises.  The  §9,367,200  in  the  treasury  for  de 
posit  with  the  States  in  October,  or  rather  for  a 
permanent  distribution  to  them,  he  desired  to  re 
tain  for  federal  necessities.  This  would  doubtless 
inconvenience  States  which  had  relied  on  the  fed 
eral  donation  ;  but  as  the  United  States  needed 
the  money  to  meet  its  own  obligations,  there  was 
neither  justice  nor  expediency  in  generously  giving 
it  away.  Van  Buren  here  left  the  defensive  with 
a  menace  to  the  banks  that  a  bankruptcy  law  for 
corporations  suspending  specie  payment  might 
impose  a  salutary  check  on  the  issues  of  paper 
money. 

The  President  finally  spoke  in  words  which  seem 


332  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

golden  to  alLwho  share  his  view  of  the  ends  of  gov 
ernment,  f  Those  who  look  to  the  action  of  this 
government,"  he  said,  "for  specific  aid  to  the  citi 
zen  to  relieve  embarrassments  arising  from  losses 
by  revulsions  in  commerce  and  credit,  lose  sight  of 
the  ends  for  which  it  was  created,  and  the  powers 
with  which  it  is  clothed.  It  was  established  to 
give  security  to  us  all,  in  our  lawful  and  honorable 
pursuits,  under  the  lasting  safeguard  of  republican 
institutions.  It  was  not  intended  to  confer  special 
favors  on  individuals,  or  on  any  classes  of  them  ; 
to  create  systems  of  agriculture,  manufactures,  or 
trade  ;  or  to  engage  in  them,  either  separately  or 
in  connection  with  individual  citizens  or  organi 
zations.  .  .  .  All  communities  are  apt  to  look  to 
government  for  too  much  .  .  .  We  are  prone  to  do 
so  especially  at  periods  of  sudden  embarrassment 
and  distress.  .  .  .  The  less  government  interferes 
with  private  pursuits,  the  better  for  the  general 
prosperity.  It  is  not  its  legitimate  object  to  make 
men  rich,  or  to  repair  by  direct  grants  of  money 
or  legislation  in  favor  of  particular  pursuits,  losses 
not  incurred  in  the  public  service."  To  avoid  un 
necessary  interference  with  such  pursuits  would  be 
far  more  beneficial  than  efforts  to  assist  limited 
interests,  efforts  eagerly,  but  perhaps  naturally, 
sought  for  under  temporary  pressure.  Congress 
and  himself,  Van  Buren  closed  by  saying,  acted 
for  a  people  to  whom  the  truth,  however  unprom 
ising,  could  always  be  spoken  with  safety,  and 
who,  in  the  phrase  of  which  he  was  fond,  were  sure 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  333 

never  to  desert  a  public  functionary  honestly  labor 
ing  for  the  public  good. 

.  An  angry  and  almost  terrible  outburst  received 
this  plain,  honest,  and  wise  declaration  that  the 
people  must  repair  their  own  disasters  without  pa 
ternal  help  of  government ;  and  that,  rather  than  to 
promote  the  extension  of  credit  with  public  moneys, 
the  crisis  ought  to  afford  means  of  departing  for 
ever  from  that  policy.  Most  of  the  able  men  who 
to  this  generation  have  seemed  the  larger  states 
men  of  the  day,  joined  with  passionate  declamation 
in  the  furious  gust  of  folly.  It  was  a  favorite 
delusion  that  government  was  a  separate  entity 
which  could  help  the  people,  and  not  a  mere  agency, 
simply  using  wealth  and  power  which  the  people 
must  themselves  create.  Webster,  in  a  speech  at 
Madison,  Indiana,  on  June  1,  1837,  professed  his 
conscientious  convictions  that  all  the  disasters  had 
proceeded  from  "the  measures  of  the  general  gov 
ernment  in  relation  to  the  currency."  He  ridiculed 
the  idea  that  the  people  had  helped  cause  them. 
The  people,  he  thought,  had  no  lesson  to  learn. 
"  Over-trading,  over-buying,  over-selling,  over-spe 
culation,  over-production,"  -  —  these,  he  said,  were 
terms  he  "could  not  very  well  understand."  In 
his  speech  of  December,  1836,  011  the  specie  circu 
lar,  he  had  given  a  leonine  laugh  at  the  idea  of 
there  being  inflation.  If  he  were  asked,  he  said, 
what  kept  up  the  value  of  money  u  in  this  vast  and 
sudden  expansion  and  increase  of  it,"  he  should 
answer  that  it  was  kept  up  "  by  an  equally  vast 


334:  MARTIN   VAN  BUKEN 

and  sudden  increase  in  the  property  of  the  coun 
try."  That  this  amazing  utterance  upon  the  dyna 
mics  of  national  economy  might  be  clear,  he  added 
that  the  vast  and  sudden  increase  was  "  in  the 
value  of  that  property  intrinsic  as  well  as  market 
able."  No  speculator  of  the  day  said  a  more  foolish 
thing  than  did  this  towering  statesman.  There 
were,  he  admitted,  u  other  minor  causes,"  but  they 
were  "  not  worth  enumerating."  "  The  great  and 
immediate  origin  of  the  evil "  was  "  disturbances 
in  the  exchange  .  .  .  caused  by  the  agency  of  the 
government  itself."  At  the  extra  session  Webster 
described  the  shock  caused  him  by  the  President's 
"disregard  for  the  public  distress,"  by  his  "exclu 
sive  concern  for  the  interest  of  government  and 
revenue,  by  his  refusal  to  prescribe  for  the  sickness 
and  disease  of  society,"  by  the  separation  he  would 
draw  u  between  the  interests  of  the  government 
and  the  interests  of  the  people."  For  his  part  he 
would  be  warm  and  generous  in  his  statesmanship. 
He  resisted  the  bill  to  suspend  the  "  deposit "  with 
the  States ;  he  would  in  the  corning  October  pay 
out  the  last  installment,  stricken  though  the  trea 
sury  was.  He  would  again  sweeten  the  popular 
palate  with  government  manna,  bitter  as  it  had 
proved  itself  to  the  belly.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
government,  he  said,  to  aid  in  exchanges  by  estab 
lishing  a  pa.per  currency  ;  he  and  those  with  him 
preferred  the  long-tried,  well-approved  practice  of 
the  government  to  letting  Benton,  as  he  said,  "  em 
brace  us  in  his  gold  and  silver  arms  and  hug  us  to 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  335 

his  hard  money  breast."  As  if  this  were  not  a 
time  for  soberness  over  its  shameful  abuses,  credit, 
and  the  banks  and  bank-notes  which  aided  it  were 
almost  apotheosized.  At  St.  Louis  in  the  summer, 
Webster,  in  a  speech  which  he  did  not  include 
in  his  collected  works,  said  that  help  must  come 
"  from  the  government  of  the  United  States,  from 
thence  alone  ;  "  adding,  "  Upon  this  I  risk  my  poli 
tical  reputation,  my  honor,  my  all.  .  .  .  He  who 
expects  to  live  to  see  all  these  twenty-six  States 
resuming  specie  payments  in  regular  succession 
once  more,  may  expect  to  see  the  restoration  of 
the  Jews.  Never  !  He  will  die  without  the  sight." 
John  Quincy  Adams  had  told  his  friends  at 
home  that  the  distribution  of  the  public  moneys 
among  the  state  banks  was  the  most  pernicious 
cause  of  the  disaster,  although,  differing  from 
Webster,  he  admitted  that  "  the  abuse  of  credit, 
especially  by  the  agency  of  banks,"  and  the  unre 
strained  pursuit  of  individual  wealth,  were  the 
proximate  causes  of  the  disaster,  for  history  had 
testified 

"  Peace  to  corrupt,  no  less  than  war  to  waste." 

He  would  punish  suspension  of  specie  payments 
by  a  bank  with  a  forfeiture  of  its  charter  and 
the  imprisonment  of  its  president  and  officers. 
A  national  bank,  he  said,  was  "  the  only  prac 
ticable  expedient  for  restoring  and  maintaining 
specie  payments."  In  the  extra  session  he  showed 
that  the  deposit  banks  of  the  South  already  held 


336  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

more  money  of  the  government  than  their  States 
would  receive,  if  the  last  installment  of  distribution 
should  be  paid,  while  the  Northern  banks  held  far 
less  of  that  money  than  the  Northern  States  were  to 
receive.  He  denounced  as  a  Southern  measure  the 
proposition  to  postpone  this  piece  of  recklessness. 
Should  the  Northern  States  hail  with  shouts  of 
Hosanna  "  this  evanescence  of  their  funds  from 
their  treasuries,"  or  be  "  humbugged  out  of  their 
vested  rights  by  a  howl  of  frenzy  against  Nicholas 
Bid  die,"  or  be  mystified  out  of  their  money  and 
out  of  their  senses  by  a  Hark  follow !  against  all 
banks,  or  by  a  summons  to  Doctors'  Commons  for 
a  divorce  of  bank  and  state  ? 

That  skillful  political  weathercock,  Caleb  Cush- 
ing,  told  his  constituents  at  Lowell  that  private 
banking  was  the  "  shinplaster  system;''  and  asked 
whether  we  wished  to  have  men  who,  like  the 
Rothschilds,  make  "  peace  or  war  as  they  choose, 
and  wield  at  will  the  destiny  of  empires."  The 
plan  of  the  administration  was  like  that  of  "  a 
cowardly  master  of  a  sinking  ship,  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  long  boat  and  provisions,  cut  off,  and 
leave  the  ship's  company  and  passengers  to  their 
fate."  To  the  plausible  cry  of  separating  bank 
and  state  he  would  answer,  "  Why  not  separate 
court  and  state  ...  or  law  and  state  ...  or  cus 
tom-house  and  state."  It  was  "  the  new  nostrum 
of  political  quackery."  Clay  delivered  a  famous 
speech  in  the  Senate  on  September  25,  1837.  He 
was  appalled  at  the  heartlessness  of  the  administra- 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  337 

tion.  "  The  people,  the  States,  and  their  banks,'' 
he  said  in  the  favorite  cant  of  the  time,  "  are  left 
to  shift  for  themselves,"  as  if  that  were  not  the 
very  tiling1  for  them  to  do.  We  were  all,  he  said, 
—  "  people.  States,  Union,  banks,  ...  all  entitled 
to  the  protecting  care  of  a  parental  government." 
He  cried  out  against  "  a  selfish  solicitude  for  the 
government  itself,  but  a  cold  and  heartless  insensi 
bility  to  the  sufferings  of  a  bleeding  people."  The 
substitution  of  an  exclusive  metallic  currency  was 
"forbidden  by  the  principles  of  eternal  justice." 
For  his  part  he  saw  no  adequate  remedy  which  did 
"  not  comprehend  a  national  bank  as  an  essential 
part  of  it."  In  banking  corporations,  indeed, 
"  the  interests  of  the  rich  and  poor  are  happily 
blended  ;  "  nor  should  we  encourage  here  private 
bankers,  Hopes  and  Barings  and  Rothschilds  and 
Hottinguers,  "  whose  vast  overgrown  capitals,  pos 
sessed  by  the  rich  exclusively  of  the  poor,  control 
the  destiny  of  nations." 

The  bill  for  the  independent  treasury  was  firmly 
pressed  by  the  administration.  It  did  not  deceive 
the  people  with  any  pretense  that  banks  and  paper 
money  would  stand  in  lieu  of  industry,  economy, 
and  good  sense.  The  summer  elections,  then  far 
more  numerous  than  now,  had,  as  Clay  warningly 
pointed  out,  gone  heavily  against  Van  Buren.  The 
bill  passed  the  Senate,  26  to  20.  In  the  House  it 
was  defeated.  Upon  the  election  of  speaker,  the 
administration  candidate,  James  K.  Polk,  had  had 
116  votes  to  103  for  John  Bell.  But  this  very 


338  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

moderate  majority  was  insecure.  A  break  in  the 
administration  ranks  was  promptly  shown  by  the 
defeat,  for  printers  to  the  House,  of  Francis  P. 
Blair  and  his  partner,  who  in  their  paper,  the 
"  Washington  Globe,"  had  firmly  supported  the 
hard  money  and  anti-bank  policy.  They  received 
only  107  votes,  about  fifteen  Democrats  uniting 
with  the  Whigs  to  defeat  them.  Van  Buren  was 
unable  to  educate  all  his  party  to  his  own  firm, 
clear-sighted  views.  There  was  formed  a  small 
party  of  "  conservatives,"  Democrats  who  took 
what  seemed,  and  what  for  the  time  was,  the  popu 
lar  course.  The  independent  treasury  bill  was 
defeated  in  the  House  by  120  to  106. 

Van  Buren' s  proposal  was  carried,  however,  to 
postpone  the  u  deposite,"  as  it  was  called,  the  gift 
as  it  was,  of  the  fourth  installment  of -the  surplus. 
On  October  1,  Webster  and  Clay  led  the  seven 
teen  senators  who  insisted  upon  the  folly  of  the 
national  treasury  in  its  destitution  playing  the 
magnificent  donor,  and  further  debauching  the 
States  with  streams  of  pretended  wealth.  Twenty- 
eight  senators  voted  for  the  bill ;  and  in  the  House 
it  was  carried  by  118  to  105,  John  Quincy  Adams 
heading  the  negative  vote. 

The  administration  further  proposed  the  issue 
of  $10,000,000  in  treasury  notes.  It  was  a  mea 
sure  strictly  of  temporary  relief.  Gold  and  silver 
had  disappeared ;  bank-notes  were  discredited. 
The  government,  whose  gold  and  silver  the  banks 
would  not  pay  out,  was  disabled  from  meeting  its 


EXTRA  SESSION  339 

current  obligations  ;  and  the  treasury  notes  were 
proposed  to  meet  the  necessity.  They  were  not  to 
be  legal  tender,  but  interest-bearing  obligations  in 
denominations  not  less  than  $50,  to  be  merely  re 
ceivable  for  all  public  dues,  and  thus  to  gain  a 
credit  which  would  secure  their  circulation.  This 
natural  and  moderate  measure  was  assailed  by 
those  who  were  lauding  a  paper  currency  to  the 
skies.  The  radical  difference  was  ignored  between 
a  general  currency  of  small  as  well  as  large  bills, 
without  intrinsic  value,  adopted  for  all  time,  and 
a  limited  and  perfectly  secure  government  loan,  tft 
be  freely  taken  or  rejected  by  the  people,  in  bills 
of  large  amounts,  to  meet  a  serious  but  brief  em 
barrassment.  "  Who  expected,"  said  Webster  in 
the  Senate,  "  that  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  experi 
ment  for  reforming  the  currency,  and  bringing 
it  to  an  absolute  gold  and  silver  circulation,  the 
Treasury  Department  would  be  found  recommend 
ing  to  us  a  regular  emission  of  paper  money  ?  " 
He  voted,  however,  for  the  bill,  the  only  negative 
votes  in  the  Senate  being  given  by  Clay  and  four 
others.  In  the  House  it  was  carried  by  127  to  98. 
Such  was  the  substantial  work  of  the  extra  ses 
sion.  To  the  experience  of  that  crisis  and  the 
wisdom  with  which  it  was  met  may  not  impro 
bably  be  ascribed  the  hard-money  leaven  which, 
thirty  or  forty  years  later,  prevented  the  great 
disaster  of  further  paper  inflation,  and  brought 
the  country  to  a  currency  which,  if  not  the  best,  is 
a  currency  of  coin  and  of  redeemable  paper,  whose 


340  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

value,  apart  from  the  legal-tender  notes  left  us  by 
the  war  and  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
depends  upon  the  best  of  securities,  coin  or  gov 
ernment  bonds,  deposited  in  the  treasury,  and  a 
currency  whose  amount  may  therefore  safely  be 
left  to  the  natural  operations  of  trade. 

Clay's  appeal  for  a  great  banking  institution, 
which  should  accomplish  by  magic  the  results  of 
popular  labor  and  saving,  was  met  by  a  vote  of 
the  House,  123  to  91,  that  it  was  inexpedient  to 
charter  a  national  bank,  many  voting  against  a 
bank  who  had  already  voted  against  an  independ 
ent  treasury.  The  Senate  also  resolved  against 
a  national  bank  by  31  to  14,  six  senators  who  had 
voted  against  an  independent  treasury  voting  also 
against  a  bank.  The  temporary  expedient  adopted 
by  the  treasury  on  the  suspension  of  the  banks  was 
therefore  continued,  and  public  moneys  were  kept 
in  the  hands  of  public  officers. 

Calhoun  now  rejoined  the  Democratic  party. 
It  was  only  the  year  before  he  had  denounced  it 
as  "  a  powerful  faction  held  together  by  the  hopes 
of  public  plunder ;  "  and  early  in  this  very  year 
he  had  referred  to  the  removal  of  the  deposits  as 
an  act  fit  for  "  the  days  of  Pompey  or  Caesar,"  and 
had  declared  that  even  a  Roman  Senate  would  not 
have  passed  the  expunging  resolution  "  until  the 
times  of  Caligula  and  Nero."  But  Van  Buren, 
Calhoun  now  said,  had  been  driven  to  his  position ; 
nor  would  he  leave  the  position  for  that  reason. 
He  referred  to  the  strict  construction  of  the  powers 


EXTRA   SESSION  Ml 

of  the  government  involved  in  the  divorce  of  bank 
and  state.  There  was  no  suggestion  that  Van 
Buren  had  become  a  convert  to  nullification.  But 
Calhoun  could  with  consistency  support  Van 
Buren.  The  independent  treasury  scheme  was 
plainly  far  different  from  the  removal  of  the  de^ 
posits  from  one  great  bank  to  many  lesser  ones. 
The  reasons  for  political  exasperation  had  besides 
disappeared.  Van  Buren  was  chief  among  the 
beati  possidentes,  and  could  not  for  years  be  dis 
turbed.  His  tact  and  skill  left  open  no  personal 
feud  ;  he  had  not  yet  conferred  the  title  of  Caesar  ; 
no  successor  to  himself  was  yet  named  by  any 
clear  designation.  Calhoun  joined  Silas  Wright 
and  the  other  administration  senators  ;  but  he  still 
maintained  a  grim  and  independent  front. 

The  extra  session  ended  on  October  16.  Be 
sides  the  issuance  of  $  10,000,000  in  treasury  notes 
and  the  postponement  of  the  distribution  among 
the  States,  the  only  measure  adopted  for  relief 
was  a  law  permitting  indulgence  of  payment  to- 
importers  upon  custom-house  bonds.  As  those 
payments  were  to  be  made  in  specie,  and  as  specie 
had  left  circulation,  it  was  proper  that  the  United 
States  as  a  creditor  should  exhibit  the  same  leni 
ency  which  was  wise  and  necessary  on  the  part  of 
other  creditors. 

Commercial  distress  had  now  materially  abated, 
although  many  of  its  wounds  were  still  deep  and 
unhealed.  Before  the  regular  session  began  in 
December,  substantial  progress  was  made  towards 


342  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

specie  payments.  The  price  of  gold  in  New  York, 
which  had  ruled  at  a  premium  of  eight  and  seven 
eighths  per  cent.,  had  fallen  to  five.  On  October 
20  the  banks  of  New  York,  after  waiting  until 
Congress  rose,  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  United 
States  Bank  and  its  associates  in  Philadelphia, 
now  invited  representatives  from  all  the  banks  to 
meet  in  New  York  on  November  27  to  prepare  for 
specie  payment.  At  this  meeting  the  New  York 
banks  proposed  resumption  on  March  1,  1838,  but 
they  were  defeated  ;  and  a  resolution  to  resume  on 
July  1  was  defeated  by  the  votes  of  Pennsylvania 
and  all  the  New  England  States  except  Maine 
(which  was  divided),  together  with  New  Jersey* 
Delaware,  Maryland,  South  Carolina,  and  Indiana, 
Virginia,  Ohio,  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  Ken 
tucky,  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  with  New 
York,  made  the  minority.  An  adjournment  was 
•taken  to  the  second  Wednesday  in  April,  the 
banks  being  urged  meanwhile  to  prepare  for 
specie  payments. 

The  fall  as  well  as  the  summer  elections  had 
been  most  disastrous  for  the  Democrats.  New 
York,  which  the  year  before  had  given  Van  Buren 
nearly  30,000  plurality,  was  now  overwhelmingly 
Whig.  The  Van  Buren  party  began  to  be  called 
the  Loco-focos,  in  derision  of  the  fancied  extrava 
gance  of  their  financial  doctrines.  The  Loco-foco 
or  Equal  Rights  party  proper  was  originally  a  di 
vision  of  the  Democrats,  strongly  anti-monopolist 
in  their  opinions,  and  especially  hostile  to  banks,  — 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  343 

not  only  government  banks  but  all  banks,  —  which 
enjoyed  the  privileges  then  long  confirmed  by  spe 
cial  and  exclusive  charters.  In  the  fall  of  1835 
some  of  the  Democratic  candidates  in  New  York 
were  especially  obnoxious  to  the  anti-monopolists  ot 
the  party.  When  the  meeting  to  regularly  confirm 
the  nominations  made  in  committee  was  called  at 
Tammany  Hall,  the  anti-monopolist  Democrat! 
sought  to  capture  the  meeting  by  a  rush  up  the 
main  stairs.  The  regulars,  however,  showed  them 
selves  worthy  of  their  regularity  by  reaching  the 
room  up  the  back  stairs.  In  a  general  scrimmage 
the  gas  was  put  out.  The  anti-monopolists,  per 
haps  used  to  the  devices  to  prevent  meetings  which 
might  be  hostile,  were  ready  with  candles  and  loco 
foco  matches.  The  hall  was  quickly  illuminated : 
and  the  anti-monopolists  claimed  that  they  had  de 
feated  the  nominations.  The  regulars  were  success 
ful,  however,  at  the  election ;  and  they  and  the 
Whigs  dubbed  the  anti-monopolists  the  Loco-foco 
men.  The  latter  in  1836  organized  the  Equal 
Rights  party,  and  declared  it  an  imperative  duty 
of  the  people  "  to  recur  to  first  principles."  Their 
"  declaration  of  rights "  misfht  well  have  been 

o  o 

drawn  a  few  years  later  by  a  student  of  SpencerV 
"  Social  Statics."  The  law,  they  said,  ought  to  dc 
no  more  than  restrain  each  man  from  committing 
aggressions  on  the  equal  rights  of  other  men ;  they 
declared  "  unqualified  hostility  to  bank-notes  and 
paper  money  as  a  circulating  medium,"  and  to  all 
special  grants  by  the  legislature.  A  great  cry  was 


344  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

raised  against  them  as  dangerous  and  incendiary 
fanatics.  The  Democratic  press,  except  the  "  Even 
ing  Post,"  edited  by  William  Cnllen  Bryant,  turned 
violently  upon  the  seceders.  There  was  the  same 
horror  of  them  as  the  English  at  almost  the  very 
time  had  of  the  Chartists,  and  which  in  our  time 
is  roused  by  the  political  movements  of  Henry 
.George.  But  with  time  and  familiarity  Chartism 
and  Loco-focoism  alike  lost  their  horrid  aspect. 
Several  of  the  cardinal  propositions  of  the  former 
have  been  adopted  in  acts  of  Parliament  without  a 
shudder.  To  the  animosity  of  the  Loco-focos 
against  special  legislation  and  special  privileges 
Americans  probably  owe  to-day  some  part  of  the 
beneficent  movement  in  many  of  the  States  for  coil' 
stitutional  requirements  that  legislatures  shall  act 
by  general  laws. 

The  Equal  Eights  party,  though  casting  but  a 
few  votes,  managed  to  give  the  city  of  New  York 
to  the  Whigs,  a  result  which  convinced  the  Demo 
crats  that,  dangerous  as  they  were,  they  were  less 
dangerous  within  than  without  the  party.  The 
hatred  which  Van  Buren  after  his  message  of  Sep 
tember,  1837,  received  from  the  banks  commended 
him  to  the  Loco-focos  ;  and  in  October,  1887, 
Tammany  Hall  witnessed  their  reconciliation  with 
the  regular  Democrats  upon  the  moderate  decla 
ration  for  equal  rights.  The  Whigs  had,  indeed, 
been  glad  enough  to  have  Loco-foco  aid  and  even 
open  alliance  at  the  polls.  But  none  the  less 
they  thought  the  Democratic  welcome  back  of  the 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  345 

seceders  an  enormity.  From  this  time  the  Demo 
crats  were,  it  was  clear,  no  better  than  Loco-focos, 
and  ought  to  bear  the  name  of  those  dangerous 
iconoclasts. 

Van  Buren  met  Congress  in  December,  1837, 
with  still  undaunted  front.  His  first  general  re 
view  of  the  operations  of  the  government  was  but 
little  longer  than  his  message  to  the  extra  session 
on  the  single  topic  of  finance.  He  refused  to  con 
sider  the  result  of  the  elections  as  a  popular  disap 
proval  of  the  divorce  of  bank  and  state.  In  only 
one  State,  he  pointed  out,  had  a  federal  election 
been  held ;  and  in  the  other  elections,  which  had 
been  local,  he  intimated  that  the  fear  of  a  forfeit 
ure  of  the  state-bank  charters  for  their  suspension 
of  specie  payments  had  determined  the  result.  He 
still  emphatically  opposed  the  connection  between 
the  government  and  the  banks  which  could  offer 
such  strong  inducements  for  political  agitation. 
He  blew  another  blast  against  the  United  States 
Bank,  now  a  Pennsylvania  corporation,  for  con 
tinuing  to  reissue  its  notes  originally  made  before 
its  federal  charter  had  expired  and  since  returned. 
He  recommended  a  preemption  law  for  the  benefit 
of  actual  settlers  on  public  lands,  and  a  classifica 
tion  of  lands  under  different  rates,  to  encourage 
the  settlement  of  the  poorer  lands  near  the  older 
settlements.  There  was  a  conciliatory  but  firm 
reference  to  the  dispute  with  England  over  the 
northeastern  boundary.  He  announced  his  failure 
to  adjust  the  dispute  with  Mexico  over  the  claims 


346  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

which  had  been  pressed  by  Jackson.  TLe  Texan 
cloud  which  six  years  later  brought  Van  Buren's 
defeat  was  already  threatening. 

At  this  session  the  independent  or  sub-treasury 
bill  was  again  introduced,  and  again  a  titanic  battle 
was  waged  in  the  Senate.  In  this  encounter  Clay 
taunted  Calhoun  for  going  over  to  the  enemy ;  and 
Calhoun,  referring  to  the  Adams-Clay  coalition, 
retorted  that  Clay  had  on  a  memorable  occasion 
gone  over,  and  had  not  left  it  to  time  to  disclose 
his  motives.  Here  it  was  that,  in  the  decorous 
fury  of  the  times,  both  senators  stamped  accusa 
tions  with  scorn  in  the  dust,  and  hurled  back  darts 
fallen  harmless  at  their  feet..  The  bill  passed  the 
Senate -by  27  to  25;  but  Calhoun  finally  voted 
against  it  because  there  had  been  stricken  out  the 
provision  that  government  dues  should  be  paid  in 
specie.  The  bill  was  again  defeated  in  the  House 
by  125  to  111.  The  latter  vote  was  late  in  June, 
1838.  But  while  Congress  refused  a  law  for  it, 
the  independent  treasury  in  fact  existed.  Under 
the  circular  issued  upon  the  bank  suspension,  the 
collection,  keeping,  and  payment  of  federal  moneys 
continued  to  be  done  by  federal  officers.  The  ab 
surdity  of  the  declamation  about  one's  blood  cur 
dling  at  Van  Buren's  recommendations,  about  this 
being  the  system  in  vogue  where  people  were 
ground  "  to  the  very  dust  by  the  awful  despotism 
of  their  rulers,"  was  becoming  apparent  in  the 
easy,  natural  operation  of  the  system,  dictated 
though  it  was  by  necessity  rather  than  law.  The 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  347 

Whigs,  in  the  sounding  jeremiades  of  Webster  and 
the  perfervid  eloquence  of  Clay,  were  joined  by  the 
Conservatives,  former  Democrats,  with  Tallmadge 
of  New  York  and  Rives  of  Virginia  at  their  head. 
They  had  retired  into  the  cave  of  superior  wisdom9 
of  which  many  men  are  fond  when  a  popular  storm 
seems  rising  against  their  party ;  they  affected  op 
pressive  grief  at  Van  Buren's  reckless  hatred  of 
the  popular  welfare,  and  accused  him  of  designing 
entire  destruction  of  credit  in  the  ordinary  trans 
actions  of  business.  This  silly  charge  was  con 
tinually  made,  and  gained  color  from  the  extreme 
doctrines  of  the  Equal  Rights  movement  and  the 
fixing  of  the  Loco-foco  name  upon  the  Democratic 
party. 

The  sub-treasury  bill  was  again  taken  up  at  the 
long  session  of  1839-40  by  the  Congress  elected  in 
1838.  Again  the  wisdom  of  separating  bank  and 
state,  again  the  wrong  of  using  public  moneys  to 
aid  private  business  and  speculation,  were  stated 
with  perfectly  clear  but  uninspiring  logic.  Again 
came  the  antiphonal  cry,  warm  and  positive,  against 
the  cruelty  of  withdrawing  the  government  from  an 
affectionate  care  for  the  people,  and  from  its  duty 
generously  to  help  every  one  to  earn  his  living.  In. 
and  out  of  Congress  it  was  the  debate  of  the  time, 
and  rightly ;  for  it  involved  a  profound  and  critical 
issue,  which  since  the  foundation  of  the  govern 
ment  has  been  second  in  importance  only  to  the 
questions  of  slavery  and  national  existence  and  re 
construction.  In  1840  the  bill  passed  the  Senate  by 


848  MARTIN    VAN  BUREN 

24  to  18  and  the  House  by  124  to  107.  This  chief 
monument  of  Van  Buren's  administration  seemed 
quickly  demolished  by  the  triumphant  Whigs  in 
1841,  but  was  finally  set  up  again  in  1846  without 
the  aid  of  its  architect.  From  that  time  to  our 
own,  in  war  and  in  peace,  the  independence  of  the 
federal  treasury  has  been  a  cardinal  feature  of 
American  finance.  Nor  was  its  theory  lost  even 
in  the  system  of  national  banks  and  public  deposi 
tories  created  for  the  tremendous  necessities  of  the 
civil  war.1 

By  the  spring  of  1838  business  had  revived 
during  the  year  of  enforced  industry  and  economy 
among  the  people.  In  January,  1838,  the  premium 
on  gold  at  New  York  sank  to  three  per  cent.  ;  and 
when  the  bank  convention  met  on  the  adjourned 
day  in  April,  the  premium  was  less  than  one  per 
cent.  The  United  States  Bank  resisted  resumption 
with  great  affectation  of  public  spirit,  but  for  self 
ish  reasons  soon  to  be  disclosed.  The  New  York 
banks,  with  an  apology  to  their  assoc-iates,  resolved 
to  resume  by  May  10,  five  days  before  the  date  to 
which  the  State  had  legalized  the  suspension.  The 
convention  adopted  a  resolution  for  general  re 
sumption  on  January  1,  1839,  without  precluding 
earlier  resumption  by  any  banks  which  deemed  it 
proper.  In  April  it  was  learned  that  the  Bank  of 

1  The  depositories  now  authorized  for  the  proceeds  of  the  in 
ternal  revenue  secured  the  government  by  a  deposit  of  the  bonds 
of  the  latter,  which  the  depositories  must  of  course  purchase  and 
(U.  S.  Rev.  Stats.  §  5153.) 


ABATEMENT  OF  THE  CRISIS  349 

England  was  shipping  a  million  sterling  to  aid  re 
sumption  by  the  banks.  On  July  10,  Governor 
Ritner  of  Pennsylvania  by  proclamation  required 
the  banks  of  his  State  to  resume  by  August  1. 
On  the  13th  of  that  month  the  banks  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Ohio,  In 
diana,  and  Illinois  yielded  to  the  moral  coercion  of 
the  New  York  banks,  and  to  the  resumption  now 
enforced  on  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  By 
the  fall  of  1838  resumption  was  general,  although 
the  banks  at  the  Southwest  did  not  follow  until 
midwinter.  Confidence  was  so  much  restored  that 
"  runs "  on  the  banks  did  not  occur.  The  crisis 
seemed  at  an  end  ;  and  Van  Buren  not  unreason 
ably  fancied  that  he  saw  before  the  country  two 
years  of  steady  and  sound  return  to  prosperity. 
Two  such  years  would,  in  November,  1840,  bring 
the  reward  of  his  sagacity  and  endurance.  But  a 
far  deeper  draft  upon  the  vitality  of  the  patient 
had  been  made  than  was  supposed ;  and  in  its 
last  agony,  eighteen  months  later,  Biddle's  bank 
helped  to  blast  Van  Buren's  political  ambition.  < 


CHAPTER  X 

PRESIDENT.  —  CANADIAN  INSURRECTION.  —  TEXAS. 
—  SEMINOLE   WAR.  —  DEFEAT   FOR   REELECTION 

ANOTHER  unpopular  duty  fell  to  Van  Buren 
during  his  presidency,  a  duty  but  for  which  New 
York  might  have  been  saved  to  him  in  1840.  In 
the  Lower  and  Upper  Canadas  popular  discontent 
and  political  tumult  resulted  late  in  1837  in  vio 
lence,  so  often  the  only  means  by  which  English 
dependencies  have  brought  their  imperial  mistress 
to  a  respect  for  their  complaints.1  The  liberality 
of  the  Whigs,  then  lately  triumphant  in  England, 
was  not  broad  enough  to  include  these  distant 
colonists.  The  provincial  legislature  in  each  of 
the  Canadas  consisted  of  a  Lower  House  or  assem 
bly  chosen  by  popular  vote,  and  an  Upper  House 
or  council  appointed  by  the  governor,  who  him 
self  was  appointed  by  and  represented  the  crown. 

1  I  cannot  refrain  in  this  revised  edition  to  note  that  England, 
although  not  always  a  ready  scholar,  has  in  later  years  learned  a 
farseeing  wisdom  which  in  colonial  administration  makes  her  the 
teacher  of  the  \vorld.  The  modern  policy  of  deference  to  local 
sentiment  and  of  finding  her  own  advantage  in  the  independent 
prosperity  of  the  colony,  has  bound  continents,  islands,  races,  reli 
gions,  to  the  English  empire,  and  hrought  from  them  wealth  tc 
England,  as  the  old  rule  of  force  never  did. 


CANADIAN  INSURRECTION  351 

Reforms  after  reforms,  proposed  by  the  popular 
houses,  were  rejected  by  the  council.  In  Lower 
Canada  the  popular  opposition  was  among  the 
French,  who  had  never  been  embittered  towards 
the  United  States.  In  Upper  Canada  its  strength 
was  among  settlers  who  had  come  since  the  war 
closed  in  1815.  Lower  Canada  demanded  in  vain 
that  the  council  be  made  elective.  Its  assembly, 
weary  of  the  effectual  opposition  of  the  council  to 
popular  measures,  began  in  1832  to  refuse  votes  of 
supplies  unless  their  grievances  were  redressed ; 
and  by  1837  government  charges  had  accrued  to 
the  amount  of  £142,100.  On  April  14,  1837, 
Lord  John  Russell,  still  wearing  the  laurel  of  a 
victor  for  popular  rights,  procured  from  the  im 
perial  parliament  permission,  without  the  assent  of 
the  colonial  parliament,  to  apply  to  these  charges 
the  money  in  the  hands  of  the  receiver-general  of 
Lower  Canada.  This  extraordinary  grant  passed 
the  House  of  Commons  by  269  to  46.  A  far  less 
flagitious  case  of  taxation  without  representation 
had  begun  the  American  Revolution.  The  money 
had  been  raised  under  laws  which  provided  for  its 
expenditure  by  vote  of  a  local  representative  body. 
It  was  expended  by  the  vote  of  a  body  at  West* 
minster,  three  thousand  miles  away,  but  few  of 
whose  members  knew  or  cared  anything  for  the 
bleak  stretch  of  seventeenth-century  France  on  the 
lower  St.  Lawrence,  and  none  of  whom  had  con 
tributed  a  penny  of  it.  To  even  Gladstone,  latelj 
the  under-secretary  for  the  colonies  and  then  a 


352  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

"  rising  hope  of  unbending  Tories,"  there  seemed 
nothing  involved  but  the  embarrassment  of  faith 
ful  servants  of  the  crown.  This  thoroughly  Brit 
ish  disregard  of  sentiment  among  other  people 
roused  a  deep  opposition  which  was  headed  by 
Papineau,  eloquent  and  a  hero  among  the  French. 
An  insurrection  broke  out  in  November,  1837,  and 
blood  was  shed  iii  engagements  at  St.  Denis  and 
St.  Charles,  not  far  from  Montreal.  But  the  in 
surgents  were  quickly  defeated,  and  within  three 
weeks  the  insurrection  in  Lower  Canada  was 
ended. 

In  Upper  Canada  there  was  considerable  Repub 
lican  sentiment,  and  the  party  of  popular  rights 
had  among  its  leaders  men  of  a  high  order  of 
ability.  One  of  them,  Marshall  S.  Bid  well, 
through  the  magnanimity  or  procurement  of  the 
governor,  escaped  from  Canada  to  become  one  of 
the  most  honored  and  stately  figures  at  the  bar  of 
Now  York.  Early  in  1836,  Sir  Francis  B.  Head, 
a  clever  and  not  ill-natured  man,  arrived  as  gov 
ernor.  He  himself  wrote  the  unconscious  Angli 
cism  that  "  the  great  danger  "  he  "  had  to  avoid 
was  the  slightest  attempt  to  conciliate  any  party." 
It  was  assumed  with  the  usual  insufferable  affecta 
tion  of  omniscience  that  these  hardy  Western  set 
tlers  were  merely  children  who  did  not  know  what 
was  best  for  them.  Even  the  suggestions  of  con 
cession  sent  him  from  England  were  not  respected. 
In  an  election  for  the  Assembly  he  had  the  issue 
announced  as  one  of  separation  from  England; 


CANADIAN  INSURRECTION  353 

and  by  the  use,  it  was  said,  of  his  power  and  pa 
tronage,  the  colonial  Tories  carried  a  majority  of 
the  House.  Hopeless  of  any  redress,  and  fired  by 
the  minors  of  the  revolt  in  Lower  Canada,  an 
insurrection  took  place  early  in  December  near 
Toronto.  It  was  speedily  suppressed.  One  of  the 
leaders,  Mackenzie,  escaped  to  Buffalo.  Others 
were  captured  and  punished,  some  of  them  cap 
itally. 

The  mass  of  the  Canadians  were  doubtless  op 
posed  to  the  insurrection.  But  there  was  among 
them  a  widespread  and  reasonable  discontent,  with 
which  the  Americans,  and  especially  the  people  of 
northern  and  western  New  York,  warmly  sympa 
thized.  It  was  natural  and  traditional  to  believe 
England  an  oppressor  ;  and  there  was  every  reason 
in  this  case  to  believe  the  Canadians  right  in  their 
ill-feeling.  The  refugees  who  had  fled  to  New 
York  met  with  an  enthusiastic  reception,  and,  in 
the  security  of  a  foreign  land,  prepared  to  advance 
their  rebellion.  On  the  long  frontier  of  river, 
lake,  and  wilderness,  it  was  difficult,  with  the  mea 
gre  force  regularly  at  the  disposal  of  the  United 
States,  to  prevent  depredations.  This  difficulty 
became  enhanced  by  a  culpable  though  not  un 
natural  invasion  of  American  territory  by  British 
troops.  On  December  12,  1837,  Mackenzie,  who 
had  the  day  before  arrived  with  a  price  of  $4000 
set  upon  his  head,  addressed  a  large  audience  at 
Buffalo.  Volunteers  were  called  for ;  and  the  next 
day,  with  twenty-five  men,  commanded  by  Van 


354:  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Rensselaer,  an  American,  he  seized  Navy  Island 
in  the  Niagara  River,  but  a  short  distance  above 
the  cataract,  and  belonging  to  Canada.  He  there 
established  a  provisional  government,  with  a  flag 
and  a  great  seal ;  and  that  the  new  State  might  be 
complete,  paper  money  was  issued.  By  January, 
1838,  there  were  several  hundred  men  on  the 
island,  largely  Americans,  with  arms  and  provi 
sions  chiefly  obtained  from  the  American  side. 

On  the  night  of  December  29,  1837,  a  party  of 
Canadian  militia  crossed  the  Niagara  to  seize  the 
Caroline,  a  steamer  in  the  service  of  the  rebels 
It  happened,  however,  that  the  steamer,  instead  o) 
being  at  Navy  Island,  was  at  Schlosser,  on  the* 
American  shore.  The  Canadians  seized  the  vessel* 
killing  several  men  in  the  affray,  and  after  setting 
her  on  fire,  loosened  her  from  the  shore,  to  go  blaz 
ing  down  the  river  and  over  the  falls.  This  inva 
sion  of  American  territory  caused  indignant  excite 
ment  through  the  United  States.  Van  Bureii  had 
promptly  sought  to  prevent  hostility  from  our  ter 
ritory.  On  January  5, 1838,  he  had  issued  a  pro 
clamation  reciting  the  seizure  of  Navy  Island  by  a 
force,  partly  Americans,  under  the  command  of  an 
American,  with  arms  and  supplies  procured  in  the 
United  States,  and  declared  that  the  neutrality 
laws  would  be  rigidly  enforced  and  the  offenders 
punished.  Nor  would  they  receive  aid  or  counte 
nance  from  the  United  States,  into  whatever  diffi 
culties  they  might  be  thrown  by  their  violation  of 
friendly  territory.  On  the  same  day  Van  Buren 


CANADIAN  INSURRECTION  355 

sent  General  Winfield  Scott  to  the  frontier,  and 
by  special  message  asked  from  Congress  power  to 
prevent  such  offenses  in  advance,  as  well  as  after 
wards  to  punish  them,  —  a  request  to  which  Con 
gress,  in  spite  of  the  excitement  over  the  invasion 
at  Schlosser,  soon  acceded.  The  militia  of  New 
York  were,  on  this  invasion,  called  out  by  Gov 
ernor  Marcy,  and  placed  under  General  Scott's 
command.  But  there  was  little  danger.  On  Jan 
uary  13  the  insurgents  abandoned  Navy  Island. 
The  war,  for  the  time,  was  over,  although  excite 
ment  and  disorder  continued  on  the  border  and 
the  lakes  as  far  as  Detroit ;  and  in  the  fall  of  183? 
other  incursions  were  made  from  American  ter 
ritory.  But  th^y  were  fruitless  and  short-lived 
Nearly  nine  hundred  arrests  were  made  by  the 
Canadian  authorities.  Many  death  sentences  were 
imposed  and  several  executed,  and  many  more 
offenders  were  sentenced  to  transportation. 

England,  in  her  then  usual  fashion,  was  duly 
wr.ked  to  duty  by  actual  bloodshed.  Sir  Francis 
B.  Head  left  Canada,  and  the'  Melbourne  ministry 
sent  over  the  Earl  of  Durham,  one  of  the  finest 
characters  in  English  public  life,  to  be  governor- 
general  over  the  five  colonies ;  to  redress  their 
wrongs  ;  to  conciliate,  and  perhaps  yield  to  demands 
for  self-government  :  all  which  might  far  better 
have  been  done  five  years  before.  Lord  Durham 
used  a  wise  mercy  towards  the  rebels.  He  made 
rapid  progress  in  the  reforms,  and,  best  and  first 
of  all,  he  won  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the 


$56  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

people.  But  England  used  to  distrust  an  English 
statesman  who  practiced  this  kind  of  rule  towards 
a  dependency.  A  malevolent  attack  of  Lord 
Brougham  was  successful,  and  Lord  Durham  re 
turned  to  ministerial  disgrace,  though  to  a  wiser 
popular  applause,  soon  to  die  in  what  ought  to  have 
been  but  an  early  year  in  his  generous  and  splen 
did  career.  Although  punishing  her  benefactor, 
England  was  shrewd  enough  to  accept  the  benefit. 
The  concessions  which  Lord  Durham  had  begun 
were  continued,  and  Canada  became  and  has  re 
mained  loyal.  Before  leaving  Canada,  Lord  Dur 
ham  was  invited  by  a  very  complimentary  letter  of 
Van  Buren  to  visit  Washington,  but  the  invitation 
was  courteously  declined. 

Mackenzie  was  arrested  at  Buffalo  and  indicted. 
After  his  indictment  he  addressed  many  public 
meetings  through  the  United  States  in  behalf  of  his 
cause,  one  at  Washington  itself.  In  1839,  how 
ever,  he  was  tried  and  convicted.  Van  Buren, 
justly  refusing  to  pardon  him  until  he  had  served 
in  prison  two  thirds  of  his  sentence,  thus  made  for 
himself  a  persistent  and  vindictive  enemy. 

Upon  renewed  raids  late  in  1838,  the  President, 
by  a  proclamation,  called  upon  misguided  or  de 
luded  Americans  to  abandon  projects  dangerous  to 
their  own  country  and  fatal  to  those  whom  they 
professed  a  desire  to  relieve  ;  and,  after  various 
appeals  to  good  sense  and  patriotism,  warned  them 
that,  if  taken  in  Canada,  they  would  be  left  to  the 
policy  and  justice  of  the  government  whose  domin- 


ABATEMENT  OF  THE   CRISIS  357 

ions  they  had,  "  without  the  shadow  of  justification 
or  excuse,  nefariously  invaded."  This  had  no  un 
certain  sound.  Van  Buren  was  promptly  declared 
to  be  a  British  tool.  The  plain  facts  were  ignored 
that  the  great  majority  of  the  Canadians,  however 
much  displeased  with  theii  rulers,  were  hostile  to 
Republican  institutions  and  to  a  separation  from 
England,  and  that  the  majority  in  Canada  had  the 
same  right  to  be  governed  m  their  own  fashion  as 
the  majority  here.  There  was  seen,  however,  in 
this  firm  performance  of  international  obligations* 
only  additional  proof  of  Van  Buren's  coldness 
towards  popular  rights,  and  of  his  sycophancy  to 
power. 

The  system  of  allowing  to  actual  settlers,  at  the 
minimum  price,  a  preemption  of  public  lands  al 
ready  occupied  by  them,  was  adopted  at  the  lone 
session  of  1837-38.  Webster  joined  the  Demo 
crats  in  favoring  the  bill,  against  the  hot  opposi 
tion  of  Clay,  who  declared  it  "  a  grant  of  the  pro 
perty  of  the  whole  people  to  a  small  part  of  thft 
people."  The  dominant  party  was  now  wisely  com 
mitted  to  the  policy  of  using  the  public  domain  for 
settlers,  and  not  as  mere  property  to  be  turned  into 
money.  But  a  year  or  two  before,  the  latter  sys 
tem  had  in  practice  wasted  the  national  estate  and 
corrupted  the  public  with  a  debauchery  of  specula 
tion. 

The  war  between  Mexico  and  the  American  set' 
tiers  in  her  revolted  northeast  province  began  in 
1835.  Early  in  183t)  the  heroic  defense  of  the 


358  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Alamo  against  several  thousand  Mexicans  by  less 
than  two  hundred  Americans,  and  among  them 
Davy  Crockett,  Van  Buren's  biographer,  and  the 
butchery  of  all  but  three  of  the  Americans,  had 
consecrated  the  old  building,  still  proudly  preserved 
by  the  stirring  but  now  peaceful  and  pleasing  city 
of  San  Antonio,  and  had  roused  in  Texas  a  fierce 
and  resolute  hatred  of  Mexico.  In  April,  1836, 
Houston  overwhelmed  the  Mexicans  at  San  Jacinto, 
and  captured  their  president,  Santa  Anna. 

In  his  message  of  December  21,  1836,  Jackson, 
although  he  announced  these  successes  of  the  Texans 
and  their  expulsion  of  Mexican  civil  authority,  still 
pointed  out  to  Congress  the  disparity  of  physical 
force  on  the  side  of  Texas,  and  declared  it  prudent 
that  we  should  stand  aloof  until  either  Mexico 
itself  or  one  of  the  great  powers  should  have  recog 
nized  Texan  independence,  or  at  least  until  the 
ability  of  Texas  should  have  been  proved  beyond 
cavil.  The  Senate  had  then  passed  a  resolution  for 
recognition  of  Texan  independence.  But  the  House 
had  not  concurred ;  and  before  Van  Buren's  inau 
guration  Congress  had  done  no  more  than  author 
ize  the  appointment  of  a  diplomatic  agent  to  Texas 
whenever  the  President  should  be  satisfied  of  its 
independence.  In  August,  1837,  the  Texan  repre 
sentative  at  Washington  laid  before  Van  Buren  a 
plan  of  annexation  of  the  revolted  Mexican  state. 
The  offer  was  refused  ;  and  it  was  declared  that  the 
United  States  desired  to  remain  neutral,  and  per* 
eeived  that  annexation  would  necessarily  lead  to 


TEXAS  369 

war  with  Mexico.  In  December,  1837,  petitions 
were  presented  in  Congress  against  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  now  much  agitated  at  the  South ;  and  Pres 
ton,  Calhoun's  senatorial  associate  from  South  Car 
olina,  offered  a  resolution  for  annexation.  Some 
debate  on  the  question  was  had  in  1838,  in  which 
both  the  pro-slavery  character  of  the  movement 
and  the  anti-slavery  character  of  the  opposition 
clearly  appeared.  But  this  danger  to  Van  Buren 
was  delayed  several  years.  Nor  was  he  yet  a  char 
acter  in  the  drama  of  the  slavery  conflict  which  by 
1837  was  well  opened.  The  agitation  over  aboli 
tion  petitions  and  the  murder  of  Lovejoy  the  abo 
litionist  are  now  readily  enough  seen  to  have  been 
the  most  deeply-  significant  occurrences  in  America 
between  Van  Buren's  inauguration  and  his  defeat ; 
but  they  were  as  little  part  of  his  presidency  as  the 
arrival  at  New  York  from  Liverpool  on  April  22 
and  23,  1838.  of  the  Sirius  and  the  Great  Western, 
the  first  transatlantic  steamships.  In  Washington 
the  slavery  question  did  not  get  beyond  the  halls 
of  Congress.  The  White  House  remained  for  sev 
eral  years  free  from  both  the  dangers  and  the 
duties  of  the  question  accompanying  the  discussion. 
Van  Buren's  administration  pressed  upon  Mexico 
claims  arising  out  of  wrongs  to  American  citizens 
and  property  which  had  long  been  a  grievance. 
Jackson  had  thought  it  our  duty,  in  view  of  the 
'A  embarrassed  condition  "  of  that  republic,  to  "  act 
with  both  wisdom  and  moderation  by  giving  to 
Mexico  one  more  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  past." 


860  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

In  December,  1837,  Van  Buren,  tired  of  Mexican 
procrastination,  referred  the  matter  to  Congress, 
with  some  menace  in  his  tone.  In  1840  a  treaty 
was  at  last  made  for  an  arbitration  of  the  claims, 
the  king  of  Prussia  being  the  umpire.  John  Quincy 
Adams  vehemently  assailed  the  American  assertion 
of  these  claims,  as  intended  to  "breed  a  war  with 
Mexico,"  and  uas  machinery  for  the  annexation 
of  Texas  ;  "  and  his  violent  denunciations  have  ob 
tained  some  credit.  But  Adams  himself  had  been 
pretty  vigorous  in  the  maintenance  of  American 
rights.  And  the  plain  and  well  known  facts  are, 
that  after  several  years  of  negotiation  the  claims 
were  with  perfect  moderation  submitted  for  decision 
to  a  disinterested  tribunal  ;  that  they  were  never 
made  the  occasion  of  war ;  and  that  Van  Bureri  op 
posed  annexation. 

In  June,  1838,  James  K.  Paulding,  long  the 
navy  agent  at  New  York,  was  made  secretary  of 
the  navy  in  place  of  Mahlon  Dickerson  of  New 
Jersey,  who  now  resigned.  Paulding  seems  to  us 
rather  a  literary  than  a  political  figure.  Besides 
the  authorship  of  part  of  "  Salmagundi,"  of  "  The 
Dutchman's  Fireside,"  and  of  other  and  agreeable 
writings  grateful  to  Americans  in  the  days  when 
the  sting  of  the  question,  "  Who  reads  an  Ameri 
can  book?"  lay  rather  in  its  truth  than  in  its  ill- 
nature,  Pauld  ing's  pen  had  aided  the  Republican 
party  as  early  as  Madison's  presidency.  Our  poli 
tics  have  always,  even  at  home,  paid  some  honor  to 
the  muses,  without  requiring  them  to  descend  very 


WASHINGTON  IRVING  361 

far  into  the  partisan  arena.  A  curious  illustration 
was  the  nomination  of  Edwin  Forrest,  the  famous 
tragedian,  for  Congress  by  the  Democrats  of  New 
York  in  1838,  a  nomination  which  was  more  sensi 
bly  declined  than  made.  An  almost  equally  curious 
instance  was  the  tender  Van  Buren  made  of  the 
secretaryship  of  the  navy  to  Washington  Irving  be 
fore  he  offered  it  to  Paulding,  who  was  a  connec 
tion  by  marriage  of  Irving's  brother.  Van  Buren 
had,  it  will  be  remembered,  become  intimately  ac 
quainted  with  Irving  abroad  ;  and  others  than  Van 
Buren  strangely  enough  had  thought  of  him  for 
political  service.  The  Jacksonians  had  wanted  him 
to  run  for  Congress ;  and  Tammany  Hall  had  of 
fered  him  a  nomination  for  mayor  of  New  York. 
Van  Buren  wrote  to  Irving  that  the  latter  had  "  in 
an  eminent  degree  those  peculiar  qualities  which 
should  distinguish  tha  head  of  the  department,' ''and 
that  this  opinion  of  his  had  been  confirmed  by  Irv- 
ing's  friends,  Paulding  and  Kemble,  the  former  of 
whom  it  was  intimated  was  "particularly  informed 
in  regard  to  the  services  to  be  rendered.''  But  one 
cannot  doubt  that  in  writing  this  the  President  had 
in  mind  the  sort  of  service  to  the  public,  and  the 
personal  pleasure  and  rest  to  himself,  to  be  brought 
by  a  delightful  and  accomplished  man  of  letters, 
who  was  no  mere  recluse,  but  long  practiced  in  pol 
ished  and  brilliant  life  abroad,  rather  than  any 
business  or  executive  or  political  ability.  Irving 
wisely  replied  that  he  should  delight  in  full  occupa 
tion,  and  should  take  peculiar  interest  in  the  navy 


362  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

department ;  but  that  he  shrank  from  the  harsh 
turmoils  of  life  at  Washington,  and  the  bitter  per- 
sonal  hostility  and  the  slanders  of  the  press.  A 
short  career  at  Washington  would,  he  said,  render 
him  "  mentally  and  physically  a  perfect  wreck." 
Paulding's  appointment  to  the  cabinet  portfolio 
assigned  to  New  York  was  not  agreeable  to  the 
politicians ;  aiid  they  afterwards  declared  that,  if 
Marcy  had  been  chosen  instead,  the  result  in  1840 
might  have  been  different.  The  next  Democratic 
president  gave  the  same  place  to  another  famous 
man  of  letters,  George  Bancroft. 

On  June  6,  1837,  Louis  Napoleon  wrote  the 
President  from  New  York  that  the  dangerous  ill 
ness  of  his  mother  recalled  him  to  the  old  world  ; 
and  that  he  stated  the  reason  for  his  departure  lest 
the  President  might  "  have  given  credence  to  the 
calumnious  surmises  respecting  "  him.  The  famous 
adventurer  used  one  of  those  many  phrases  of  his 
which,  if  they  had  not  for  years  imposed  on  the 
world,  no  wise  man  would  believe  could  ever  have 
obtained  respect.  Van  Buren,  as  the  ruler  of  a  free 
people,  ought  to  be  advised,  the  prince  wrote,  that, 
bearing  the  name  he  did,  it  was  impossible  for  him 
"  to  depart  for  an  instant  from  the  path  pointed 
out  to  me  by  my  conscience,  my  honor,  and  my 
duty." 

The  elections  of  1838  showed  a  recovery  from 
the  defeat  in  1837,  a  recovery  which  would  per 
haps  have  been  permanent  if  the  financial  crisis 
had  been  really  over.  Maine  wheeled  back  into 


ELECTIONS  OF  1838  3G3 

the  Van  Buren  ranks ;  and  Maryland  and  Ohio 
now  joined  her.  In  New  Jersey  and  Massachu 
setts  the  Whig  majorities  were  reduced  ;  and  in 
New  York,  where  Seward  and  Weed  had  estab 
lished  a  political  management  quite  equal  to  the 
Regency,  the  former  was  chosen  governor  by  a 
majority  of  over  10,000,  but  still  less  by  5000 
than  the  Whig  majority  of  1837.  The  Democrats 
now  reaped  the  unpopularity  of  Van  Buren's  up 
right  neutrality  in  the  Canadian  troubles.  North 
ern  and  western  New  York  gave  heavy  Whig 
majorities.  Jefferson  county  on  the  very  border, 
which  had  stood  by  Van  Buren  even  in  1837,  went 
over  to  the  Whigs. 

Van  Buren  met  Congress  in  December,  1838, 
with  more  cheerful  words.  The  harvest  had  been 
bountiful,  he  said,  and  industry  again  prospered. 
The  first  half  century  of  our  Constitution  was 
about  to  expire,  after  proving  the  advantage  of  a 
government  "  entirely  dependent  on  the  continual 
exercise  of  the  popular  will."  .  He  returned  firmly 
to  his  lecture  on  economics  and  the  currency,  draw 
ing  happily,  but  too  soon,  a  lesson  from  the  short 
duration  of  the  suspension  of  specie  payments  in 
1837  and  the  length  of  that  in  1814.  We  had 
been  saved,  lie  said,  the  mortification  of  seeing  our 
distresses  used  to  fasten  again  upon  us  so  "  danger 
ous  an  institution"  as  a  national  bank.  The  trea 
sury  would  be  able  in  the  coming  year  to  pay  off  the 
$8,000,000  outstanding  of  the  $10,000,000  of  trea 
sury  notes  authorized  at  the  extra  session.  Texas 


364  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

had  withdrawn  its  application  for  admission  to  the 
Union.  The  final  removal  of  the  Indian  tribes  to 
the  west  of  the  Mississippi  in  accordance  with  the 
Democratic  policy  was  almost  accomplished.  There 
were  but  two  blemishes  on  the  fair  record  the  White 
House  sent  to  the  Capitol.  Swartwout,  Jackson's 
collector  of  New  York,  was  found,  after  his  super 
session  by  Jesse  Hoyt,  to  be  a  defaulter  on  a  vast 
scale.  His  defalcations,  the  President  carefully 
pointed  out,  had  gone  on  for  seven  years,  as  well 
while  public  moneys  were  kept  with  the  United 
States  Bank  and  while  they  were  kept  with  state 
banks,  as  while  they  were  kept  by  public  officers. 
It  was  broadly  intimated  that  this  disgrace  was 
not  unrelated  to  the  general  theory  which  had 
so  long  connected  the  collection  and  custody  of 
public  moneys  with  the  advancement  of  private  in 
terests  ;  and  the  President  asked  for  a  law  making 
it  a  felony  to  apply  public  moneys  to  private  uses. 
Swartwout's  appointment  in  1829,  as  has  been  said, 
was  strenuously  opposed  by  Van  Buren  as  unfit  to 
be  made.  After  a  year  or  two  Jackson  returned 
to  Van  Buren  his  written  protest,  saying  that  time 
had  proved  his  belief  in  Swartwout's  unfitness  to 
be  a  mistake.  Van  Buren's  own  appointment  to 
the  place  was,  however,  far  from  an  ideal  one. 
Jesse  Hoyt  was  shown  by  his  published  correspond 
ence  —  a  veritable  instance,  by  the  way,  of  "  stolen 
sweets  "  —  to  have  been  a  shrewd,  able  man,  who 
enjoyed  the  strangely  varied  confidence  of  many 
distinguished,  discreet,  and  honorable  men,  and  of 


SECOND  FLORIDA  WAR  365 

many  very  different  persons,  ranging  through  a 
singular  gamut  of  religion,  morals,  statesmanship, 
economics,  politics,  patronage,  banking,  trade,  stock 
gambling,  and  betting.  The  respectability  of  some 
of  Hoyt's  friends  and  his  possession  of  some  ability 
palliate,  but  do  not  excuse,  his  appointment  to  a 
great  post. 

The  second  Florida  war  still  dragged  out  its  slow 
and  murderous  length.  The  Seminoles  underpres 
sure  had  yielded  to  Jackson's  firm  policy  of  remov 
ing  all  the  Indian  tribes  to  the  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  The  policy  seemed,  or  rather  it  was,  often 
cruel,  as  is  so  much  of  the  progress  of  civilization. 
But  the  removal  was  wise  and  necessary.  Tribal 
and  independent  governments  by  nomadic  savages 
could  not  be  tolerated  within  regions  devoted  to  the 
arts  and  the  government  of  white  men.  Whatever 
the  theoretical  rights  of  property  in  land,  no  civil 
ized  race  near  vast  areas  of  lands  fit  for  the  tillage 
of  a  crowding  population  has  ever  permitted  them 
to  remain  mere  hunting  grounds  for  savages. 
The  Seminoles  in  1832,  1833,  and  1834  agreed  to 
go  west  upon  terms  like  those  accepted  by  other 
Indians.  The  removal  was  to  take  place,  one  third 
of  the  tribe  in  each  of  the  three  years  1833,  1834, 
and  1835  ;  but  the  dark-skinned  men,  as  their  white 
brothers  would  have  done,  found  or  invented  ex 
cuses  for  not  keeping  their  promise  of  voluntary 
expatriation.  Late  in  1835,  when  coercion,  al- 
'hough  it  had  not  yet  been  employed  against  the 
jeminoles,  was  still  feared  by  them,  they  rose  under 


S66  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

their  famous  leader,  the  half-breed  Powell,  better 
known  as  Osceola,  and  massacred  the  federal  agent 
and  Major  Dade,  and  107  out  of  111  soldiers  under 
him.  Then  followed  a  series  of  butcheries  and  out 
rages  upon  white  men  of  which  we  have  heard,  and 
doubtless  of  crimes  enough  upon  Indians  of  which 
we  have  not  heard.  Among  the  everglades,  the 
swamps  and  lakes  of  Florida,  its  scorching  sands 
and  impenetrable  thickets,  a  difficult,  tedious,  in 
glorious,  and  costly  contest  went  on.  Military  evo 
lutions  and  tactics  were  of  little  value  ;  it  was  a 
war  of  ambushes  and  assassination.  Osceola, 
coming  with  a  flag  of  truce,  was  taken  by  General 
Jessup,  the  defense  for  his  capture  being  his  viola 
tion  of  a  former  parole.  He  was  sent  to  Fort  Moul- 
trie,  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  there  died,  after  fur 
nishing  recitations  to  generations  of  -schoolboys, 
and  sentiment  to  many  of  their  elders.  Van  Buren 
had  been  compelled  to  ask  $1,600,000  from  Con 
gress  at  the  extra  session.  Before  his  administra 
tion  was  ended  nearly  §14,000,000  had  been  spent ; 
and  not  until  1842  did  the  war  end.  It  was  one 
of  the  burdens  of  the  administration  which  served 
to  irritate  a  people  already  uneasy  for  deeper  and 
more  general  reasons.  The  prowess  of  the  Indian 
chief,  his  eloquence,  his  pathetic  end,  the  miseries 
and  wrongs  of  the  aborigines,  the  cost  and  delay 
of  the  war,  all  reenforced  the  denunciation  of  Van 
Buren  by  men  who  made  no  allowance  for  embar 
rassments  which  could  be  surmounted  by  no  ability, 
because  they  were  inevitable  to  the  settlement  by  a 


NORTHEAST   BOUNDARY  367 

civilized  race  of  lands  used  by  savages.  Time, 
however,  has  vindicated  the  justice  and  mercy,  as 
well  as  the  policy  of  the  removal,  and  of  the  estab 
lishment  of  the  Indian  Territory. 

A  few  days  before  the  close  of  the  session  Van 
Buren  asked  Congress  to  consider  the  dispute  with 
Great  Britain  over  the  northeast  boundary.  Both 
Maine  and  New  Brunswick  threatened,  by  rival 
military  occupations  of  the  disputed  territory,  to 
precipitate  war.  Van  Buren  permitted  the  civi] 
authorities  of  Maine  to  protect  the  forests  from 
destruction  ;  but  disapproved  any  military  seizure, 
and  told  the  state  authorities  that  he  should  pro 
pose  arbitration  to  Great  Britain.  If,  however, 
New  Brunswick  sought  a  military  occupation,  he 
should  defend  the  territory  as  part  of  the  State. 
Congress  at  once  authorized  the  President  to  call 
out  50,000  volunteers,  and  put  at  his  disposal  a 
credit  of  $10,000,000.  Van  Buren  persisted  in 
his  great  effort  peacefully  to  adjust  the  claims  of 
our  chronically  belligerent  northeastern  patriots,  — • 
in  Maine  as  in  New  York  finding  his  fate  in  his  duty 
firmly  and  calmly  to  restrain  a  local  sentiment  in 
spiring  voters  of  great  political  importance  to  him. 
The  "  news  from  Maine  "  in  1840  told  of  the  angry 
contempt  the  hardy  lumbermen  felt  for  the  Pre* 
sident's  perfectly  statesmanlike  treatment  of  the 
question. 

In  the  summer  of  1839  Van  Buren  visited  his 
'old  home  at  Kinderhook ;  and  on  his  way  there 
and  back  enjoyed  a  burst  of  enthusiasm  at  York, 


5G8  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Harrisburg,  Lebanon,  Reading,  and  Easton  in 
Pennsylvania,  at  Newark  and  Jersey  City  in  New 
Jersey,  and  at  New  York,  Hudson,  and  Albany  in 
his  own  State.  There  were  salutes  of  artillery, 
pealing  of  bells,  mounted  escorts  in  blue  and  white 
scarfs,  assemblings  of  "youth  and  beauty,"  the 
complimentary  addresses,  the  thronging  of  citizens 
"  to  grasp  the  hand  of  the  man  whom  they  had 
delighted  to  honor,"  and  all  the  rest  that  makes 
up  the  ovations  of  Americans  to  their  black-coated 
rulers.  He  landed  in  New  York  at  Castle  Gar 
den,  amid  the  salutes  of  the  forts  on  Bedloe's, 
Governor's,  and  Staten  Islands,  and  of  a  "  seventy- 
four,"  whose  yards  were  covered  with  white  uni 
formed  sailors.  After  the  reception  in  Castle 
Garden  he  mounted  a  spirited  black  horse  and 
reviewed  six  thousand  troops  assembled  on  the 
Battery  ;  and  then  went  in  procession  along  Broad 
way  to  Chatham  Street,  thence  to  the  Bowery,  and 
through  Broome  Street  and  Broadway  back  to  the 
City  Hall  Park.  Not  since  Lafayette's  visit  had 
there  been  so  fine  a  reception.  At  Kinderhook  he 
was  overwhelmed  with  the  affectionate  pride  of  his 
old  neighbors.  He  declined  public  dinners,  and 
by  the  simple  manner  of  his  travel  offered  disproof 
of  the  stories  about  his  "  English  servants,  horses 
and  carriages."  The  journey  was  not,  however, 
like  the  good-natured  and  unpartisan  presidential 
journeys  of  our  time.  The  Whigs  often  churlishly 
refused  to  help  in  what  they  said  was  an  election 
eering  tour.  Seward  publicly  refused  the  in  vita* 


ENTHUSIASTIC   DEMONSTRATIONS        369 

fcion  of  the  common  council  of  New  York  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  President's  reception,  because  the 
State  had  honored  him  with  the  office  of  governor 
for  his  disapproval  of  Van  Buren's  political  char 
acter  and  public  policy,  and  because  an  accept 
ance  of  the  invitation  "•would  afford  evidence  of 
inconsistency  and  insincerity."  Van  Buren's  own 
friends  gave  a  party  air  to  much  of  the  welcome. 
Democratic  committees  were  conspicuous  in  the 
ceremonies  ;  and  in  many  of  the  addresses  much 
that  was  said  of  his  administration  was  fairly  in  a 
dispute  certain  to  last  until  the  next  year's  election 
was  over.  Van  Bureri  could  hardly  have  objected 
to  the  coldness  of  the  Whigs,  for  his  own  speeches^ 
though  decorous  and  respectful  to  the  last  degree 
to  those  who  differed  from  him,  were  undisguised 
appeals  for  popular  support  of  his  financial  policy. 
At  New  York  he  referred  to  the  threatening  dis 
satisfaction  in  his  own  State  concerning  his  firm 
treatment  of  the  Canadian  troubles.  But  he  was 
persuaded,  he  said,  that  good  sense  and  ultimately 
just  feeling  would  give  short  duration  to  these  un 
favorable  impressions. 

The  President  was  too  experienced  and  cool  in 
judgment  to  exaggerate  the  significance  of  superfi 
cial  demonstrations  like  these,  which  often  seemed 
conclusive  to  his  exuberant  rival  Clay.  He  was 
encouraged,  however,  by  the  elections  of  1839.  In 
Ohio  the  Whigs  were  "  pretty  essentially  used  up," 
though  unfortunately  not  to  remain  so  a  twelve 
month.  In  Massachusetts  Morton,  the  Van  Burea 


870  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

candidate  for  governor,  was  elected  by  just  one 
vote  more  than  a  majority  of  the  102,066  votes 
cast.  Georgia,  New  Jersey,  and  Mississippi  gave 
administration  majorities.  In  New  York  the  ad 
verse  majority  which  in  1837  had  been  over  15,000, 
and  in  1838  over  10,000,  was  now  less  than  4000, 
in  spite  of  the  disaffection  along  the  border  coun 
ties.  It  was  not  an  unsatisfactory  result,  although 
for  the  first  time  since  1818  the  legislature  was 
completely  lost.  Another  year,  Van  Buren  now 
hoped,  would  bring  a  complete  recovery  from  the 
blow  of  1837.  But  the  autumn  of  1839  had  also 
brought  a  blast,  to  grow  more  and  more  chilling 
and  disastrous. 

In  the  early  fall  the  Bank  of  the  United  States 
agreed  to  loan  Pennsylvania  82,000,000  ;  and  for 
the  loan  obtained  the  privilege  of  issuing  $5  notes, 
having  before  been  restricted  to  notes  of  $20  and 
upwards.  u  Thus  has  the  Van  Buren  State  of 
Pennsylvania,"  it  was  boasted,  "  enabled  the  banks 
to  overcome  the  reckless  system  of  a  Van  Buren 
national  administration."  The  price  of  cotton, 
which  had  risen  to  16  cents  a  pound,  fell  in  the 
summer  of  1839,  and  in  1840  touched  as  low  a 
point  as  5  cents.  In  the  Northwest  many  banks 
had  not  yet  resumed  since  1837.  To  avoid  execu 
tion  sales  it  was  said  that  two  hundred  plantations 
had  been  abandoned  and  their  slaves  taken  to 
Texas.  The  sheriff,  instead  of  the  ancient  return, 
Mulla  bona,  was  said,  in  the  grim  sport  of  the 
frontier,  to  indorse  on  the  fruitless  writs  "  G.  T.,?: 


RETURN  OF  THE  CRISIS  371 

meaning  "  Gone  to  Texas."  A  money  stringency 
again  appeared  in  England,  in  1839.  Its  expor 
tation  of  goods  and  money  to  America  had  again 
become  enormous.  The  customs  duties  collected 
in  1839  were  over  $23,000,000,  and  about  the 
same  as  they  had  been  in  1836,  having  fallen  in 
1837  to  111,000,000,  and  afterwards  in  1840  fall 
ing  to  $13,000,000.  Speculation  revived,  the  land 
sales  exceeding  $7,000,000  in  1839,  while  they  had 
been  $3,700,000  in  1838,  and  afterwards  fell  to 
$3,000,000  in  1840.  Under  the  pressure  from 
England  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  sank 

o 

with  a  crash.  The  "  Philadelphia  Gazette,"  com 
placently  ignoring  the  plain  reasons  for  months 
set  before  its  eyes,  said  that  the  disaster  had  "  its 
chief  cause  in  the  revulsion  of  the  opium  trade 
with  the  Chinese  ; "  that  upon  the  news  that  the 
Orientals  would  no  longer  admit  the  drug  the 
Bank  of  England  had  "  fairly  reeled  ;  "  and  that, 
the  balance  of  trade  being  against  us,  we  had  to 
dishonor  our  paper.  Explanations  of  like  frivolity 
got  wide  credence.  The  Philadelphia  banks  sus 
pended  on  October  9,  1839,  the  banks  of  Baltimore 
the  next  day,  and  in  a  few  days  the  banks  in  the 
North  and  West  followed.  The  banks  of  New 
York  and  New  England,  except  those  of  Provi 
dence,  continued  firm.  Although  the  excitement 
of  1839  did  not  equal  that  of  1837,  there  was  a 
duller  and  completer  despondency.  It  was  at  last 
known  that  the  recuperative  power  of  even  our 
own  proud  and  bounding  country  had  limits, 


572  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Years  were  yet  necessary  to  a  recovery.  But  the 
presidential  election  would  not,  alas !  wait  years, 
With  no  faltering,  however,  Van  Buren  met  Con 
gress  in  December,  1839.  He  began  his  message 
with  a  regret  that  he  could  not  announce  a  year  of 
"  unalloyed  prosperity."  There  ought  never,  as 
presidential  messages  had  run,  to  be  any  alloy  in 
the  prosperity  of  the  American  people.  But  the 
harvest,  he  said,  had  been  exuberant,  and  after  all 
(for  the  grapes  of  trade  and  manufacture  were  a 
little  sour),  the  steady  devotion  of  the  husbandman 
was  the  surest  source  of  national  prosperity.  A 
part  of  the  110,000,000  of  treasury  notes  was  still 
outstanding,  and  he  hoped  that  they  might  be 
paid.  We  must  not  resort  to  the  ruinous  practice 
of  supplying  supposed  necessities  by  new  loans  ;  a 
permanent  debt  was  an  evil  with  no  equivalent. 
The  expenditures  for  1838,  the  first  year  over 
whose  appropriations  Van  Buren  had  had  control, 
had  been  less  than  those  of  1837.  In  1839  they 
had  been  16,000,000  less  than  in  1838  ;  and  for 
1840  they  would  be  -15,000,000  less  than  in  1839. 
The  collection  and  disbursement  of  public  moneys 
by  public  officers  rather  than  by  banks  had,  since 
the  bank  suspensions  in  1837,  been  carried  on 
with  unexpected  cheapness  and  ease  ;  and  legisla 
tion  was  alone  wanting  to  insure  to  the  system  the 
highest  security  and  facility.  Nothing  daunted  by 
the  second  disaster  so  lately  clouding  his  political 
future,  Van  Buren  sounded  another  blast  against 
th'j  banks.  With  unusual  abundance  of  harvests, 


RETURN  OF  THE  CRISIS  373 

with  manufactures  richly  rewarded,  with  our  gra 
naries  and  storehouses  filled  with  surplus  for 
export,  with  no  foreign  war,  with  nothing  indeed 
to  endanger  well-managed  banks,  this  banking  dis 
aster  had  come.  The  government  ought  not  to 
be  dependent  on  banks  as  its  depositories,  for  the 
banks  outside  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  were 
dependent  upon  the  banks  in  those  great  cities, 
and  the  latter  banks  in  turn  upon  London,  "  the 
centre  of  the  credit  system."  With  some  truth, 
but  still  with  a  touch  of  demagogy,  venial  perhaps 
in  the  face  of  the  blatant  and  silly  outcries  against 
him  from  very  intelligent  and  respectable  people, 
he  said  that  the  founding  of  a  new  bank  in  a  dis 
tant  American  village  placed  its  business  kfc  within 
the  influence  of  the  money  power  of  England." 
Let  us  then,  he  argued,  have  gold  and  silver  and 
not  bank-notes,  at  least  in  our  public  transactions ; 
let  us  keep  public  moneys  out  of  the  banks.  Again 
he  attacked  the  national  bank  scheme.  In  1817 
and  1818,  in  1823,  in  1831,  and  in  1834  the  United 
States  Bank  had  swelled  and  maddened  the  tides 
of  banking,  but  had  seldom  allayed  or  safely  di 
rected  them.  Turning  with  seemingly  cool  resolu 
tion,  but  with  hidden  anxiety,  to  the  menacing 
distresses  of  the  American  voters,  he  did  not 
flinch  or  look  for  fair  or  flattering  words.  We 
must  not  turn  for  relief,  he  said,  to  gigantic  banks, 
or  splendid  though  profitless  railroads  and  canals. 
Relief  was  to  be  sought,  not  by  the  increase,  but 
by  the  diminution  of  debt.  The  faith  of  States 


374  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

already  pledged  was  to  be  punctiliously  kept ;  but 
we  must  be  chary  of  further  pledges.  The  boun 
ties  of  Providence  had  come  to  reduce  the  conse 
quences  of  past  errors.  "  But  let  it  be  indelibly 
engraved  on  our  minds,"  he  said,  "  that  relief  is 
not  to  be  found  in  expedients.  Indebtedness  can 
not  be  lessened  by  borrowing  more  money,  or  by 
changing  the  form  of  the  debt." 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  so  divided 
that  its  control  depended  upon  whether  five  Whig 
or  five  Democratic  congressmen  from  New  Jersey 
should  be  admitted.  They  had  been  voted  for 
upon  a  general  ticket  through  the  whole  State  ;  and 
xhe  Whig  governor  and  council  had  given  the  certi 
ficate  of  election  to  the  Whigs  by  acquiescing  in 
the  actions  of  the  two  county  clerks  who  had,  for 
irregularities,  thrown  out  the  Democratic  districts 
of  South  Amboy  and  Millville.  A  collision  arose 
curiously  like  the  dispute  over  the  electoral  returns 
from  Florida  and  Louisiana  in  1877.  This  exclu 
sion  of  the  two  districts  the  Democrats  insisted  to 
have  been  wrongful ;  and  not  improbably  with  rea 
son,  for  at  the  next  election  in  1839  the  State, 
upon  the  popular  vote,  gave  a  substantial  majority 
against  the  Whigs,  although  by  the  district  division 
of  the  State  a  majority  of  the  legislature  were 
Whigs  and  reflected  the  Whig  governor.  The 
clerk  of  the  national  House  had,  according  to  usage, 
prepared  a  roll  of  members,  which  he  proceeded  to 
call.  He  seems  to  have  placed  on  the  roll  the 
names  of  the  New  Jersey  representatives  holding 


DISPUTED  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  HOUSE    375 

the  governor's  certificates.  But  before  calling  their 
names,  he  stated  to  the  House  that  there  were 
rival  credentials  ;  that  he  felt  that  he  had  no  power 
to  decide  upon  the  contested  rights ;  and  that,  if 
the  House  approved,  he  would  pass  over  the  names 
until  the  call  of  the  other  States  was  finished.  The 
rival  credentials  included  a  record  of  the  votes 
upon  which  the  governor's  certificate  was  presumed 
to  be  based.  Objection  was  made  to  passing  New 
Jersey,  and  one  of  the  governor's  certificates  was 
read.  The  New  Jerseymen  with  certificates  in 
sisted  that  their  names  should  be  called.  The  clerk 
declined  to  take  any  step  without  the  authority  of 
the  House,  holding  that  he  was  in  no  sense  a  chair 
man.  He  behaved  in  the  case  with  modesty  and 
decorum,  and  the  savage  criticisms  upon  him  seem 
to  have  no  foundation  except  this  refusal  of  his  to 
decide  upon  the  prima  facie  right  to  the  New 
Jersey  seats,  or  to  act  as  chairman  except  upon 
unanimous  consent.  He  was  clearly  right.  He 
had  no  power.  The  very  roll  he  prepared,  and  his 
reading  it,  had  no  force  except  such  as  the  House 
chose  to  give  them.  Upon  any  other  theory  he 
would  practically  wield  an  enormous  power  justified 
neither  by  the  Constitution  nor  by  any  law.  On 
the  fourth  day  of  tumult  a  simple  and  lawfu) 
remedy  was  discovered  to  be  at  hand.  Any  mem' 
ber  could  himself  act  as  chairman  to  put  his  own  mo 
tion  for  the  appointment  of  a  temporary  speaker; 
and  if  a  majority  acquiesced,  there  was  at  once 
an  organization  without  the  clerk's  aid.  This  was 


376  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

in  precise  accord  with  the  attitude  of  the  clerk, 
hotlj  abused  as  he  was  by  Adams  and  others  who 
adopted  his  position.  So  Adams  proposed  himself 
to  put  the  question  on  his  own  motion  to  call  the 
roll  with  the  members  holding  certificates.  Further 
confusion  then  ensued,  which  was  terminated  by 
Khett  of  South  Carolina,  who  moved  that  John 
Quincy  Adams  act  as  chairman  until  a  speaker 
should  be  chosen.  Rhett  put  his  own  motion,  and 
it  was  carried.  Adams  took  the  chair,  rules  were 
adopted,  and  order  succeeded  chaos.  None  of  the 
New  Jerseymen  were  permitted  to  vote  for  speaker, 
but  a  few  Calhoun  Democrats  refused  to  vote  for 
the  administration  candidate.  Most  of  the  adminis 
tration  members  offered  to  accept  a  Calhoun  man  ; 
but  a  few  of  them,  naturally  angry  at  South  Caro 
lina  dictation,  refused,  under  Benton's  advice,  to 
vote  for  him.  At  last  the  Whigs  joined  the  Cal 
houn  men,  and  ended  this  extraordinary  contest. 
The  speaker,  Robert  M.  T.  Hunter,  was  a  so-called 
states-rights  man,  and  a  supporter  of  the  independ 
ent  treasury  scheme.  He  had  the  fortune,  after  a 
singularly  varied  and  even  important  career  in  the 
United  States  and  the  Confederate  States,  to  be 
appointed  by  President  Cleveland  to  the  petty 
place  of  collector  of  customs  at  Tappahannock,  in 
Virginia,  and  to  live  among  Americans  who  were 
familiar  with  his  prominence  fifty  years  ago,  but 
supposed  him  long  since  dead.  The  clerk,  Hugh 
A.  Garland,  was  reflected,  in  spite  of  what  Adams 
in  his  diary,  after  his  picturesque  but  utterly 


ELECTION   OF   1840  377 

unjustifiable  fashion,  called  the  "baseness  of  his 
treachery  to  his  trust."  The  Whig  New  Jersey  men 
were  refused  seats,  and  the  apparent  perversion  of 
the  popular  vote  was  rightly  defeated  by  seating 
their  rivals.  The  Whigs  posed  as  defenders  01 
the  sanctity  of  state  authority,  and  sought,  upon 
that  political  issue,  to  force  the  Van  Buren  men  to 
be  the  apologists  for  centralization. 

It  was  at  this  session  that  the  sub-treasury  bill 
was  passed.  As  a  sort  of  new  declaration  of  in 
dependence  Van  Buren  signed  it  on  July  4,  1840. 
His  long  and  honorable  and  his  greatest  battle  was 
won.  It  was  the  triumph  of  a  really  great  cause. 
The  people,  by  their  labor  and  capital,  were  to 
support  the  federal  government  as  a  mere  agency 
for  limited  purposes.  That  government  was  not, 
in  this  way  at  least,  to  support  or  direct  or  control 
either  the  people  or  their  labor  or  capital.  But 
the  captain  fell  at  the  time  of  his  victory.  The 
financial  disaster  of  1839  had  exhausted  the  good 
nature  and  patience  of  the  people.  Dissertations 
on  finance  and  economics,  however  wise,  now  served 
to  irritate  and  disgust.  These  cool  admonitions  to 
economy  and  a  minding  of  one's  business  were 
popularly  believed  to  be  heartless  and  repulsive. 

In  1840  took  place  the  most  extraordinary  of  pre 
sidential  campaigns.  While  Congress  was  wran 
gling  over  the  New  Jersey  episode  in  December, 
1839,  the  Whig  national  convention  again  nomi 
nated  Harrison  for  President.  Tyler  was  taken 
from  the  ranks  of  seceding  Democrats  as  the  can- 


378  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

didate  for  Vice-President.  The  slaughter  of  Henry 
Clay,  the  father  of  the  Whig  party,  had  been 
effected  by  the  now  formidable  Whig  politicians 
of  New  York,  cunningly  marshaled  by  Thurlow 
Weed.  Availability  had  its  first  complete  triumph 
in  our  national  politics.  They  had  not  come,  Gov 
ernor  Barbour  of  Virginia,  the  president  of  the 
Whig  convention,  said,  to  whine  after  the  flesh- 
pots  of  Egypt,  but  to  give  perpetuity  to  Republican 
institutions.  To  reach  this  end  (not  very  explicitly 
or  intelligibly  defined),  it  mattered  not  what  letters 
of  the  alphabet  spelled  the  name  of  the  candidate  ; 
for  his  part,  he  could  sing  Hosanna  to  any  alpha 
betical  combination.  No  platform  or  declaration 
of  principles  was  adopted,  lest  some  of  those  dis 
contented  with  Van  Buren  should  find  there  a 
counter-irritant.  The  candidates,  in  accepting  their 
nominations,  refrained  from  political  discussion. 
Harrison  stood  for  the  plain,  honest  citizen,  com 
ing,  as  one  of  the  New  York  conventions  said, 
"like  another  Cincinnatus  from  his  plough,"  reso 
lute  for  a  generous  administration,  and  ready  to 
diffuse  prosperity  and  to  end  hard  times.  Tyler, 
formerly  a  strict  constructionist  member  of  the 
Jackson  party,  was  nominated  to  catch  votes,  in 
spite  of  his  perfectly  well  known  opposition  to  the 
whole  Whig  theory  of  government. 

The  Democratic,  or  Democratic-Republican,  con 
vention  met  at  Baltimore  on  May  5,  1840.  The 
party  name  was  now  definitely  and  exclusively 
adopted.  Among  the  delegates  were  men  long 


ELECTION  OF  1840  37S 

afterwards  famous  in  the  later  Republican  party, 
John  A.  Dix,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  Simon  Cameron. 
There  was  an  air  of  despondency  about  the  con 
vention,  for  the  enthusiasm  over  "  log  cabin  and 
hard  cider  "  was  already  abroad.  But  the  conven 
tion  without  wavering  announced  its  belief  in  a 
limited  federal  power,  in  the  separation  of  public 
moneys  from  banking  institutions  ;  and  its  oppo 
sition  to  internal  improvements  by  the  nation,  to 
the  federal  assumption  of  state  debts,  to  the  fost 
ering  of  one  industry  so  as  to  injure  another,  to 
raising  more  money  than  was  required  for  neces 
sary  expenses  of  government,  and  to  a  national 
bank.  Slavery  now  took  for  a  long  time  its  placo 
in  the  party  platform.  The  convention  declared 
the  constitutional  inability  of  Congress  to  interfere 
with  slavery  in  the  States,  and  that  all  efforts  of 
abolitionists  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with 
slavery  were  alarming  and  dangerous  to  the  Union. 
An  elaborate  address  to  the  people  was  issued.  It 
began  with  a  clear,  and  for  a  political  campaign  a 
reasonably  moderate,  defense  of  Van  Buren's  ad 
ministration  ;  it  renewed  the  well-worn  arguments 
for  the  limited  activity  of  government ;  it  made  a 
silly  assertion  that  Harrison  was  a  Federalist,  and 
an  insinuation  that  the  glory  of  his  military  career 
was  doubtful  ;  it  denounced  the  abolitionists,  whose 
fanaticism  it  charged  the  Whigs  with  enlisting  in 
their  cause.  In  closing,  it  recalled  the  Democratic 
revolution  of  1800  which  broke  the  "  iron  rod  of 
Federal  rule,"  and  contrasted  the  "  costly  and 


380  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

stately  pageants  addressed  merely  to  the  senses  * 
by  the  Whigs  with  the  truth  and  reason  of  the 
Democracy. 

During  the  canvass  Van  Buren  submitted  to 
frequent  interrogation.  In  a  fashion  that  would 
seem  fatal  to  a  modern  candidate,  he  wrote  to 
political  friends  and  enemies  alike,  letter  after  let 
ter,  restating  his  political  opinions.  Especially 
was  it  sought  to  arouse  Southern  distrust  of  him. 
He  was  accused,  with  fire-eating  anger,  of  having 
approved  a  sentence  of  a  court-martial  against  a 
naval  lieutenant  which  was  based  upon  the  tes 
timony  of  negroes.  He  reiterated  what  he  had 
already  said  upon  slavery  ;  but  late  in  the  canvass 
he  went  one  step  further.  When  asked  his  opinion 
as  to  the  treatment  by  Congress  of  the  abolition 
petitions,  he  replied,  justly  enough,  that  the  Presi 
dent  could  have  no  concern  with  that  matter ;  but 
lest  he  should  be  charged  with  "  non-committal- 
ism,"  he  declared  that  Congress  was  fully  justified 
in  adopting  the  "  gag  "  rule.  For  years  the  peti 
tions  had  been  received  and  referred.  On  one 
occasion  in  each  House  the  subject  had  been  con 
sidered  upon  a  report  of  a  committee,  and  decided 
against  the  petitioners  with  almost  entire  una 
nimity.  The  rule  had  been  adopted  only  after  it 
was  clear  that  the  petitioners  simply  sought  to 
make  Congress  an  instrument  of  an  agitation  which 
might  lead  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  It  was 
thus  that  Van  Buren  made  his  extreme  conces 
sion  to  the  slavocracy.  And  there  was  obvious  a 


ELECTION  OF  1840  381 

material  excuse.  No  president  while  in  office  could 
approve  the  perversion  of  legislative  procedure  from 
the  making  i,f  laws  to  be  a  mere  stimulant  of  moral 
excitement.  To  encourage  or  justify  petitions  in 
tended  to  inflame  public  sentiment  against  a  wrong 
might  be  legitimate  for  some  men,  however  well 
they  knew,  as  Adams  said  he  knew,  that  the  body 
addressed  ought  not  to  grant  the  petitioners'  pray 
ers.  Such  a  course  might  be  noble  and  praise 
worthy  for  a  private  citizen,  or  possibly  for  a 
member  of  Congress  representing  the  exalted  moral 
sentiment  of  a  single  district.  It  would  be  highly 
illegitimate  for  a  man  holding  a  great  public  office, 
and  there  representing  the  entire  people  and  its 
established  system  of  laws.  John  Quincy  Adams, 
under  his  sense  of  duty  as  president,  had  in  1828 
pressed  the  humiliating  claim  that  England  should 
surrender  American  slaves  escaped  to  English  free 
dom  ;  and  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  that,  if  he 
had  remained  in  the  field  of  responsible  and  ex 
ecutive  public  life,  he  would  have  agreed  with  Van 
Buren  in  his  treatment  of  the  matter  of  the  aboli 
tion  petitions,  or  rather  in  his  expressions  from  the 
White  House  about  them. 

Harrison  hastened  to  clear  his  skirts  of  aboli 
tionism.  Congress  could  not,  he  declared,  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  without  the 
consent  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  and  of  the  Dis 
trict  itself.  For,  as  he  argued,  ignobly  applying, 
as  well  as  misquoting,  the  American  words  solemnly 
lauded  by  Lord  Chatham  in  his  speech  on  Quarter- 


382  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

ing  Soldiers  in  Boston,  "  what  a  man  has  honestly 
acquired  is  absolutely  his  own,  which  he  may  freely 
give,  but  which  cannot  be  taken  from  him  with 
out  his  consent."  He  denounced  as  a  slander  the 
charge  that  he  was  an  abolitionist,  or  that  the  vote 
he  had  given  against  anti-slavery  restriction  in 
Missouri  had  violated  his  conscience.  He  declared 
for  the  right  of  petition,  which  indeed  nobody  dis 
puted  ;  but  he  did  not  say  what  course  should  be 
taken  with  the  anti-slavery  petitions,  which  was  the 
real  question  to  be  answered.  The  discussion  by 
the  citizens  of  the  free  States  of  slavery  in  the 
slave  States  was  not,  he  said,  "  sanctioned  by  the 
Constitution."  "  Methinks,"  he  said  at  Dayton, 
"  I  hear  a  soft  voice  asking,  Are  you  in  favor  of 
paper  money  ?  I  am ; "  and  to  that  there  were 
"  shouts  of  applause." 

In  no  presidential  canvass  in  America  has  there 
been,  as  Mr.  Schurz  well  says  in  his  life  of  Henry 
Clay,  "  more  enthusiasm  and  less  thought  "  than 
in  the  Whig  canvass  of  1840.  The  people  were 
rushing  as  from  a  long  restraint.  Wise  saws 
about  the  duties  of  government  had  become  nau 
seating.  A  plain  every-day  man  administering 
a  paternal  and  affectionate  government  was  the 
ruling  text,  while  Tyler  and  his  strict  construction 
quietly  served  their  turn  with  some  of  the  doctri 
naires  at  the  South.  The  nation,  Clay  said,  was 
"  like  the  ocean  when  convulsed  by  some  terrible 
storm."  There  was  what  he  called  a  "  rabid  appe 
tite  for  public  discussions." 


ELECTION  OF  1840  383 

Webster's  campaign  speeches  probably  marked 
the  height  of  the  splendid  and  effectual  flood  of 
eloquence  now  poured  over  the  land.  The  breeze 
of  popular  excitement,  he  said,  with  satisfactory 
magniloquence,  was  flowing  everywhere  ;  it  fanned 
the  air  in  Alabama  and  the  Carolinas ;  and  cross 
ing  the  Potomac  and  the  Alleghanies,  to  mingle 
with  the  gales  of  the  Empire  State  and  the  moun 
tain  blasts  of  New  England,  would  blow  a  perfect 
hurricane.  "  Every  breeze,"  he  declared,  "  says 
change  ;  the  cry,  the  universal  cry,  is  for  a  change." 
He  had  not,  indeed,  been  born  in  a  log  cabin,  but 
his  elder  brothers  and  sisters  had ;  he  wept  to 
think  of  those  who  had  left  it ;  and  if  he  failed  in 
affectionate  veneration  for  him  who  raised  it,  then 
might  his  name  and  the  name  of  his  posterity  be 
blotted  from  the  memory  of  mankind.  He  touched 
the  bank  question  lightly ;  he  denounced  the  sub- 
treasury  as  "  the  first  in  a  new  series  of  ruthless 
experiments,"  and  declared  that  Van  Buren's 
"  abandonment  of  the  currency  "  was  fatal.  For 
getting  who  had  supported  and  who  had  opposed 
the  continued  distribution  of  surplus  revenues 
among  the  States,  he  condemned  the  President 
for  the  low  state  of  the  treasury ;  and  notwith 
standing  it  declared  his  approval  of  a  generous 
policy  of  internal  improvements.  He  would  not 
accuse  the  President  of  seeking  to  play  the  part  of 
Caesar  or  Cromwell  because  Mr.  Poinsett,  his  sec 
retary  of  war,  had  recommended  a  federal  organi 
zation  of  militia,  the  necessity  or  convenience  of 


384  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

which,  it  was  supposed,  had  been  demonstrated  by 
the  Canadian  troubles ;  but  the  plan,  he  said,  was 
expensive,  unconstitutional,  and  dangerous  to  our 
liberties.  He  was  careful  to  say  nothing  of  slavery 
or  the  right  of  petition.  Only  in  brief  and  casual 
sentences  did  he  even  touch  the  charges  that  Van 
Buren  had  treated  political  contests  as  "  rightfully 
struggles  for  office  and  emolument,*'  and  that  fed 
eral  officers  had  been  assessed  in  proportion  to 
their  salaries  for  partisan  purposes.  The  President 
was  pictured  as  full  of  cynical  and  selfish  disre 
gard  of  the  people ;  he  had  disparaged  the  credit 
of  the  States  ;  he  had  accused  Madison,  and,  mon 
strous  sacrilege,  even  Washington,  of  corruption, 
"  I  may  forgive  this,"  Webster  slowly  said  to  the 
appalled  audience,  "  but  I  shall  not  forget  it ;  " 
such  "  abominable  violations  of  the  truth  of  his: 
tory "  filled  his  bosom  with  "  burning  scorn." 
This  was  a  highly  imaginative  allusion  to  Van 
Buren's  statement  that  the  national  bank  had  been 
originally  devised  by  the  friends  of  privileged 
orders.  Nor  need  the  South,  even  Webster  inti 
mated,  have  any  fear  of  the  Whigs  about  slavery. 
Could  the  South  believe  that  Harrison  would  "  lay 
ruthless  hands  on  the  institutions  among  which  he 
was  born  and  educated?  "  No,- indeed,  for  Wash 
ington  and  Hancock,  Virginia  and  Massachusetts, 
had  joined  their  thoughts,  their  hopes,  their  feel 
ings.  "  How  many  bones  of  Northern  men,"  he 
asked  with  majestic  pathos,  "  lie  at  Yorktown  ?  " 
Senator  Rives,  now  one  of  the  Conservatives,  said 


ELECTION    OF  1840  385 

that  Van  Buren  was  indeed  "  mild,  smooth,  affable, 
smiling ;  "  but  humility  was  "  young  and  old 
ambition's  ladder."  The  militia  project  meant 
military  usurpation.  Look  at  Cromwell,  he  said  ; 
look  at  Bonaparte.  Were  their  usurpations  not  in 
the  name  of  the  people?  Preston  of  South  Caro 
lina  said  that  Van  Buren  had  advocated  diminished 
wages  to  others ;  now  he  should  himself  receive 
diminished  wages.  Harrison  was,  he  said  "a 
Southern  man  with  Southern  principles."  As  for 
Van  Buren,  this  "  Northern  man  with  Southern 
principles,"  did  he  not  come  "  from  beyond  the 
Hudson,"  had  he  not  been  "a  friend  of  Rufus 
King,  a  Missouri  restrictionist,  a  friend  and  advo 
cate  of  free  negro  suffrage  ?  "  Clay  said  tliat  it 
was  no  time  "  to  argue  ;  "  a  rule  his  party  for  the 
moment  well  observed.  The  nation  had  already 
pronounced  upon  the  ravages  Van  Buren  had 
brought  upon  the  land,  the  general  and  wide 
spread  ruin,  the  broken  hopes.  With  the  mere 
fact  of  Harrison's  election,  "  without  reference  to 
the  measures  of  his  administration,"  he  told  the 
Virginians  at  Hanover,  "confidence  will  immedi 
ately  revive,  credit  be  restored,  active  business 
will  return,  prices  of  products  will  rise  ;  and  tlm 
people  will  feel  and  know  that,  instead  of  their 
servants  being  occupied  in  devising  measures  for 
their  ruin  and  destruction,  they  will  be  assiduously 
employed  in  promoting  their  welfare  and  pro 
sperity." 

All  this  was  far  more  glorious  than  the  brutally 


886  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

true  advice  of  the  old  man  with  a  i>road-axe  on  his 
shoulders,  whom  the  Democrats  quoted.  When 
asked  what  was  to  become  of  everybody  in  the 
heavy  distress  of  the  panic,  he  answered,  "  Damn 
the  panic !  If  you  would  all  work  as  I  do,  you 
would  have  no  panic."  The  people  no  longer 
cared  about  "  the  interested  few  who  desire  to  en 
rich  themselves  by  the  use  of  public  money."  If, 
as  the  Democrats  said,  the  interested  few  had  been 
thwarted,  an  almost  universal  poverty  had  for 
some  reason  or  other  come  with  their  defeat. 
Perhaps  the  reflecting  citizen  thought  that  he 
might  become,  if  he  were  not  already,  one  of  the 
ic  interested  few."  Nor  was  the  demagogy  all  on 
the  side  of  the  Whigs,  although  they  enjoyed  the 
more  popular  quality  of  the  quadrennial  product, 
Van  Buren  himself,  in  the  futile  fashion  of  aging 
parties  which  suppose  that  their  ancient  victories 
still  stir  the  popular  heart,  recalled  "  the  reign  of 
terror  "  of  the  elder  Adams,  and  how  the  "  Samson 
of  Democracy  burst  the  cords  which  were  already 
bound  around  its  limbs,"  how  "  a  web  more  art 
fully  contrived,  composed  of  a  high  protective 
tariff,  a  system  of  internal  improvements,  and  a, 
national  bank,  was  then  twined  around  the  sleep 
ing  giant  "  until  he  was  "  roused  by  the  warning 
voice  of  the  honest  and  intrepid  Jackson."  Har 
rison's  own  numerous  speeches  were  awkward  and 
indefinite  enough  ;  but  still  they  showed  an  hon 
est  and  sincere  man,  and  in  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
day  they  did  him  no  harm. 


ELECTION  OF   1840  387 

The  revolts  against  the  severe  party  discipline 
of  the  Democracy,  aided  by  the  popular  distress, 
were  serious.  Calhoun,  indeed,  had  returned  ;  but 
all  his  supporters  did  not  return  with  him.  The 
Southern  defection  headed  by  White  in  1886  was 
still  most  formidable,  and  was  now  reenforced  by 
the  Conservative  secession  North  and  South. 
Even  Major  Eaton  forgot  Yaii  Buran's  gallantry 
ten  years  before,  and  joined  the  enemy.  The  talk 
of  "  spoils  "  was  amply  justified  ;  but  the  abuses 
of  patronage  had  not  prevented  Jackson's  popu 
larity,  and  under  Van  Buren  they  were  far  less 
serious.  This  cry  did  not  yet  touch  the  American 
people.  The  most  serious  danger  of  "  spoils  "  still 
lay  in  the  future.  Patronage  abuses  had  injured 
the  efficiency  of  the  public  service,  but  they  had 
not  yet  begun  to  defeat  the  popular  will.  Jackson 
came  resolutely  to  Van  Bui-en's  aid  in  the  fashion 
able  letter- writing.  u  The  Rives  Conservatives, 
the  Abolitionists  and  Federalists  "  had  combined, 
the  ex-President  vivaciously  said,  to  obtain  power 
"  by  falsehood  and  slander  of  the  basest  kind  ;  " 
but  the  "  virtue  of  the  people,"  he  declared  in 
what  from  other  lips  would  have  seemed  cant, 
would  defeat  u  the  money  power."  Van  Buren's 
iiriimess  and  ability  entitled  him,  he  thought,  to  a 
rank  not  inferior  to  Jefferson  or  Madison,  while 
he  rather  unhandsomely  added  that  he  had  never 
admired  Harrison  as  a  military  man. 

The  Whig  campaign  was  highly  picturesque. 
Meetings  were  measured  by  "  acres  of  men." 


388  MARTIX  VAN   BUREN 

They  gathered  on  the  field  of  Tippecanoe.  Revo- 
lutionary  soldiers  marched  in  venerable  proces 
sions.  Wives  and  daughters  came  with  their 
husbands  and  fathers.  There  were  the  barrel  of 
cider,  the  coon-skins,  and  the  log  cabin  with  the 
live  raccoon  running  over  it  and  the  latch-string 
hung  out ;  for  Harrison  had  told  his  soldiers  when 
he  left  them,  that  never  should  his  door  be  shut, 
"  or  the  string  of  the  latch  pulled  in."  Van 
Buren  meantime,  with  an  aristocratic  sneer  upon 
his  face,  was  seated  in  an  English  carriage,  after 
feeding  himself,  from  the  famous  gold  spoons 
bought  for  the  White  House.  Harrison  was  a 
hunter  who  had  caught  a  fox  before  and  would 
again ;  one  of  the  county  processions  from  Penn 
sylvania  boasted,  "Old  Mother  Cumberland  - 
she  '11  bag  the  fox."  Illinois  would  ."  teach  the 
palace  slaves  to  respect  the  log  cabin."  "  Down 
with  the  wages,  say  the  administration."  "  Mat 
ty's  policy,  fifty  cents  a  day  and  French  soup  ; 
our  policy,  two  dollars  a  day  and  roastbeef." 
Newspapers  were  full  of  advertisements  like  this  : 
"  The  subscriber  will  pay  $5  a  hundred  for  pork 
if  Harrison  is  elected,  and  f  2.50  if  Van  Buren  is." 
But  the  songs  were  most  interesting.  The  ball, 
which  Benton  had  said  in  his  last  speech  on  the 
expunging  resolution  that  he  "  solitary  and  alone  " 
had  put  in  motion,  was  a  mine  of  similes.  They 
sang: 

"  With  heart  and  soul 
This  ball  we  roll." 


ELECTION  OF  1840  389 

"  As  rolls  the  ball, 
Van's  reign  does  fall, 
And  he  may  look 
To  Kinderhook." 

"  The  gathering  ball  is  rolling  still, 
And  still  gathering  as  it  rolls." 

Harrison's  battle  with  the  Indians  gave  the  ef 
fective  cry  of  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too."  And 
so  they  sang : 

"Farewell,  dear  Van, 
You  're  not  our  man ; 
To  guard  the  ship, 
We  '11  try  old  Tip." 

"With  Tip  and  Tyler 
We  '11  burst  Van's  biler." 

"  Old  Tip  he  wears  a  homespun  suit, 
He  has  no  ruffled  shirt  —  wirt  —  wirt  j 
But  Mat  he  has  the  golden  plate, 
And  he  's  a  little  squirt  —  wirt  —  wirt." 

When  the  election  returns  began  to  come  from 
the  August  and  September  States,  the  joyful  excite 
ment  passed  all  bounds.  Then  the  new  Whigs 
found  a  new  Lilliburlero.  To  the  tune  of  the 
"  Little  Pig's  Tail  "  they  sang : 

"  What  has  caused  this  great  commotion,  motion,  motion, 
Our  country  through  ? 
It  is  the  ball  a-rolling  on, 
For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too! 

"  And  with  them  we  '11  beat  little  Van,  Van  ; 

Van  is  a  used-up  man. 
Oh,  have  you  heard  the  news  from  Maine,  Maine,  Maine, 

All  honest  and  true  ? 
One  thousand  for  Kent  and  seven  thousand  gain 

For  Tippecanoe,"  etc. 


390  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

And  then  Joe  Hoxie  would  close  the  meetings 
by  singing  "  Up  Salt  River." 

The  result  was  pretty  plain  before  November. 
New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Virginia  voted  for  state  officers  in  the  spring.  All 
had  voted  for  Van  Buren  in  1836  ;  all  now  gave 
Whig  majorities,  except  New  Hampshire,  where 
the  Democratic  majority  was  greatly  reduced.  In 
August  North  Carolina  was  added  to  the  Whig 
column,  though  in  Missouri  and  Illinois  there  was 
little  change.  But  when  in  September  Maine, 
which  had  given  Van  Buren  nearly  eight  thousand 
majority,  and  had  since  remained  steadfast,  "  went 
hell-bent  for  Governor  Kent"  and  gave  a  slight 
Whig  majority,  the  administration's  doom  was 
sealed. 

Harrison  received  234  electoral  votes,  and  Van 
Buren  60.  New  York  gave  Harrison  13,300  votes 
more  than  Van  Buren ;  but  a  large  part  of  this 
plurality,  perhaps  all,  came  from  the  counties  on 
the  northern  and  western  borders.  Only  one 
Northern  State,  Illinois,  voted  for  Van  Buren.  Of 
the  slave  States,  five,  Virginia,  South  Carolina., 
Alabama,  Missouri,  and  Arkansas,  were  for  Van 
Buren ;  the  other  eight  for  Harrison.  There  was 
a  popular  majority  in  the  slave  States  of  about 
55,000  against  Van  Buren  in  a  total  vote  of  about 
695,000,  and  in  the  free  States,  of  about  90,000  in 
a  total  vote  of  about  1,700,000,  still  showing,  there 
fore,  his  greater  popular  strength  in  the  free  States. 
The  increase  in  the  popular  vote  was  the  most 


DEFEAT  391 

extraordinary  the  country  has  ever  known,  proving 
the  depth  and  universality  of  the  feeling.  This 
vote  had  been  about  1,500,000  in  1836  ;  it  reached 
about  2,400,000  in  1840,  an  increase  of  900,000, 
while  from  1840  to  the  Clay  canvass  of  1844  it 
increased  only  300,000.  Van  Buren,  as  a  defeated 
candidate  in  1840,  received  about  350,000  votes 
more  than  elected  him  in  1836  ;  and  the  growth  of 
population  in  the  four  years  was  probably  less,  not 
greater,  than  usual.  There  were  cries  of  "  fraud 
and  corruption "  because  of  this  enormously  in 
creased  vote,  cries  which  Benton  long  afterwards 
seriously  heeded  ;  but  there  seems  to  be  no  good 
reason  to  treat  them  otherwise  than  as  one  of  the 
many  expressions  of  Democratic  anguish. 

Van  Buren  received  the  seemingly  crushing  de 
feat  with  dignity  and  composure.  While  the  crie* 
of  "  Van,  Van,  he  's  a  used-up  man,"  were  coming 
with  some  of  the  sting  of  truth  through  the  White 
House  windows,  he  prepared  the  final  message  with 
which  he  met  Congress  in  December,  1840.  The 
year,  he  said,  had  been  one  of  "  health,  plenty, 
and  peace."  Again  he  declared  the  dangers  of  a 
national  debt,  and  the  equal  dangers  of  too  much 
money  in  the  treasury ;  for  "  practical  economy  in 
the  management  of  public  affairs,"  he  said,  "can 
have  no  adverse  influence  to  contend  with  more 
powerful  than  a  large  surplus  revenue."  Again 
he  attacked  the  national  bank  scheme.  During 
four  years  of  the  greatest  pecuniary  ernbarrass- 
wcnts  ever  known  in  time  of  peace,  with  a  decreas- 


392  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

ing  public  revenue,  with  a  formidable  opposition, 
his  administration  had  been  able  punctually  to  meet 
every  obligation  without  a  bank,  without  a  perma 
nent  national  debt,  and  without  incurring  any 
liability  which  the  ordinary  resources  of  the  gov 
ernment  would  not  speedily  discharge.  If  the 
public  service  had  been  thus  independently  sus 
tained  without  either  of  these  fruitful  sources  of 
discord,  had  we  not  a  right  to  expect  that  this 
policy  would  "  receive  the  final  sanction  of  a  people 
whose  unbiased  and  fairly  elicited  judgment  upon 
public  affairs  is  never  ultimately  wrong?  "  Again 
with  a  clear  emphasis  he  declared  against  any  at 
tempt  of  the  government  to  repair  private  losses 
sustained  in  private  business,  either  by  direct  ap 
propriations  or  by  legislation  designed  to  secure 
exclusive  privileges  to  individuals  or  .classes.  In 
the  very  last  words  of  this,  his  last  message,  he 
gave  an  account  of  his  efforts  to  suppress  the  slave 
trade,  and  to  prevent  u  the  prostitution  of  the 
American  flag  to  this  inhuman  purpose,"  asking 
Congress,  by  a  prohibition  of  the  American  trade 
which  took  supplies  to  the  slave  factories  on  the 
African  coast,  to  break  up  "those  dens  of  ini 
quity." 

The  short  session  of  Congress  was  hardly  more 
than  a  jubilee  of  the  Whigs,  happily  ignorant  of 
the  complete  chagrin  and  frustration  of  their  hopes 
which  a  few  months  would  bring.  Some  new  bank 
suspensions  occurred  in  Philadelphia,  and  among 
banks  closely  connected  with  that  city.  The  Bank 


DEFEAT  393 

of  the  United  States,  after  a  resumption  for  twenty 
clays,  succumbed  amid  its  own  loud  protestations 
of  solvency,  its  final  disgrace  and  ruin  being,  how 
ever,  deferred  a  little  longer. 

Van  Buren's  cabinet  had  somewhat  changed 
since  his  inauguration.  In  1888  his  old  friend 
and  ally,  and  one  of  the  chief  champions  of  his 
policy,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  resigned  the  office  of 
attorney-general,  but  without  any  break  political 
or  personal,  as  was  seen  in  his  fine  and  arduous 
labors  in  the  canvass  of  1840  and  in  the  Democra 
tic  convention  of  1844.  Felix  Grundy  of  Ten 
nessee  then  held  the  place  until  late  in  1839,  when 
he  resigned.  Van  Buren  offered  it,  though  with 
out  much  heartiness,  to  James  Buchanan,  who  pre 
ferred,  however,  to  retain  his-  seat  in  the  Senate ; 
and  Henry  D.  Gilpin,  another  Pennsylvania!!,  was 
appointed.  Amos  Kendall's  enormous  industry 
and  singular  equipment  of  doctrinaire  convictions, 
narrow  prejudices,  executive  ability,  and  practical 
political  skill  and  craft,  were  lost  to  the  adminis 
tration  through  the  failure  of  his  health  in  the 

O 

midst  of  the  campaign  of  1840.  In  an  address  to 
the  public  he  gave  a  curious  proof  that  for  him 
work  was  more  wearing  in  public  than  in  private 
service.  He  stated  that  as  he  was  poor  he  should 
resort  to  private  employment  suitable  to  his  health  ; 
and  that  he  proposed,  therefore,  during  the  canvass 
to  write  for  the  "  Globe  "  in  defense  of  the  Presi 
dent,  in  whose  integrity,  principles,  and  firmness  his 
confidence,  he  said,  had  increased.  In  1838,  when 


394  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

his  health  had  threatened  to  be  unequal  to  his 
work,  Van  Buren  had  offered  him  the  mission  to 
Spain,  if  it  should  become  vacant.  John  M.  Niles, 
formerly  a  Democratic  senator  from  Connecticut, 
took  Kendall's  place  in  the  post-office. 

Van  Buren  welcomed  Harrison  to  the  White 
House,  and  before  the  inauguration  entertained 
him  there  as  a  guest,  with  the  easy  and  dignified 
courtesy  so  natural  to  him,  and  in  marked  contrast 
to  the  absence  of  social  amenities  on  either  side  at 
the  great  change  twelve  years  before.  Under  Van 
Buren  indeed  the  executive  mansion  was  adminis 
tered  with  elevated  grace.  There  was  about  it, 
while  he  was  its  master,  the  unostentatious  ele 
gance  suited  to  the  dwelling  of  the  chief  magis 
trate  of  the  great  republic.  There  were  many 
flings  at  him  for  his  great  economy,  and  what  was 
called  his  parsimony  ;  but  he  was  accused  as  well 
of  undemocratic  luxury.  The  talk  seemed  never 
to  end  over  the  gold  spoons.  The  contradictory 
charges  point  out  the  truth.  Van  Buren  was  an 
eminently  prudent  man.  He  did  not  indulge  in 
the  careless  and  useless  waste  which  impoverished 
Jefferson  and  Jackson.  By  sensible  and  honorable 
economy  he  is  said  to  have  saved  one  half  of  the 
salary  of  125,000  a  year  then  paid  to  the  Presi 
dent.1  Returning  to  private  life,  he  was  spared  the 
humiliation  of  pecuniary  trouble,  which  had  dis- 

1  It  should  be  remembered  that  several  great  expenses  of  the 
White  House  were  then  and  are  now  met  by  special  and  additional 
appropriations. 


DEFEAT  395 

tressed  three  at  least  of  his  predecessors.  But 
with  his  exquisite  sense  of  propriety,  he  had  not 
failed  to  order  the  White  House  with  fitting  de 
corum  and  a  modest  state.  His  son  Abraham 
Van  Buren  was  his  private  secretary  ;  and  after 
the  latter' s  marriage,  in  November,  1838,  to  Miss 
Singleton  of  South  Carolina,  a  niece  of  Andrew 
Stevenson,  and  a  relation  of  Mrs.  Madison,  he  and 
his  wife  formed  the  presidential  family.  In  1841 
they  accompanied  the  ex-President  to  his  retire 
ment  at  Lindenwald. 

Under  Andrew  Jackson  the  social  air  of  the 
White  House  had  suffered  from  his  ill-health  and 
the  bitterness  of  his  partisanship  ;  and  in  this  re 
spect  the  change  to  his  successor  was  most  pleas 
ing.  Van  Buren  used  an  agreeable  tact  with  even 
his  strongest  opponents  ;  and  about  his  levees  and 
receptions  there  were  a  charm  and  a  grace  by  no 
means  usual  in  the  dwellings  of  American  public 
men.  He  had,  we  are  told  in  the  Recollections  of 
Sargent,  a  political  adversary  of  his,  "  the  high 
art  of  blending  dignity  with  ease  and  gravity." 
He  introduced  the  custom  of  dining  with  the  heads 
of  departments  and  foreign  ministers,  although 
with  that  exception  he  observed  the  etiquette  of 
never  being  the  guest  of  others  at  Washington. 
Judge  Story  mentions  the  "  splendid  dinner  "  given 
by  the  President  to  the  judges  in  January, '1839. 

John  Quincy  Adams's  diary  bears  unintended 
testimony  to  Van  Buren's  admirable  personal  bear 
ing  in  office.  From  the  time  he  reached  Washing- 


396  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

ton  as  secretary  of  state,  he  had  treated  Adams  in 
h^s  defeat  with  marked  distinction  and  deference, 
which  Adams,  as  he  records,  accepted  in  his  own 
house,  in  the  White  House,  and  elsewhere.  At  a 
social  party  the  President,  he  said,  "  was,  as  usual, 
courteous  to  all,  and  particularly  to  me."  Van 
Buren  had  therefore  every  reason  to  suppose  that 
there  was  between  himself  and  Adams  a  not  un- 
fri(  ndly  personal  esteem.  But  Adams,  in  his  churl 
ish,  bitter  temper,  apparently  found  in  these  wise 
and  generous  civilities  only  evidence  of  a  mean 
spoilt.  After  one  visit  at  the  White  House  during 
vhfci  height  of  the  crisis  of  1837,  he  recorded  that 
he  "bund  Van  Buren  looking,  not  wretched,  as  he 
had  been  told,  but  composed  and  tranquil.  Return 
ing  home  from  this  observation  of  the  President's 
"calmness,  his  gentleness  of  manner,  his  easy  and 
conciliatory  temper,"  this  often  unmannerly  pen 
described  besides  "his  obsequiousness,  his  syco 
phancy,  his  profound  dissimulation  and  duplicity, 
.  .  .  his  fawning  civility."  In  a  passage  which 
was  remarkable  in  that  time  of  political  bitterness 
so  largely  personal,  Clay  said,  in  his  parliamentary 
duel  with  Calhoun,  after  the  latter  rejoined  the 
Democratic  party,  that  he  remembered  Calhoun 
attributing  to  the  President  the  qualities  of  "  the 
most  crafty,  most  skulking,  and  the  meanest  of  the 
quadruped  tribe."  Saying  that  he  had  not  shared 
Calhoun's  opinion,  he  then  added  of  Van  Buren:  — 
"  I  have  always  found  him  in  his  manner  and  deport 
ment,  civil,  courteous,  and  gentlemanly ;  and  he  dis« 


DEFEAT  397 

penses  in  the  noble  mansion  which  he  now  occupies, 
one  worthy  the  residence  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  a 
great  people,  a  generous  and  liberal  hospitality.  An 
acquaintance  with  him  of  more  than  twenty  years'  dura 
tion  has  inspired  me  with  a  respect  for  the  man,  al 
though  I  regret  to  be  compelled  to  say,  I  detest  th© 
magistrate." 


CHAPTER   XI 

EX-PRESIDENT. SLAVERY.  —  TEXAS  ANNEXATION. 

DEFEAT       BY     THE       SOUTH. FREE-SOIL      CAM 
PAIGN.  —  LAST  YEARS 

VAN  BUREN  loitered  at  Washington  a  few  days 
after  his  presidency  was  over,  and  011  his  way  home 
stopped  at  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  and  New  York. 
At  New  York  he  was  finely  welcomed.  Amid 
great  crowds  he  was  taken  to  the  City  Hall  in  a 
procession  headed  by  Captain  Brown's  corps  of 
dancers  and  a  body  of  armed  firemen.  He  reached 
Kinderhook  on  May  15,  1841,  there  to  make  his 
home  until  his  death.  He  had,  after  the  seemly 
and  pleasing  fashion  of  many  men  in  American 
public  life,  lately  purchased,  near  this  village 
among  the  hills  of  Columbia  county,  the  residence 
of  William  P.  Van  Ness,  where  Irving  had  thirty 
years  before  lived  in  seclusion  after  the  death  of 
his  betrothed,  and  had  put  the  last  touches  to  his 
Knickerbocker.  It  was  an  old  estate,  whose  lands 
had  been  rented  for  twenty  years  and  under  culti 
vation  for  a  hundred  and  sixty,  and  from  which 
Van  Buren  now  managed  to  secure  a  profit.  To 
this  seat  he  gave  the  name  of  Linden wald,  a  name 
which  in  secret  he  probably  hoped  the  American 


EX-PRESIDENT  399 

people  would  come  to  group  with  Monticello,  Mont- 
pellier,  and  the  Hermitage.  But  this  could  not  be. 
Van  Buren  had  served  but  half  the  presidential 
term  of  honor.  He  was  not  a  sage,  but  still  a  can 
didate  for  the  presidency.  Before  the  electoral 
votes  were  counted  in  1841,  Benton  declared  for 
his  renomination  in  1844 ;  and  until  the  latter 
year  he  again  held  the  interesting  and  powerful 
but  critical  place  of  the  probable  candidate  of  his 
party  for  the  presidency.  He  remained  easily  the 
chief  figure  in  the  Democratic  ranks.  His  defeat 
had  not  taken  from  him  that  honor  which  is  the 
property  of  the  statesman  standing  for  a  cause 
whose  righteousness  and  promise  belong  to  the 
assured  future.  His  defeat  signified  no  personal, 
tio  political  fault.  It  had  come  to  him  from  a  wide 
spread  convulsion  for  which,  perhaps  less  than  any 
threat  American  of  his  time,  he  was  responsible. 
His  party  could  not  abandon  its  battle  for  a  limited 
and  non-paternal  government  and  against  the  use 
of  public  moneys  by  private  persons.  It  could 
not  therefore  abandon  him ;  for  more  than  any 
other  man  who  had  not  now  finally  retired  he 
represented  these  causes  in  his  own  person.  But 
his  easy  composure  of  manner  did  not  altogether 
hide  that  eating  and  restless  anxiety  which  so  often 
attends  the  supreme  ambition  of  the  American. 

Two  days  after  leaving  the  White  House,  Van 
Buren  said,  in  reply  to  complimentary  resolutions 
of  the  legislature  of  Missouri,  that  he  did  not  ut 
terly  lament  the  bitter  attacks  upon  him  ;  for  expe« 


400  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

rience  had  taught  him  that  few  political  men  were 
praised  by  their  foes  until  they  were  about  aban 
doning  their  friends.  With  a  pleasing  frankness  he 
admitted  that  to  be  worthy  of  the  presidency  and 
to  reach  it  had  been  the  object  of  his  "  most  earnest 
desire;  "  but  he  said  that  the  selection  of  the  next 
Democratic  candidate  must  be  decided  by  its  pro 
bable  effect  upon  the  principles  for  which  they  had 
just  fought,  and  not  upon  any  supposition  that  he 
had  been  wounded  or  embittered  by  his  defeat 
in  their  defense.  His  description  of  a  candidate 
meant  himself,  however,  and  rightly  enough.  In 
November,  1841,  he  wrote  of  the  "  apparent  suc 
cess  of  last  year's  buffoonery ; "  and  intimated 
that,  though  he  would  take  no  step  to  be  a  candi 
date,  it  was  not  true  that  he  had  said  he  should 
decline  a  nomination. 

Early  in  1842,  the  ex-President  made  a  trip 
through  the  South,  in  company  with  James  K. 
Paulding,  visiting  on  his  return  Clay  at  Ashland, 
and  Jackson  at  the  Hermitage.  He  was  one  of 
the  very  few  men  on  personally  friendly  terms  with 
both  those  long-time  enemies.  At  Ashland,  doubt 
less,  Texas  was  talked  over,  even  if  a  bargain  were 
not  made,  as  has  been  fancied,  that  Clay  and  Van 
Buren  should  remove  the  troublesome  question  from 
politics.  In  a  fashion  very  different  from  that  of 
modern  candidates,  he  now  wrote,  from  time  to 
time,  able,  long,  and  explicit,  but  somewhat  tedious 
letters  on  political  questions.  In  one  of  them  he 
touched  protection  more  clearly  than  ever  before. 


EX-PRESIDENT  401 

He  favored,  he  said  in  February,  1843,  a  tariff  for 
revenue  only  ;  the  "  incidental  protection  "  which 
that  must  give  many  American  manufacturers  was 
all  the  protection  which  should  be  permitted  ;  the 
mechanics  and  laborers  had  been  the  chief  sufferers 
from  a  "high  protective  tariff."  He  was  at  last 
and  definitely  "  a  low  tariff  man."  He  declared 
that  he  should  support  the  Democratic  candidate 
of  1844 ;  for  he  believed  it  to  be  impossible  that  a 
selection  from  that  source  should  not  accord  with 
his  views.  He  did  not  perhaps  realize  to  how 
extreme  a  test  his  sincerity  would  be  put.  He 
added  words  which  four  years  later  read  strangely 
enough.  "  My  name  and  pretensions,"  he  said, 
"  however  subordinate  in  importance,  shall  never 
be  at  the  disposal  of  any  person  whatever,  for  the 
purpose  of  creating  distractions  or  divisions  in  the 
Democratic  party." 

The  party  was  indeed  known  as  the  "  Van  Buren 
party  "  until  1844,  so  nearly  universal  was  the 
supposition  that  he  was  to  be  renominated,  and  so 
plainly  was  he  its  leader.  The  disasters  which 
had  now  overtaken  the  Whigs  made  his  return  to 
power  seem  probable  enough.  The  utterly  incon 
gruous  elements  held  together  during  the  sharp 
discontent  and  wonderful  but  inarticulate  enthusi 
asm  of  1840  had  quickly  fallen  apart.  While  on 
his  way  to  Kinderhook  Van  Buren  was  the  chief 
figure  in  the  obsequies  at  New  York  of  his  success 
ful  competitor.  This  honest  man,  of  whom  John 
Quincy  Adams  said,  with  his  usual  savage  exagge* 


402  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

ration,  that  his  dull  sayings  were  repeated  for  wit 
and  his  grave  inanity  passed  off  for  wisdom,  had 
already  quarreled  with  the  splendid  leader  whose 
place  he  was  too  conscious  of  usurping.  Tyler's 
accession  was  the  first,  but  not  the  last  illustration,, 
which  American  politicians  have  had  of  the  danger 
of  securing  the  presidency  by  an  award  of  the 
second  place  to  a  known  opponent  of  the  principles 
whose  success  they  seek.  Tyler  had  not  before  his 
nomination  concealed  his  narrow  and  Democratic 
views  of  government.  The  Whigs  had  ostenta 
tiously  refused  to  declare  any  principles  when  they 
nominated  him.  In  technical  conscientiousness  he 
marched  with  a  step  by  no  means  cowardly  to  un- 
honored  political  isolation,  as  a  quarter  of  a  century 
later  marched  another  vice-president  nominated  b> 
a  party  in  whose  ranks  he  too  was  a  new  recruit. 

Upon  Tyler's  veto  of  the  bill  for  a  national  bank, 
an  outcry  of  agony  went  up  from  the  Whigs  ;  the 
whole  cabinet,  except  Webster,  resigned ;  a  new 
cabinet  was  formed,  partly  from  the  Conservatives  ; 
and  by  1844,  Tyler  was  a  forlorn  candidate  for  the 
Democratic  nomination,  which  he  claimed  for  his 
support  of  the  annexation  of  Texas. 

Upon  this  first  of  the  great  pro-slavery  move- 
ments  Van  Buren  was  defeated  for  the  Democratic 
nomination  in  1844,  although  it  seemed  assured  to 
him  by  every  consideration  of  party  loyalty,  obliga 
tion,  and  wise  foresight.  The  relations  of  govern 
ment  to  private  business  ceased  to  be  the  dominant 
political  question  a  few  months  and  only  a  few 


EX-PRESIDENT  403 

months  too  soon  to  enable  Van  Buren  to  complete 
his  eight  years.  Slavery  arose  in  place  of  economics. 
No  mistake  is  more  common  in  the  review  of 
American  history  than  to  suppose  that  slavery  was 
an  active  or  definite  force  in  organized  American 
politics  after  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  before 
the  struggle  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  under 
Tyler's  administration.  The  appeals  of  the  aboli 
tionists  to  the  simpler  and  deeper  feelings  of  hu  • 
manity  were  indeed  at  work  before  1835 ;  and 
from  that  year  on  they  were  profoundly  stirring 
the  American  conscience  and  storing  up  tremen 
dous  moral  energy.  But  slavery  was  not  in  parti 
san  politics.  In  1836  and  1840  there  was  upoi> 
slavery  no  real  difference  between  the  utterances 
of  the  candidates  and  other  leaders,  Whig  and 
Democratic,  whether  North  or  South.  Van  Buren 
was  supported  by  many  abolitionists ;  the  pro- 
foundest  distrust  of  him  Was  at  the  South.  Upon 
no  question  touching  slavery  with  which  the  presi 
dent  could  have  concern,  did  his  opinions  or  his  ut 
terances  differ  from  those  of  John  Quincy  Adams. 
Clay  said  in  November,  1838,  that  the  abolitionists 
denounced  him  as  a  slaveholder  and  the  slavehold 
ers  denounced  him  as  an  abolitionist,  while  both 
united  on  Van  Buren.  The  charge  of  truckling 
to  the  South,  traditionally  made  against  Van  Buren, 
is  justified  by  no  utterance  or  act  different  from 
those  made  by  all  American  public  men  of  distinc 
tion  at  the  time,  except  perhaps  in  two  instances,  — 
his  vote  as  vice-president  for  Kendall's  bill  against 


404  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

sending  inflammatory  abolition  circulars  through 
the  post-office  to  States  which  prohibited  their  cir 
culation,  and  his  approval  of  the  rules  in  the  Senate 
and  House  for  tabling  or  refusing  abolition  peti 
tions  without  reading  them.  But  neither  of  these, 
as  has  been  shown,  was  a  decisive  test.  In  the 
first  case  he  met  a  political  trick  ;  and  for  his  vote 
there  was  justly  much  to  be  said  on  the  reason  of 
the  thing,  apart  from  Southern  wishes.  As  late  as 
1848,  Webster,  in  criticising  Van  Buren's  incon 
sistency,  would  say  no  more  of  the  law  than  that 
it  was  one  "  of  very  doubtful  propriety  ; "  and  de 
clared  that  he  himself  should  agree  to  legislation 
by  Congress  to  protect  the  South  "  from  incite 
ments  to  insurrection."  In  the  second  case  Van 
Buren's  position  in  public  life  might  of  itself  prop 
erly  restrain  him  from  acquiescing  in  an  agitation 
in  Congress  for  measures  which,  with  all  responsi 
ble  public  men,  Adams  included,  he  believed  Con 
gress  ought  not  to  pass. 

The  Democratic  convention  was  to  meet  in  May, 
1844.  The  delegates  had  been  very  generally  in 
structed  for  Van  Buren  ;  and  two  months  before 
it  assembled  his  nomination  seemed  beyond  doubt. 
But  the  slave  States  were  now  fired  with  a  bar 
barous  enthusiasm  to  extend  slavery  by  annex 
ing  Texas.  To  this  Van  Buren  was  supposed  to 
be  hostile.  His  Southern  opponents,  in  February, 
1843,  skillfully  procured  from  Jackson,  innocent  of 
the  plan,  a  strong  letter  in  favor  of  the  annexation, 
to  be  used,  it  was  said,  just  before  the  convention, 


DEFEAT  BY  THE  SOUTH  405 

"  to  blow  Van  out  of  water."  The  letter  was  first 
published  in  March,  1844.  Van  Buren  was  at 
once  put  to  a  crucial  test.  His  administration  had 
been  adverse  to  annexation;  his  opinion  was  still 
adverse.  But  a  large,  and  not  improbably  a  con 
trolling  section  of  his  party,  aided  by  Jackson's 
wonderful  prestige,  deemed  it  the  most  important 
of  political  causes.  Van  Buren  was,  according  to 
the  plan,  explicitly  asked  by  a  Southern  delegate 
to  state,  with  distinct  reference  to  the  action  of 
the  convention,  what  were  his  opinions. 

The  ex-President  deeply  desired  the  nomination  ; 
and  the  nomination  seemed  conditioned  upon  his 
surrender.  It  was  at  least  assured  if  he  now  gave 
no  offense  to  the  South.  But  he  did  not  flinch. 
He  resorted  to  no  safe  generalizations.  His  views 
upon  the  annexation  were,  he  admitted,  different 
from  those  of  many  friends,  political  and  perso 
nal  ;  but  in  1837  his  administration  after  a  careful 
consideration  had  decided  against  annexation  of  the 
State  whose  independence  had  lately  been  recog 
nized  by  the  United  States ;  the  situation  had  not 
changed  ;  immediate  annexation  would  place  a  wea 
pon  in  the  hands  of  those  who  looked  upon  Amerir 
cans  and  American  institutions  with  distrustful  and 
envious  eyes,  and  would  do  us  far  more  real  and 
lasting  injury  than  the  new  territory,  however  val 
uable,  could  repair.  He  intimated  that  there  was 
jobbery  in  some  of  the  enthusiasm  for  the  annex 
ation.  The  argument  that  England  might  acquire 
Texas  was  without  force ;  when  England  sought 


406  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

in  Texas  more  than  the  usual  commercial  favors,  it 
would  be  time  for  the  United  States  to  interfere. 
He  was  aware,  he  said,  of  the  hazard  to  which  he 
exposed  his  standing  with  his  Southern  fellow-citi 
zens,  "of  whom  it  was  aptly  and  appropriately 
said  by  one  of  their  own  number  that  '  they  are  the 
children  of  the  sun  and  partake  of  its  warmth.'  " 
But  whether  we  stand  or  fall,  he  said,  it  is  always 
true  wisdom  as  well  as  true  morality  to  hold  fast 
to  the  truth.  If  to  nourish  enthusiasm  were  one  of 
the  effects  of  a  genial  climate,  it  seldom  failed  to 
give  birth  to  a  chivalrous  spirit.  To  preserve  our 
national  escutcheon  untarnished  had  always  been 
the  unceasing  solicitude  of  Southern  statesmen. 
The  only  tempering  he  gave  his  refusal  was  to  say 
that  if,  after  the  subject  had  been  fully  discussed, 
a  Congress  chosen  with  reference  to  the  question 
showed  the  popular  will  to  favor  it,  he  would  yield.1 

1  I  must  again  complain  of  the  curious  though  unintended  un 
fairness  of  Professor  Von  Hoist  (Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  1828- 
1846,  Chicago,  1879,  p.  663).  He  treats  this  letter  with  great 
contempt.  He  assumes  indeed  that  Van  Buren's  declaration 
for  annexation  would  have  given  him  the  nomination ;  and  admits 
that  Van  Buren  declared  himself  "decidedly  opposed  to  annexa 
tion."  After  this  sufficient  proof  of  courage,  for  Van  Buren 
could  at  least  have  simply  promised  to  adopt  the  vote  of  Congress 
on  the  main  question,  it  was  not  very  sensible  to  declare  ''  disgust 
ing  "  Van  Buren's  efforts  ''to  creep  through  the  thorny  hedge 
which  shut  him  off  from  the  party  nomination."  Professor  Von 
Hoist's  "  disgust  "  seems  particularly  directed  against  the  pas 
sage  here  annotated  where,  after  his  strong  argument  against 
annexation,  he  declared  that  he  would  not  be  influenced  by  sec 
tional  feeling,  and  would  obey  the  wishes  of  a  Congress  chosen 
with  reference  to  the  question.  Few,  I  think,  will  consider  this 


DEFEAT  BY   THE   SOUTH  407 

Van  Buren  thus  closed  his  letter :  "  Nor  can  I  in 
any  extremity  be  induced  to  cast  a  shade  over 
the  motives  of  my  past  life,  by  changes  or  conceal 
ments  of  opinions  maturely  formed  upon  a  great 
national  question,  for  the  unworthy  purpose  of  in 
creasing  my  chances  for  political  promotion." 

To  a  presidential  candidate  the  eve  of  a  national 
convention  is  dim  with  the  self-deceiving  twilight 
of  sophistry  ;  and  the  twilight  deepens  when  a  ques 
tion  is  put  upon  which  there  is  a  division  among 
those  who  are,  or  who  may  be,  his  supporters.  He 
can  keep  silence,  he  can  procure  the  questioning 
friend  to  withdraw  the  troublesome  inquiry;  he 
can  ignore  the  question  from  an  enemy ;  he  can 
affect  an  enigmatical  dignity.  Van  Buren  did 
neither  of  these.  His  Texas  letter  was  one  of  the 
finest  and  bravest  pieces  of  political  courage,  and 
deserves  from  Americans  a  long  admiration. 

The  danger  of  Van  Buren's  difference  with  Jack 
son  it  was  sought  to  avert.  Butler  visited  Jackson 
at  the  Hermitage,  and  doubtless  showed  him  for 
what  a  sinister  end  he  had  been  used.  Jackson 
did  not  withdraw  his  approval  of  annexation ;  but 
publicly  declared  his  regard  for  Van  Buren  to  be 
so  great,  his  confidence  in  Van  Buren's  love  of 
country  to  be  so  strengthened  by  long  intimacy, 
that  no  difference  about  Texas  could  change  his 

promise  with  reference  to  such  a  question,  either  cowardly  or 
"disgusting1,"  made,  as  it  was,  by  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
of  a  democratic  republic,  after  clearly  and  firmly  declaring  his 
own  views  in  advance  of  the  congrsssional  elections. 


408  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

opinions.  Van  Buren's  nomination  was  again 
widely  supposed  to  be  assured.  But  the  work  of 
Calhoun  and  Robert  J.  Walker  had  been  too  well 
done.  The  convention  met  at  Baltimore  on  May 
27,  1844.  George  Bancroft  headed  the  delegation 
from  Massachusetts.  Before  the  Rev.  Dr.  Johns 
had  "  fervently  addressed  the  Throne  of  Grace  " 
or  the  Rev.  Mr.  McJilton  had  "read  a  scrip 
ture  lesson,"  the  real  contest  took  place  over  the 
adoption  of  the  rule  requiring  a  two  thirds  vote 
for  a  nomination.  For  it  was  through  this  rule 
that  enough  Southern  members,  chosen  before  Van 
Buren's  letter  as  they  had  been,  were  to  escape 
obedience  to  their  instructions  to  vote  for  him. 
Robert  J.  Walker,  then  a  senator  from  Mississippi, 
a  man  of  interesting  history  and  large  ability,  led 
the  Southerners.  He  quoted  the  precedent  of  1832, 
when  Van  Buren  had  been  nominated  for  the  vice- 
presidency  under  the  two  thirds  rule,  and  that  of 
1835,  when  he  had  been  nominated  for  the  presi 
dency.  These  nominations  had  led  to  victory.  In 
1840  the  rule  had  not  been  adopted.  Without 
this  rule,  he  said  amid  angry  excitement,  the  party 
would  yield  to  those  whose  motto  seemed  to  be 
u  rule  or  ruin."  Bntler,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  and 
Marcus  Morton  led  the  Northern  ranks.  Butler 
regretted  that  any  member  should  condescend  to 
the  allusion  to  1840.  That  year,  lie  said,  had  been 
a  debauchery  of  the  nation's  reason  amid  log  cabins, 
hard  cider,  and  coon-skins ;  and  in  an  ecstasy  of 
painful  excitement  at  the  recollection  and  amid  a 


DEFEAT  BY  THE  SOUTH  409 

tremendous  burst  of  applause  "  he  leaped  from  the 
floor  and  stamped  .  .  .  as  if  treading  beneath  his 
feet  the  object  of  his  loathing."  The  true  Demo 
cratic  rule,  he  continued,  required  the  minority  to 
submit  to  the  majority.  Morton  said  that  under 
the  majority  rule  Jefferson  had  been  nominated ; 
that  rule  had  governed  state,  county,  and  township 
conventions.  Butler  admitted  that  under  the  rule 
Van  Bureii  would  not  be  nominated,  although  a 
majority  of  the  convention  was  known  to  be  for 
him.  In  1832  and  1835  the  two  thirds  rule  had 
prevailed  because  it  was  certainly  known  who  would 
be  nominated  ;  and  the  rule  operated  to  aid  not  to 
defeat  the  majority.  If  the  rule  were  adopted,  it 
would  be  by  the  votes  of  States  which  were  not 
Democratic,  and  would  bring  "  dismemberment  and 
final  breaking  up  of  the  party."  Walker  laughed 
at  Butler's  "  tall  vaulting"  from  the  floor;  and, 
refusing  to  shrink  from  the  Van  Buren  issue,  he 
protested  against  New  York  dictation,  and  warn- 
ingly  said  that,  if  Van  Buren  were  nominated, 
Clay  would  be  elected.  After  the  convention  had 
received  with  enthusiasm  a  floral  gift  from  a  Demo 
cratic  lady  whom  the  President  declared  to  be 
fairer  than  the  flowers,  the  vote  was  taken.  The 
two  thirds  rule  was  adopted  by  148  to  118.  All 
the  negatives  were  Northerners,  except  14  from 
Missouri,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina.  Fifty- 
eight  true  u  Northern  men  with  Southern  princi 
ples  "  joined  ninety  Southerners  in  the  affirmative. 
It  was  really  a  vote  011  Van  Buren, —  or  rather 


410  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

upon  the  annexation  of  Texas,  —  or  rather  stin. 
upon  the  extension  of  American  slave  territory.  It 
was  the  first  battie,  a  sort  of  Bull  Hun,  in  the  last 
and  great  political  campaign  between  the  interests 
of  slavery  and  those  of  freedom. 

On  the  first  ballot  for  the  candidate,  Van  Bureii 
had  146  votes,  13  more  than  a  majority.  If  after 
the  vote  on  the  two  thirds  rule  anything  more  were 
required  to  show  that  some  of  these  votes  were 
given  in  mere  formal  obedience  to  instructions,  the 
second  ballot  brought  the  proof.  Van  Buren  then 
sank  to  127,  less  than  a  majority ;  and  on  the 
seventh  ballot  to  99.  A  motion  was  made  to  de 
clare  him  the  nominee  as  the  choice  of  a  majority 
of  the  convention  ;  and  there  followed  a  scene  of 
fury,  the  President  bawling  for  order  amid  savage 
taunts  between  North  and  South,  and  bitter  de 
nunciations  of  the  treachery  of  some  of  those  who 
had  pledged  themselves  for  Van  Buren.  Samuel 
Young  of  New  York  declared  the  "  abominable 
Texas  question  "  to  be  the  fire-brand  thrown  among 
them  by  the  "  mongrel  administration  at  Washing 
ton,"  whose  hero  was  now  doubtless  fiddling  while 
Rome  was  burning.  Nero  seems  to  have  been  Cal- 
houn,  though  between  the  god-like  young  devil  of 
antiquity  wreathed  with  sensual  frenzy  and  infamj7', 
and  the  solemn,  even  saturnine  figure  of  the  great 
modern  advocate  of  human  slavery,  the  likeness 
seemed  rather  slight.  ^The  motion  was  declared 
out  of  order  ;  and  the  name  of  James  K.  Polk  was 
presented  as  that  of  "  a  pure  whole-hogged  Demo- 


DEFEAT  BY  THE  SOUTH  411 

crat."  On  the  eighth  ballot  he  had  44  votes.  Then 
followed  the  magnanimous  scene  of  "  union  and 

O 

harmony "  which  has  so  often,  after  a  conflict, 
charmed  a  political  body  into  unworthy  surrender. 
The  great  delegation  from  New  York  retired  during 
the  ninth  balloting ;  and  returned  to  a  convention 
profoundly  silent  but  thrilling  with  that  bastard 
sense  of  coming  glory  in  which  a  lately  tumultuous 
and  quarreling  body  waits  the  solution  of  its  diffi 
culties  already  known  to  be  reached  but  not  yet 
declared.  Butler  quoted  a  letter  which  Van  Buren 
had  given  him  authorizing  the  withdrawal  of  his 
name  if  it  were  necessary  for  harmony;  he  eulo- 
gi/ed  Polk  as  a  strict  constructionist,  and  closed 
by  reading  a  letter  from  Jackson  fervently  urging 
Van  Bnren's  nomination.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson 
said  that  u  he  loved  this  convention  because  it  had 
acted  so  like  the  masses,"  and  cast  New  York's  35 
votes  for  Polk.  The  latter's  nomination  was  de 
clared  with  the  utmost  joy,  and  sent  to  Washing-* 
ton  over  Morse's  first  telegraph  line,  just  completed. 
Silas  Wright  of  New  York,  Van  Buren's  strong 
friend  and  a  known  opponent  of  annexation,  was, 
in  the  fashion  since  followed,  noriiinated  for  the 
vice-presidency,  to  soothe  the  feelings  and  the  con 
science  of  the  defeated.  Wright  peremptorily  tele 
graphed  his  refusal.  He  told  his  friends  that  he 
did  "  not  choose  to  ride  behind  on  the  black  pony." 
George  M.  Dallas  of  Pennsylvania  took  his  place. 

The    Democratic    party   now    threw   away   all 
advantage   of  the   issue   made  by  the   undeserved 


412  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

defeat  four  years  before.  Thirty-six  years  later  it 
repeated  the  blunder  in  discarding  Van  Buren's 
famous  neighbor  and  disciple.  Folk's  was  the 
first  nomination  by  the  party  of  a  man  of  the 
second  or  of  even  a  lower  rank.  Polk  was  known 
to  have  ability  inferior  not  only  to  that  of  Van 
Buren  and  Calhotm,  but  to  Cass,  Buchanan, 
Wright,  and  others.  He  was  the  first  presiden 
tial  "dark  horse,"  and  indeed  hardly  that.  His 
own  State  of  Tennessee  had,  by  resolution,  pre 
sented  him  as  its  choice  for  vice-president  with 
Van  Buren  in  the  first  place.  He  had  been 
speaker  of  the  national  House,  and  later,  governor 
of  his  State  ;  but  since  holding  these  places  had 
been  twice  defeated  for  governor.  In  accepting 
the  nomination  he  declared,  with  an  apparent 
fling  at  Van  Buren,  that,  if  elected,  he  should  not 
accept  a  renomination,  and  should  thus  enable  the 
party  in  1848  to  make  "  a  free  selection." 

The  nomination  aroused  disgust  enough.  'k  Polk  ! 
Great  God,  what  a  nomination !  "  Letcher,  the 
Whig  governor  of  Kentucky,  wrote  to  Buchanan. 
But  the  experiment  of  1840  with  the  Whigs  had 
been  disastrous ;  the  people  had  swung  back  to 
the  strict  doctrines  of  the  Democracy.  Van  Bu 
ren  faithfully  kept  his  promise  to  support  the 
nomination  ;  under  his  urgency  Wright  finally  ac 
cepted  the  nomination  for  governor  of  New  York. 
And  by  the  vote  of  New  York  Henry  Clay  was 
defeated  by  a  man  vastly  his  inferior.  Polk  had 
5000  plurality  in  that  State ;  but  Wright  had 


DEFEAT  BY  THE  SOUTH  413 

10,000.  Had  not  James  G.  Birney,  the  aboli 
tionist  candidate  who  polled  there  15,812  votes, 
been  in  the  field,  not  even  Van  Buren's  party 
loyalty  would  have  prevented  Clay's  election. 
Van  Buren's  friends  saved  the  State ;  but  in  do 
ing  so  voted  for  annexation.  In  April,  1844, 
Clay  had  written  a  letter  against  annexation.  As 
it  appeared  within  a  few  days  of  Van  Buren's 
letter,  and  as  the  personal  relations  between  the 
two  great  party  leaders  were  most  friendly,  some 
have  inferred  an  arrangement  between  them  to 
take  the  question  out  of  politics.  This  would  in 
deed  have  been  an  extraordinary  occurrence.  One 
might  well  wish  to  have  overheard  a  negotiation 
between  two  rivals  for  the  presidency  to  exclude 
a  great  question  distasteful  to  both.  After  the 
Democratic  convention,  Tyler's  treaty  of  annexa 
tion  was  rejected  in  the  Senate  by  35  to  16,  six 
Democrats  from  the  North,  among  them  Wright 
of  New  York  .and  Ben  ton  of  Missouri,  voting 
against  it.  During  the  campaign  Clay  had 
weakly  abandoned  even  the  mild  emphasis  of  his 
first  opposition,  and  by  flings  at  the  abolitionists 
had  openly  bid  for  the  pro-slavery  vote  ;  thus  per 
haps  losing  enough  votes  in  New  York  to  Birney 
to  defeat  him.  After  the  election  the  current  for 
annexation  seemed  too  strong ;  and  a  resolution 
passed  both  Houses  authorizing  the  admission  of 
Texas  as  a  State.  The  resolution  provided  for  the 
formation  of  four  additional  States  out  of  Texas, 
lu  any  such  additional  State  formed  north  of  the 


114  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

Missouri  compromise  line,  slavery  was  to  be  pro. 
hibited ;  but  in  those  south  of  it  slavery  was  to  be 
permitted  or  prohibited  as  the  inhabitants  might 
choose. 

Slavery  was  now  clearly  before  the  political 
conscience  of  the  nation.  Van  Buren  was  the 
conspicuous  victim  of  the  first  encounter.  The 
Baltimore  convention  had  in  its  platform  compli 
mented  "  their  illustrious  fellow-citizen,"  "  his  in 
flexible  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,"  his  "  ability, 
integrity,  and  firmness,"  and  had  tendered  to  him, 
"  in  honorable  retirement,"  the  assurance  of  the 
deeply-seated  "  confidence,  affection,  and  respect 
of  the  American  Democracy."  This  sentence  to 
"  honorable  retirement "  Van  Buren,  who  was 
only  in  his  sixty-second  year  and  in  the  amplitude 
of  his  natural  powers,  received  with  outward  com 
placency.  On  the  eve  of  the  election  he  pointed 
out,  probably  referring  to  Cass,  that  the  hostility 
to  him  had  not  been  in  the  interest  of  Polk,  and 
warmly  said  that,  unless  the  Democratic  creed 
were  a  delusion,  personal  feelings  ought  to  be 
turned  to  nothing.  Van  Buren  was,  however, 
profoundly  affected  by  what  he  deemed  the  unde 
served  Southern  hostility  to  himself.  For  lie  hardly 
yet  appreciated  that  his  defeat  was  politically  legit 
imate,  and  not  the  result  of  political  treachery  or 
envy.  Between  him  and  the  Southern  politicians 
had  opened  a  true  and  deep  division  over  the 
greatest  single  question  in  American  politics  since 
Jefferson's  election. 


SLAVERY  IN  POLITICS  415 

With  Folk's  accession  and  the  Mexican  war, 
the  schism  in  the  Democratic  ranks  ovei  the  exten 
sion  of  American  slave  territory  became  plainer. 
Even  during  the  canvass  of  1844  a  circular  had 
been  issued  by  William  Cullen  Bryant,  David 
Dudley  Field,  John  W.  Edmonds,  and  other  Van 
Buren  men,  supporting  Polk,  but  urging  the  choice 
of  congressmen  opposed  to  annexation.  Early  in 
the  new  administration  the  division  of  New  York 
Democrats  into  "  Barnburners  "  and  "  Old  Hunk 
ers  "  appeared.  The  former  were  the  strong  pro- 
Van  Buren,  anti-Texas  men,  or  "  radical  Demo 
crats,"  who  were  likened  to  the  farmer  who  burned 
his  barn  to  clear  it  of  rats.  The  latter  were  the 
"  Northern  men  with  Southern  principles,"  the 
supporters  of  annexation,  and  the  respectable,  dull 
men  of  easy  consciences,  who  were  said  to  hanker 
after  the  offices.  The  Barnburners  were  led  by 
men  of  really  eminent  ability  and  exalted  charac 
ter  :  Silas  Wright,  then  governor,  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  John  A.  Dix,  chosen  in  1845  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  the  famous  comp 
troller,  and  John  Van  Buren,  the  ex-President's 
son,  and  a  singularly  picturesque  figure  in  politics, 
who  was,  in  1845,  made  attorney-general  by  the 
legislature.  He  had  been  familiarly  called  "  Prince 
John  "  since  his  travels  abroad  during  his  father's 
presidency.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  and  William  L. 
Marcy  were  the  chief  figures  in  the  Hunker  ranks. 
Polk  seemed  inclined,  at  the  beginning,  to  favor 
or  at  least  to  placate,  the  Barnburners.  He  offered 


416  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

the  Treasury  to  Wright,  though  he  is  said  to  have 
known  that  Wright  could  not  leare  the  governor 
ship.  He  offered  Butler  the  War  Department,  but 
the  latter's  devotion  to  his  profession,  for  which  he 
had  resigned  the  attorney-general's  place  in  Van 
Buren's  cabinet,  made  him  prefer  the  freedom  of 
the  United  States  attorneyship  at  New  York,  and 
Marcy  was  finally  given  the  New  York  place 
in  the  cabinet.  Jackson's  death  in  June,  1845, 
deprived  the  Van  Buren  men  of  the  tremendous 
moral  weight  which  his  name  carried,  and  which 
might  have  daunted  Polk.  It  perhaps  also  helped 
to  loosen  the  weight  of  party  ties  on  the  Van  Bu 
ren  men.  After  this  the  schism  rapidly  grew.  In 
the  fall  election  of  1845  the  Barnburners  pretty 
thoroughly  controlled  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
State  in  hostility  to  the  Mexican  war,  which  the 
annexation  of  Texas  had  now  brought.  Samuel  J. 
Tilden  of  Columbia  county,  and  a  profound  ad 
mirer  of  Van  Buren,  became  one  of  their  younger 
leaders. 

Now  arose  the  strife  over  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso," 
in  which  was  embodied  the  opposition  to  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery  into  new  Territories.  Upon  this 
proviso  the  modern  Republican  party  was  formed 
eight  years  later;  upon  it,  fourteen  years  later, 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  chosen  president ;  and  upon 
it  began  the  war  for  the  Union,  out  of  whose  throes 
came  the  vastly  grander  and  unsought  beneficence 
of  complete  emancipation.  David  Wilmot  was  a 
Pemocratic  member  of  Congress  from  PennsyL 


THE  BARNBURNERS  417 

vania  j  in  New  York  he  would  have  been  a,  Barn 
burner.  In  1846  a  bill  was  pending  to  appropriate 
82,000,000  for  use  by  the  President  in  a  purchase 
of  territory  from  Mexico  as  part  of  a  peace.  Wil- 
anot  proposed  an  amendment  that  slavery  should 
be  excluded  from  any  territory  so  acquired.  All 
the  Democratic  members,  as  well  as  the  Whigs 
from  New  York,  and  most  strongly  the  Van  Buren 
or  Wright  men,  supported  the  proviso.  The  Dem 
ocratic  legislature  approved  it  by  the  votes  of  the 
Whigs  with  the  Barnburners  and  the  Soft  Hunk 
ers,  the  latter  being  Hunkers  less  friendly  to  sla 
very.  It  passed  the  House  at  Washington,  but 
was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  not  so  quickly  open  to 
popular  sentiment.  In  the  Democratic  convention 
or  New  York,  in  October,  1846,  the  "  war  for  the 
extension  of  slavery"  was  charged  by  the  Barn 
burners  on  the  Hunkers.  The  former  were  vic 
torious,  and  Silas  Wright  was  renominated  for 
governor,  to  be  defeated,  however,  at  the  election. 
Polk,  Marcy,  and  Dickinson,  angered  at  the  Demo 
cratic  opposition  in  New  York  to  the  pro-slavery 
Mexican  policy,  now  threw  all  the  weight  of  fed 
eral  patronage  against  the  Barnburners,  many  of 
whom  believed  the  administration  to  have  been 
responsible  for  Wright's  defeat.  Van  Buren  and 
his  influence  were  completely  separated  from  the 
national  administration.  Just  before  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress  in  1847,  the  appropriation  to 
secure  territory  from  Mexico  was  again  proposed. 
Again  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  added  in  the 


418  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

House ;  again  it  was  rejected  in  the  Senate,  to  tlie 
defeat  of  the  appropriation  ;  and  again  Barnburn 
ers  and  Whigs  carried  in  the  New  York  legislature 
a  resolution  approving  it,  and  directing  the  New 
York  senators  to  support  it. 

The  tide  was  rising.  It  seemed  that  Mexican 
law  prohibited  slavery  in  New  Mexico  and  Cali 
fornia,  and  that  upon  their  cession  the  principles 
of  international  law  would  preserve  their  condition 
of  freedom.  Benton,  therefore,  deemed  the  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  unnecessary  ;  a  "  thing  of  nothing  in 
itself,  and  seized  upon  to  conflagrate  the  States 
and  dissolve  the  Union."  For  the  Supreme  Court 
had  not  then  pronounced  slavery  a  necessary  ac 
companiment  of  American  supremacy.  But  the 
legal  protection  of  freedom  was  practically  unsub 
stantial,  even  if  not  technical ;  there  could  be  no 
doubt  of  the  determination  of  the  South  to  carry 
slavery  into  these  Territories,  whatever  might  be 
the  obligations  of  either  municipal  or  international 
law ;  and  their  conquest,  therefore,  made  imminent 
a  decision  of  the  vital  question  whether  slavery 
should  be  still  further  extended. 

At  the  Democratic  convention  at  Syracuse,  in 
September,  1847,  the  Hunkers,  after  a  fierce  strug 
gle  over  contested  seats,  seized  control  of  the  body. 
David  Dudley  Field,  for  the  Barnburners,  pro 
posed  a  resolution  that,  although  the  Democracy 
of  New  York  would  faithfully  adhere  to  the  com 
promises  of  the  Constitution  and  maintain  the  re- 
served  rights  of  the  States,  they  would  still  declare, 


THE   BARNBURNERS  419 

since  the  crisis  had  come,  "  their  uncompromising 
hostility  to  the  extension  of  slavery  into  territory 
now  free."  This  was  defeated.  The  Barnburners 
then  seceded,  and  issued  an  address,  in  which 
Lawrence  Van  Buren,  the  ex-President's  brother, 
joined.  They  protested  that  the  anti-slavery  reso 
lution  had  been  defeated  by  a  fraudulent  organiza 
tion  of  the  convention,  and  called  a  mass  meeting  at 
Herkimer,  on  October  26,  "  to  avow  their  principles 
and  consult  as  to  future  action."  The  Herkimer 
convention  was  really  an  important  preliminary  to 
the  formation  of  the  modern  Republican  party. 
It  was  a  gathering  of  the  ex-President's  friends. 
Cambreleng,  his  oil  associate,  presided  ;  David 
Wilinot  addressed  the*  meeting  ;  and  John  Van 
Buren,  now  very  conspicuous  in  politics,  reported 
the  resolutions.  In  these  the  fraud  at  Syracuse 
was  again  denounced  ;  a  convention  was  called  for 
Washington's  birthday  in  1848,  to  choose  Barn 
burner  delegates  to  contest  the  seats  of  those 
chosen  by  the  Hunkers  in  the  national  Democratic 
convention.  It  was  declared  that  the  freemen  of 
New  York  would  not  submit  to  slavery  in  the  con 
quered  provinces ;  and  that,  against  the  threat  of 
Democrats  at  the  South  that  they  would  support 
r.o  candidate  for  the  presidency  who  did  not  assent 
to  the  extension  of  slavery,  the  Democrats  of  New 
York  would  proclaim  their  determination  to  vote 
for  no  candidate  who  did  so  assent. 

It  was  clear  that  Van  Buren  sympathized  with 
all  this.     Relieved  from  the  constraint  of  power, 


420  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

there  strongly  revived  his  old  hostility  to  slavery; 
he  recalled  his  vote  twenty-eight  years  before 
against  admitting  Missouri  otherwise  than  free. 
He  now  perceived  how  profound  had  really  been 
the  political  division  between  him  and  the  South 
ern  Democrats  when,  in  1844,  he  wrote  his  Texas 
letter.  Ignoring  the  legitimate  character  of  the 
politics  of  Folk's  administration  in  denying  official 
recognition  or  reward  to  Barnburners,  —  legitimate 
if,  as  Van  Buren  had  himself  pretty  uniformly 
maintained,  patronage  should  go  to  friends  rather 
than  enemies,  and  if,  as  was  obvious,  there  had 
arisen  a  true  political  division  upon  principles, — 
Van  Buren  was  now  touched  with  anger  at  the  pro 
scription  of  his  friends.  Excluded  from  the  power 
which  ought  to  have  belonged  to  the  chief  of  Dem 
ocrats  enjoying  even  in  "  honorable  retirement " 
the  "  confidence,  affection,  and  respect "  of  his 
party,  independence  rapidly  grew  less  heinous  in 
his  eyes.  One  can  hardly  doubt  that  there  now 
more  freely  welled  up  in  his  mind,  to  clarify  its 
vision,  the  sense  of  personal  wrong  which,  since 
Folk's  nomination,  had  been  so  long  held  in  mag 
nanimous  and  dignified  restraint,  —  though  of  this 
he  was  probably  unconscious.  Van  Buren  was  not 
insincere  when,  in  October,  1847,  he  wrote  from 
Lindenwald  to  an  enthusiastic  Democratic  editor 
in  Pennsylvania,  who  had  hoisted  his  name  to  the 
top  of  his  columns  for  1848.  Whatever,  he  said, 
had  been  his  aspirations  in  the  past,  he  now  had 
no  desire  to  be  President ;  every  day  confirmed 


THE  BARNBURNERS  421 

him  in  the  political  opinions  to  which  he  had  ad 
hered.  Conscious  of  always  having  done  his  duty 
to  the  people  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  he  had  "  no 
heart  burnings  to  be  allayed  and  no  resentments  to 
be  gratified  by  a  restoration  of  power."  Life  at 
Linden  wald  was  entirely  adapted  to  his  taste ;  and 
he  was  (so  he  wrote,  and  so  doubtless  he  had  forced 
himself  to  think)  "  sincerely  and  heartily  desirous 
to  wear  the  honors  and  enjoyments  of  private  life 
uninterruptedly  to  the  end."  If  tendered  a  unan 
imous  Democratic  support  with  the  assurance  of 
the  election  it  would  bring,  he  should  not  "  hesitate 
respectfully  and  gratefully,  but  decidedly  to  de 
cline  it,"  adding,  however,  the  proviso  so  precious 
to  public  men,  "  consulting  only  my  own  feelings 
find  wishes."  It  was  in  the  last  degree  improbable, 
he  said,  —  and  so  it  was,  —  that  any  emergency 
should  arise  in  which  this  indulgence  of  his  own 
preferences  would,  in  the  opinion  of  his  true  and 
faithful  friends,  conflict  with  his  duty  to  the  party 
to  which  his  whole  life  had  been  devoted,  and  to 
which  he  owed  any  personal  sacrifice.  The  Mexi 
can  war  had,  he  said,  been  so  completely  sanctioned 
by  the  government  that  it  must  be  carried  through ; 
and,  he  ominously  added,  the  propriety  of  there 
after  instituting  inquiries  into  the  necessity  of  its 
occurrence,  so  as  to  fix  the  just  responsibility  to 
public  opinion  of  public  servants,  was  then  out  of 
season.  Not  a  word  of  praise  did  he  speak  of 
Folk's  administration  ;  in  this  he  was  for  once 
truly  and  grimly  "  non-committal." 


422  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

In  the  New  York  canvass  of  1847,  the  Barn 
burners,  after  their  secession,  "  talked  of  indifferent 
matters."  The  Whigs  were  therefore  completely 
successful.  In  the  legislature  the  Barnburners,  or 
"  Free-soilers "  as  they  began  to  be  called,  out 
numbered  the  Hunkers.  Dickinson  proposed  in 
the  Senate  at  Washington  a  resolution,  the  precur 
sor  of  Douglas's  "squatter  sovereignty,"  —that 
all  questions  concerning  the  domestic  policy  of  the 
Territories  should  be  left  to  their  legislatures  to  be 
chosen  by  their  people.  Lewis  Cass,  now  the  com 
ing  candidate  of  the  South,  asserted  in  December, 
1847,  the  same  proposition,  pointing  out  that,  if 
Congress  could  abolish  the  relation  of  master  and 
dervant  in  the  Territories,  it  might  in  like  manner 
treat  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife.  After 
this  "Nicholson  letter"  of  his,  Cass  might  well 
have  been  asked  whether  he  would  have  approved 
the  admission  of  a  State  where  the  last  relation 
was  forbidden,  and  where  concubinage  existed  as 
a  "domestic  institution."  Dickinson's  proposal 
meant  that  th^  first  settlers  of  each  Territory  should 
determine  it  to  freedom  or  to  slavery;  it  meant 
that  in  admitting  new  States  the  nation  ought  to 
be  indifferent  to  their  laws  on  slavery.  If  slavery 
were  a  mere  incident  in  the  polity  of  the  State,  a 
matter  of  taste  or  convenience,  the  proposition 
would  have  been  true  enough.  But  euphemistic 
talk  about  i4 domestic  institutions"  blinded  none 
but  theorists  or  lovers  of  slavery  to  the  truth  that 
slavery  was  a  fearful  and  barbarous  power,  and 


THE  FREE-SOIL  PARTY  423 

that  it  must  become  paramount  in  any  new  South 
ern  State,  monstrous  and  corrupting  in  its  ten 
dencies  towards  savagery,  unyielding,  wasteful,  and 
ruinous,  —  a  power  whose  corruption  and  savagery, 
whose  waste  and  ruin,  debauched  and  enfeebled 
all  communities  closely  allied  to  the  States  which 
maintained  it,  —  a  power  in  whose  rapid  growth, 
in  whose  affirmative  and  dictatorial  arrogance,  and 
in  the  intellectual  ability  and  even  the  moral  ex 
cellences  of  the  aristocracy  which  administered  it 
at  the  South,  there  was  an  appalling  menace.  As 
well  might  one  propose  the  admission  to  political 
intimacy  and  national  unity  of  a  State  whose  laws 
encouraged  leprosy  or  required  the  funeral  obla 
tions  of  the  suttee.  If  there  were  already  slave 
States  in  the  confederacy,  it  was  no  less  true  that 
the  nation  had  profoundly  suffered  from  their 
slavery.  Nor  could  all  the  phrases  of  constitu 
tional  lawyers  make  the  slave-block,  the  black  laws, 
and  all  the  practices  of  this  barbarism  mere  local 
peculiarities,  distasteful  perhaps  to  the  North  but 
not  concerning  it,  peculiarities  to  be  ranked  with 
laws  of  descent  or  judicial  procedure.  Cass  and 
Dickinson  for  their  surrender  to  the  South  were 
now  called  "  dough-faces  "  and  "  slavocrats  "  by 
the  Democratic  Free-soilers.  They  were  the  true 
"  Northern  men  with  Southern  principles." 

The  Barnburners  met  at  Utica  on  February  16, 
an  earlier  day  than  that  first  appointed,  John  Van 
Buren  again  being  the  chief  figure.  The  conven 
tion  praised  John  A.  Dix  for  supporting  the  AVil- 


424  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

mot  Proviso ;  and  declared  that  Benton,  a  senator 
from  a  slave  State,  but  now  a  sturdy  opponent  of 
extending  the  evil,  and  long  the  warm  friend  and 
admirer  of  Van  Buren,  had  u  won  a  proud  preemi 
nence  among  the  statesmen  of  the  day."  Delegates 
were  chosen  to  the  national  convention  to  oppose 
the  Hunkers.  In  April,  1848,  the  Barnburner 
members  of  the  legislature  issued  an  address,  the 
authors  of  which  were  long  afterwards  disclosed 
by  Samuel  J.  Tilden  to  be  himself  and  Martin  and 
John  Van  Buren.  At  great  length  it  demonstrated 
the  Free-soil  principles  of  the  Democratic  fathers. 

The  national  convention  assembled  in  May, 
1848.  It  offered  to  admit  the  Barnburner  and 
Hunker  delegations  together  to  cast  the  vote  of 
the  State.  The  Barnburners  rejected  the  com 
promise  as  a  simple  nullification  of  the  .vote  of  the 
State,  and  then  withdrew.  Lewis  Cass  was  nomi 
nated  for  president,  the  Wilmot  Proviso  being  thus 
emphatically  condemned.  For  Cass  had  declared 
in  favor  of  letting  the  new  Territories  themselves 
decide  upon  slavery.  The  Barnburners,  returning 
to  a  great  meeting  in  the  City  Hall  Park  at  New 
York,  cried,  u  The  lash  has  resounded  through  the 
halls  of  the  Capitol !  "  and  condemned  the  coward 
ice  of  Northern  senators  who  had  voted  with  the 
South.  Among  the  letters  read  was  one  from 
Franklin  Pierce,  who  had  in  1844  voted  against 
annexation,  a  letter  which  years  afterwards  was, 
with  a  reference  to  his  famous  friend  arid  biogra 
pher,  called  the  "  Scarlet  Letter."  The  delegates 


THE   FREE-SOIL  PARTY  425 

issued  an  address  written  by  Tilden,  fearlessly 
calling  Democrats  to  independent  action.  In  June 
a  Barnburner  convention  met  at  Utica.  Its  presi 
dent,  Samuel  Young,  who  had  refused  at  the  con 
vention  at  Baltimore  in  1844  to  vote  for  Polk 
when  the  rest  of  his  delegation  surrendered,  said 
that  if  the  convention  did  its  duty,  a  clap  of  po 
litical  thunder  would  in  November  "  make  the 
propagandists  of  slavery  shake  like  Belshazzar." 
Butler,  John  Van  Buren,  and  Preston  King,  after 
wards  a  Republican  senator,  were  there.  David 
Dudley  Field  read  an  explicit  declaration  from  the 
ex-President  against  the  action  and  the  candidates 
of  the  national  convention.  This  letter,  whose  pro 
lixity  is  an  extreme  illustration  of  Van  Buren's 
literary  fault,  created  a  profound  impression.  He 
declared  his  u  unchangeable  determination  never 
again  to  be  a  candidate  for  public  office."  The 
requirement  by  the  national  convention  that  the 
New  York  delegates  should  pledge  themselves  to 
vote  for  any  candidate  who  might  be  nominated 
was,  he  said,  an  indignity  of  the  rankest  character. 
The  Virginia  delegates  had  been  permitted,  with 
out  incurring  a  threat  of  exclusion,  to  declare  that 
they  would  not  support  a  certain  nominee.  The 
convention  had  not  allowed  the  Democrats  of  New 
York  fair  representation,  and  its  acts  did  not  there 
fore  bind  them. 

The  point  of  political  regularity,  when  discussed 
upon  a  technical  basis,  was,  however,  by  no  means 
clear.  The  real  question  was  whether  the  surren- 


426  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

der  of  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  Territories, 
and  the  refusal  to  use  that  power  to  exclude  sla* 
very,  accorded  with  Democratic  principles.  On 
this  Van  Bureii  was  most  explicit.  Jefferson  had 
proposed  freedom  for  the  Northwest  Territories  ; 
and  all  the  representatives  from  the  slaveholding 
States  had  voted  for  the  ordinance.  Not  only 
Washington  and  the  elder  and  younger  Adams 
had  signed  bills  imposing  freedom  as  the  condition 
of  admitting  new  Territories  or  States,  but  those 
undoubted  Democrats,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Mon 
roe,  and  Jackson,  had  signed  such  bills ;  and  so 
had  he  himself  in  1838  in  the  case  of  Iowa.  This 
power  of  Congress  was  part  of  "  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution,"  compromises  which,  "  deeply 
penetrated  "  as  he  had  been  "  by  the  convictions 
that  slavery  was  the  only  subject  that  could  en 
danger  our  blessed  Union,"  he  had,  he  was  aware, 
gone  further  to  sustain  against  Northern  attacks 
than  many  of  his  best  friends  approved.  lie  would 
go  no  further.  As  the  national  convention  had 
rejected  this  old  doctrine  of  the  Democracy,  he 
should  not  vote  for  its  candidate,  General  Cass ; 
and  if  there  were  no  other  candidate  but  General 
Taylor,  he  should  not  vote  for  president.  If  our 
ancestors,  when  the  opinion  and  conduct  of  the 
world  about  slavery  were  very  different,  had  res 
cued  from  slavery  the  territory  now  making  five 
great  States,  should  we,  he  asked,  in  these  later 
days,  after  the  gigantic  efforts  of  Great  Britain 
for  freedom,  and  when  nearly  all  mankind  were 


THE  FREE-SOIL  PARTY  427 

convinced  of  its  evils,  doom  to  slavery  a  territory 
from  which  as  many  more  new  States  might  be 
made.  He  counseled  moderation  and  forbearance; 
but  still  a  firm  resistance  to  injustice. 

This  powerful  declaration  from  the  old  chief  of 
the  Democracy  was  decisive  with  the  convention. 
Van  Buren  was  nominated  for  president,  and 
Henry  Dodge,  a  Democratic  senator  of  Wisconsin, 
for  vice  -  president.  Dodge,  however,  declined, 
proud  though  he  would  be,  as  he  said,  to  have  his 
name  under  other  circumstances  associated  with 
Van  Buren's.  But -his  State  had  been  represented 
in  the  Baltimore  convention  ;  and  as  one  of  iis 
citizens  he  cordially  concurred  in  the  nomination 
of  Cass.  A  national  convention  was  called  to 
meet  at  Buffalo  011  August  9,  1848. 

Charles  Francis  Adams,  the  son  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  presided  at  the  Buffalo  convention ;  and 
in  it  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  the  famous  abolitionist, 
and  Salmon  P.  Chase  were  conspicuous.  To  the 
unspeakable  horror  of  every  Hunker  there  partici 
pated  in  the  deliberations  a  negro,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Ward.  Butler  reported  the  resolutions  in  words 
whose  inspiration  is  still  fresh  and  ringing.  They 
were  assembled,  it  was  said,  u  to  secure  free  soil 
for  a  free  people ; "  the  Democratic  and  Whig 
organizations  had  been  dissolved,  the  one  by  sti 
fling  the  voice  of  a  great  constituency,  the  other 
by  abandoning  its  principles  for  mere  availability. 
Remembering  the  example  of  their  fathers  in  the 
first  declaration  of  independence,  they  now,  put- 


428  MARTIN    VAN   BUREN 

ting  their  trust  in  God,  planted  themselves  on  the 
national  platform  of  freedom  in  opposition  to  the 
sectional  platform  of  slavery ;  they  proposed  no 
interference  with  slavery  in  any  State,  but  its  pro 
hibition  in  the  Territories  then  free  ;  for  Congress, 
they  said,  had  "  no  more  power  to  make  a  slave 
than  to  make  a  king."  There  must  be  no  more 
compromises  with  slaver}'.  They  accepted  the  issue 
forced  upon  them  by  the  slave  power ;  and  to  its 
demand  for  more  slave  States  and  more  slave  Ter 
ritories,  their  calm  and  final  answer  was,  "  no  more 
slave  States  and  no  more  slave  territory."  At  the 
close  were  the  stirring  and  memorable  words •. 
"  We  inscribe  on  our  banner,  Free  Soil,  Free 
Speech,  Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men  ;  and  under  it 
we  will  fight  011  and  fight  ever,  until  a  triumphant 
victory  shall  reward  our  exertions." 

Joshua  Leavitt  of  Massachusetts,  one  of  the 
"blackest"  of  abolitionists,  reported  to  the  con 
vention  the  name  of  Martin  Van  Buren  for  presi 
dent.  After  the  convention  was  over,  even  Gerrit 
Smith,  the  ultra-abolitionist  candidate,  declared 
that,  of  all  the  candidates  whom  there  was  the 
least  reason  to  believe  the  convention  would  nomi 
nate,  Van  Buren  was  his  preference.  The  nomi 
nation  was  enthusiastically  made  by  acclamation, 
after  Van  Buren  had  on  an  informal  ballot  received 
159  votes  to  129  cast  for  John  P.  Hale.  A  brief 
letter  from  Van  Buren  was  read,  declaring  that 
his  nomination  at  Utica  had  been  against  his 
earnest  wishes  ;  that  he  had  yielded  because  his 


THE   FREE-SOIL   PARTY  429 

obligation  to  the  friends,  who  had  now  gone  so 
far,  required  him  to  abide  by  their  decision  that 
his  name  was  necessary  to  enable  "  the  ever  faith 
ful  Democracy  of  New  York  to  sustain  themselves 
in  the  extraordinary  position  into  which  they  have 
been  driven  by  the  injustice  of  others;'9  but  that 
the  abandonment  at  Buffalo  of  his  Utica  nomina 
tion  would  be  most  satisfactory  to  his  feelings  and 
wishes.  The  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  Terri 
tories  was  an  object,  he  said,  "  sacred  in  the  sight 
of  heaven,  the  accomplishment  of  which  is  due  to 
the  memories  of  the  great  and  just  men  long  since, 
we  trust,  made  perfect  in  its  courts."  Charles 
Francis  Adams  was  nominated  for  vice-president ; 
and  dazzled  and  incredulous  eyes  beheld  on  a  pre 
sidential  ticket  with  Martin  Van  Buren  the  son  of 
one  of  his  oldest  and  bitterest  adversaries.  That 
adversary  had  died  a  few  months  before,  the  best 
of  his  honors  being  his  latest,  those  won  in  a  que 
rulous  but  valiant  old  age,  in  a  fiery  fight  for  free 
dom. 

In  September,  John  A.  Dix,  then  a  Democratic 
senator,  accepted  the  Free-soil  nomination  for  gov 
ernor  of  New  York.  The  Democratic  party  was 
aghast.  The  schismatics  had  suddenly  gained 
great  dignity  and  importance.  Martin  Van  Buren, 
the  venerable  leader  of  the  party,  its  most  famous 
and  distinguished  member,  this  courtly,  cautious 
statesman,  —  could  it  be  he  rushing  from  that 
'*  honorable  retirement,"  to  whose  safe  retreat  his 
party  had  committed  him  with  so  deep  an  affec- 


^30  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

tion,  to  consort  with  long-haired  and  wild-eyed 
abolitionists  !  lie  was  the  arch  "  apostate,"  lead 
ing  fiends  of  disunion  who  would  rather  rule  in 
hell  than  serve  in  heaven.  Where  now  was  his 
boasted  loyalty  to  the  party?  Rage  struggled 
with  loathing.  All  the  ancient  stories  told  of  him 
by  Whig  enemies  were  revived,  and  believed  by 
those  who  had  long  treated  them  with  contempt. 
It  is  clear,  however,  that  Van  Buren's  attitude  was 
in  no  wise  inconsistent  with  his  record.  His  party 
had  never  pronounced  for  the  extension  of  slavery ; 
nor  had  he.  The  Buffalo  convention  was  silent 
upon  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  There 
was  for  the  time  in  politics  but  one  question,  and 
that  was  born  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  —  Shall 
slavery  go  into  free  territory  ?  As  amid  the  clash 
of  arms  the  laws  are  stilled,  so  in  the  great  fight 
for  human  freedom,  the  independent  treasury,  the 
tariff,  and  internal  improvements  could  no  longer 
divide  Americans. 

The  Whigs  had  in  June  nominated  Taylor,  one 
of  the  two  heroes  of  the  Mexican  war.  It  is  a 
curious  fact  that  Taylor  had  been  authoritatively 
sounded  by  the  Free-soil  leaders  as  to  an  accept 
ance  of  their  nomination.  Clay  and  Webster  were 
now  discarded  by  their  party  for  this  bluff  soldier, 
a  Louisiana  slaveholder  of  unknown  politics ;  and 
with  entire  propriety  and  perfect  caution  the  Whigs 
made  no  platform.  A  declaration  against  the 
extension  of  slavery  was  voted  down.  Webster 
said  at  Marshfield,  after  indignation  at  Taylor's 


THE   FREE-SOIL   PARTY  431 

nomination  had  a  little  worn  away,  that  for  "  the 
leader  of  the  Free-spoil  party "  to  "  become  the 
leader  of  the  Free-soil  party  would  be  a  joke  to 
shake  his  sides  and  mine."  The  anti-slavery  Whigs 
hesitated  for  a  time ;  but  Seward  of  New  York 
and  Horace  Greeley  in  the  New  York  "  Tribune  " 
finally  led  most  of  them  to  Taylor  rather  than,  as 
Seward  said,  engage  in  "  guerrilla  warfare  "  under 
Van  Bursn.  Whigs  must  not,  he  added,  leave  the 
ranks  because  of  the  Whig  affront  to  Clay  and 
Webster.  "  Is  it  not,"  he  finely,  though  for  the 
occasion  sophistically,  said,  "  by  popular  injustice 
that  greatness  is  burnished  ? "  This  launching 
of  the  modern  Republican  party  was,  strangely 
enough,  to  include  in  New  York  few  besides  Demo 
crats.  In  November,  1847,  the  Liberty  or  Aboli 
tion  party  nominated  John  P.  Hale  for  president ; 
but  upon  Van  Buren's  nomination  he  was  with 
drawn. 

Upon  the  popular  vote  in  November,  1848,  Van 
Buren  received  291,263  votes,  while  there  were 
1,220,544  for  Cass  and  1,360,099  for  Taylor.  Van 
Buren  had  no  electoral  votes.  In  no  State  did  he 
receive  as  many  votes  as  Taylor  ;  but  in  New  York, 
Massachusetts,  and  Vermont  he  had  more  than 
Cass.  The  vote  of  New  York  was  an  extraordi 
nary  tribute  to  his  personal  power  ;  he  had  120,510 
votes  to  114,318  for  Cass ;  and  it  was  clear  that 
nearly  all  the  former  came  from  the  Democratic 
party.  In  Ohio  he  had  35,354  votes,  most  of  which 
were  probably  drawn  from  the  Whig  abolitionists, 


*32  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

In  Massachusetts  he  had  38,058  votes,  in  no  small 
part  owing  to  the  early  splendor,  the  moral  auster 
ity  and  elevation  of  Charles  Simmer's  eloquence. 
"  It  is  not,"  he  said,  "  for  the  Van  Buren  of  1838 
that  we  are  to  vote  ;  but  for  the  Van  Buren  of 
to-day,  —  the  veteran  statesman,  sagacious,  deter 
mined,  experienced,  who,  at  an  age  when  most 
men  are  rejoicing  to  put  off  their  armor,  girds 
himself  anew  and  enters  the  lists  as  champion  of 
Freedom."  Taylor  had  163  electoral  votes  and 
Cass  127. 

The  political  career  of  Van  Buren  was  now 
ended.  It  is  mere  speculation  whether  he  had 
thought  his  election  a  possible  thing.  That  he 
should  think  so  was  very  unlikely.  Few  men  had 
a  cooler  judgment  of  political  probabilities  ;  few 
knew  better  how  powerful  was  party  discipline  in 
the  Democratic  ranks,  for  no  one  had  done  more  to 
create  it ;  few  could  have  appreciated  more  truly 
the  Whig  hatred  of  himself.  Still  the  wakening 
rush  of  moral  sentiment  was  so  strong,  the  bitter 
ness  of  Van  Buren's  Ohio  and  New  York  sup 
porters  had  been  so  great  at  his  defeat  in  1844, 
that  it  seemed  not  utterly  absurd  that  those  two 
States  might  vote  for  him.  If  they  did,  that  dream 
of  every  third  party  in  America  might  come  true, 
—  the  failure  of  either  of  the  two  great  parties  to 
obtain  a  majority  in  the  electoral  college,  and  the 
consequent  choice  of  president  in  the  House,  where 
each  of  them  might  prefer  the  third  party  to  its 
greater  rival.  Ambition  to  reenter  the  White 


POLITICAL  CAREER   ENDED  433 

House  could  indeed  have  had  but  the  slightest  in 
fluence  with  him  when  he  accepted  the  Free-soil 
nomination.  Nor  was  his  acceptance  an  act  of  re 
venge,  as  has  very  commonly  been  said.  The  mo 
tives  of  a  public  man  in  such  a  case  are  subtle  and 
recondite  even  to  himself.  No  distinguished  politi 
cal  leader  with  strong  and  publicly  declared  opin 
ions,  however  exalted  his  temper,  can  help  uniting 
in  his  mind  the  cause  for  which  he  has  fought  with 
his  own  political  fortunes.  If  he  be  attacked,  he 
is  certain  to  honestly  believe  the  attack  made  upon 
the  cause  as  well  as  upon  himself.  When  his  party 
drives  him  from  a  leadership  already  occupied  by 
him,  he  may  submit  without  a  murmur  ;  but  he  will 
surely  harbor  the  belief  that  his  party  is  playing 
false  with  its  principles.  In  1848  there  was  a  great 
and  new  cause  for  which  Van  Buren  stood,  and 
upon  which  his  party  took  the  wrong  side ;  but 
doubtless  his  zeal  burned  somewhat  hotter,  the  edge 
of  his  temper  was  somewhat  keener,  for  what  he 
thought  the  indignities  to  himself  and  his  imme 
diate  political  friends.  To  say  this  is  simply  to 
pronounce  him  human.  His  acceptance  of  the 
nomination  was  given  largely  out  of  loyalty  to 
those  friends  whose  advice  was  strong  and  urgent. 
It  was  the  mistake  which  any  old  leader  of  a  po 
litical  party,  who  has  enjoyed  its  honors,  makes  in 
the  seeming  effort  —  and  every  such  political  can 
didacy  at  least  seems  to  be  such  an  effort  —  to 
gratify  his  personal  ambition  at  its  expense.  Van 
Buren  and  his  friends  should  have  made  another 


434  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

take  the  nomination,  to  which  his  support,  however 
vigorous,  should  have  gone  sorrowfully  and  reluc 
tantly  ;  and  the  form  as  well  as  the  substance  of 
his  relations  to  the  canvass  should  have  been  with 
out  personal  interest. 

Had  Van  Buren  died  just  after  the  election  of 
1848  his  reputation  to-day  would  be  far  higher. 
He  had  stood  firmly,  he  had  suffered  politically, 
for  a  clear,  practical,  and  philosophical  method  and 
limitation  of  government ;  he  had  adhered  with 
strict  loyalty  to  the  party  committed  to  this  method, 
until  there  had  arisen  the  cause  of  human  freedom, 
which  far  transcended  any  question  still  open  upon 
the  method  or  limits  of  government.  With  this 
cause  newly  risen,  a  cause  surely  not  to  leave  the 
political  field  except  in  victory,  he  was  now  closely 
united.  He  might  therefore  have  safely  trusted  to 
the  judgment  of  later  days  and  of  wiser  and  truer- 
sighted  men,  growing  in  number  and  influence 
every  year.  His  offense  could  never  be  pardoned 
by  his  former  associates  at  the  South  and  their 
allies  at  the  North.  No  confession  of  error,  though 
it  were  full  of  humiliation,  no  new  and  affectionate 
return  to  party  allegiance,  could  make  them  forget 
what  they  sincerely  deemed  astounding  treason  ano 
disastrous  sacrilege.  Loyal  remembrance  of  his 
incomparable  party  services  had  irretrievably  gone, 
to  be  brought  back  by  no  reasoning  and  by  no  per 
suasion.  If  he  were  to  live,  he  should  not  have  wa 
vered  from  his  last  position.  Its  righteousness  was 
to  be  plainer  and  plainer  with  the  passing  yearSo 


POLITICAL  CAREER  ENDED  435 

Van  Buren  did  live,  however,  long  after  his  hon 
orable  battle  and  defeat ;  and  lived  to  dim  its  honor 
by  the  faltering  of  mistaken  patriotism.  In  1849, 
John  Van  Buren,  during  the  efforts  to  unite  the 
Democratic  party  in  New  York,  declared  it  his  wish 
to  make  it  "the  great  anti-slavery  party  of  the 
Union."  Early  in  1850  and  when  the  compro 
mise  was  threatened  at  Washington,  he  wrote  to 
the  Free-soil  convention  of  Connecticut  that  there 
had  never  been  a  time  when  the  opponents  of  sla 
very  extension  were  more  urgently  called  to  act 
with  energy  and  decision  or  to  hold  their,  represen 
tatives  to  a  rigid  responsibility,  if  they  faltered  or 
betrayed  their  trust.  With  little  doubt  his  father 
approved  these  utterances.  A  year  later,  however, 
the  ex-President,  with  nearly  all  Northern  men, 
yielded  to  the  soporific  which  Clay  in  his  old  age 
administered  to  the  American  people.  In  their 
support  of  the  great  compromise  between  slavery 
and  freedom,  Webster  and  Clay  forfeited  much  of 
their  fame,  and  justly.  For  though  the  cause  of 
humanity  gained  a  vast  political  advantage  in  the 
admission  of  California  as  a  free  State,  the  advan 
tage,  it  was  plain,  could  not  have  been  long  delayed 
had  there  been  no  compromise.  But  the  rest  of 
the  new  territory  was  thrown  into  a  struggle 
among  its  settlers,  although  the  power  of  Congress 
over  the  Territories  was  not  yet  denied  ;  and  a 
fugitive-slave  law  of  singular  atrocity  was  passed. 
All  the  famous  Northern  Whigs  were  now  true 
*  doughfaces."  Fillmore,  president  through  Tay- 


436  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

lor's  death,  one  of  the  most  dignified  and  timid  of 
their  number,  signed  the  compromise  bills. 

The  compromise  being  passed,  Van  Btiren  with 
almost  the  entire  North  submissively  sought  to 
believe  slavery  at  last  expelled  from  politics.  It 
would  have  been  a  wise  heroism,  it  would  have 
given  Van  Buren  a  clearer,  a  far  higher  place  with 
posterity,  if  after  1848  he  had  even  done  no  more 
than  remain  completely  aloof  from  the  timid  poli 
tics  of  the  time,  if  he  had  at  least  refused  acqui 
escence  in  any  compromise  by  which  concessions 
were  made  to  slavery.  But  he  was  an  old  man. 
He  shared  with  his  ancient  and  famous  Whig 
rivals  that  intense  love  and  almost  adoration  of  the 
Union,  upon  which  the  arrogant  leaders  of  the 
South  so  long  and  so  successfully  played.  The 
compromise  was  accomplished.  It  would  perhaps 
be  the  last  concession  to  the  furious  advance  of 
the  cruel  barbarism.  The  free  settlers  in  the  new 
Territories  would,  he  hoped,  by  their  number  and 
hardihood,  defeat  the  incoming  slave-owners,  and 
even  under  "  squatter  sovereignty  "  save  their  homes 
from  slavery.  If  the  Union  should  now  stand 
without  further  disturbance,  all  might  still  come 
right  without  civil  war.  Economic  laws,  the  inex 
orable  and  beneficent  progress  of  civilization,  would 
perhaps  begin,  slowly  indeed  but  surely,  to  press 
to  its  death  this  remnant  of  ancient  savagery.  But 
if  the  Union  were  to  be  broken  by  a  violation  of 
the  compromise,  a  vast  and  irremediable  cata 
strophe  and  ruin  would  undo  all  the  patriotic  labors 


POLITICAL   CAREER   ENDED  437 

of  sixty  years,  would  dismiss  to  lasting-  unreality 
the  dreams  of  three  generations  of  great  men  who 
had  loved  their  country.  It  seemed  too  appalling 
a  responsibility. 

Upon  all  this  reasoning  there  is  much  unfair 
modern  judgment.  The  small  number  of  resolute 
abolitionists,  who  cared  little  for  the  Union  in 
comparison  with  the  one  cause  of  human  rights, 
and  whose  moral  fervor  found  in  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution,  so  dear  and  sacred  to  ail 
American  statesmen,  only  a  covenant  with  hell, 
may  for  the  moment  be  ignored.  Among'  them 
there  was  not  a  public  man  occupying  politically 
responsible  or  widely  influential  place.  The  vast 
body  of  Northern  sentiment  was  in  two  great 
classes.  The  one  was  led  by  men  like  Seward, 
and  even  Benton,  who  considered  the  South  a  great 
bully.  They  believed  that  to  a  firm  front  against 
the  extension  of  slavery  the  South  would,  after 
many  fire-eating  words,  surrender  in  peace.  The 
other  class  included  most  of  the  influential  men  of 
the  day,  some  of  them  gTeater  men,  some  lesser, 
and  some  little  men.  Webster,  Clay,  Cass,  Buch 
anan,  Marcy,  Douglas,  Fillmore,  Dickinson,  were 
now  joined  by  Van  Buren  and  by  many  Free- 
soil  men  of  1848  daunted  at  the  seeming  slow 


ness  with  which  the  divine  mills  were 
They  believed  that  the  South,  to  assert  the  fancied 
"  rights  "  of  their  monstrous  wrong,  would  accept 
disunion  and  even  more,  that  in  this  cause  it  would 
fiercely  accept  all  the  terrors  of  a  civil  war  and  its 


438  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

limitless  devastation.  The  event  proved  the  first 
men  utterly  in  the  wrong ;  and  it  was  fortunate 
that  their  mistake  was  not  visible  until  in  1861  the 
battle  was  irreversibly  joined.  The  second  and 
more  numerous  class  were  right.  There  had  to  be 
yielding,  unless  such  evils  were  to  be  let  loose, 
unless  Webster's  "  ideas,  so  full  of  all  that  is  horrid 
and  horrible,"  were  to  come  true.  The  anxiety 
not  to  offend  the  South  was  perhaps  most  strikingly 
shown  after  the  election  of  Lincoln.  A  distin 
guished  statesman  of  the  modern  Republican  party 
has  recently  pointed  out l  that  in  February,  1861, 
the  Republican  members  of  Congress,  and  among 
them  Charles  Sumner  and  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ac 
quiesced  in  the  organization  of  the  new  Territo 
ries  of  Colorado,  Dakota,  and  Nevada,  without 
any  prohibition  of  slavery,  thus  ignoring  the  very 
principle  and  the  only  principle  upon  which  their 
great  battle  had  been  fought  and  their  great  vic 
tory  won. 

Complete  truth  dwelt  only  with  the  small  and 
hated  abolitionist  minority.  Without  honored  and 
influential  leaders  in  political  life  they  alone  saw 
that  war  with  all  these  horrors  was  better,  or  even 
a  successful  secession  was  better,  than  further  sur 
render  of  human  rights,  a  surrender  whose  corrup 
tion  and  barbarism  would  cloud  all  the  glories, 
and  destroy  all  the  beneficence  of  the  Union.  No 
historical  judgment  has  been  more  unjust  and 
partial  than  the  implied  condemnation  of  Van 

1  James  G.  Elaine's  Twenty  Years,  vol.  i.  pp.  209,  272. 


IN   RETIREMENT  439 

Buren  for  his  acquiescence  in  Clay's  compromise, 
while  only  gentle  words  have  chicled  the  great 
statesmen  whose  eloquence  was  more  splendid  and 
inspiring  but  whose  devotion  to  the  Union  was 
never  more  supreme  than  Van  Buren's,  —  states 
men  who  had  made  no  sacrifice  like  his  in  1844, 
who  in  their  whitening  years  had  taken  no  bold 
step  like  his  in  1848,  and  who  had  in  1850  actively 
promoted  the  surrender  to  which  Van  Buren  did 
no  more  than  submit  after  it  was  accomplished. 

In  1852  the  overwhelming  agreement  to  the 
compromise  brought  on  a  colorless  presidential 
campaign,  fought  in  a  sort  of  fool's  paradise.  Its 
character  was  well  represented  by  Franklin  Pierce, 
the  second  Democratic  mediocrity  raised  to  the 
first  place  in  the  party  and  the  land,  and  by 
the  absurd  political  figure  of  General  Scott,  fitly 
enough  the  last  candidate  of  the  decayed  Whig 
party.  Both  parties  heartily  approved  the  com 
promise,  but  it  mattered  little  which  of  the  two 
candidates  were  chosen.  The  votes  cast  for  John 
P.  Hale,  the  Free-soil  candidate,  were  as  much 
more  significant  and  honorable  as  they  were  fewer 
than  those  cast  for  Pierce  or  Scott.  Van  Buren, 
in  a  note  to  a  meeting  in  New  York,  declared  that 
time  and  circumstances  had  issued  edicts  against 
his  attendance,  but  that  he  earnestly  wished  for 
Pierce's  election.  He  attempted  no  argument  in 
this,  perhaps  the  shortest  political  letter  he  ever 
NTote.  But  John  Van  Buren,  in  a  speech  at  Al 
bany,  gave  some  reasons  which  prevent  much  con- 


440  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

demnation  of  his  father's  perfunctory  acquiescence 
in  the  action  of  his  party.  The  movement  of  1848, 
he  said,  had  been  intended  to  prevent  the  extension 
of  slavery.  Since  then,  California  had  come  in,  a 
Free  State,  and  not,  as  the  South  had  desired,  a 
slave  State  ;  and  "  the  abolition  of  the  slave  market 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  another  great  point 
gained."  The  poverty  of  reasons  was  shown  in 
the  eager  insistence  that  every  member  of  Congress 
from  New  Hampshire  had  voted  against  slavery 
extension,  and  that  the  Democratic  party  now  took 
its  candidate  from  that  State  u  without  any  pledges 
whatever." 

After  this  election  Van  Buren  spent  two  years 
in  Europe.  President  Pierce  tendered  him  the 
position  of  the  American  arbitrator  upon  the  Bri 
tish-American  claims  commission  established  under 
the  treaty  of  February  8,  1853,  but  he  declined. 
During  his  absence  the  South  secured  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise,  and  the  practical  opening  to  slavery  of 
the  new  Territories  north  of  the  line  of  36°  30'. 
If  the  settlers  of  Kansas,  which  lay  wholly  on  the 
free  side  of  that  compromise  line,  desired  slavery, 
they  were  to  have  it.  But  even  this  was  not 
sufficient.  The  hardy  settlers  of  this  frontier, 
separated  though  they  were  by  the  slave  State  of 
Missouri  from  free  soil  and  free  influences,  would, 
it  now  seemed,  pretty  certainly  favor  freedom. 
The  ermine  of  the  Supreme  Court  had,  therefore,  to 
be  used  to  sanctify  with  the  Dred  Scott  decision 


IN   RETIREMENT  441 

the  last  demand  of  slavery,  inconsistent  though  it 
was  with  the  claims  of  the  South  from  the  time 
when  it  secured  the  Missouri  Compromise  until 
Calhoun  grimly  advanced  his  monstrous  proposi 
tions.  Slavery  was  to  be  decreed  a  constitutional 
right  in  all  Territories,  whose  exercise  in  them  Con 
gress  was  without  power  to  prohibit,  and  which 
could  not  be  prevented  even  by  the  majority  of 
their  settlers  until  they  were  admitted  as  States. 

Van  Buren  came  back  to  America  when  there 
was  still  secret  within  the  judicial  breast  the  mo 
mentous  decision  that  the  American  flag  carried 
human  slavery  with  it  to  conquered  territory  as  a 
necessary  incident  of  its  stars  and  stripes,  and  that 
Congress  could  not,  if  it  would,  save  the  land  to 
freedom.  Van  Buren  voted  for  Buchanan  ;  a  vote 
essentially  inconsistent  with  his  Free-soil  position, 
a  vote  deeply  to  be  regretted.  He  still  thought 
that  free  settlers  would  defeat  the  intention  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  act,  and  bring  in,  as  they  after 
wards  did,  a  free  though  bleeding  Kansas.  There 
was  something  crude  and  menacing  in  this  new 
Republican  party,  and  in  its  enormous  and  growing 
enthusiasm.  It  was  hard  to  believe  that  its  candi 
date  had  been  seriously  selected  for  chief  magis 
trate  of  the  United  States.  Fremont  probably 
seemed  to  Van  Buren  a  picturesque  sentimentalist 
leading  the  way  to  civil  war,  which,  if  it  were  to 
come,  ought,  so  it  seemed  to  this  former  senator 
and  minister  and  president,  to  be  led  in  by  serious 
and  disciplined  statesmen.  The  new  party  was 


442  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

repulsive  to  him  as  a  body  chiefly  of  Whigs ;  old 
and  bitter  adversaries  whom  he  distrusted,  with 
hosts  of  camp-followers  smelling  the  coming  spoils. 
All  this  a  young  man  might  endure,  when  he 
saw  the  clear  fact  that  the  Kepublican  convention, 
ignoring  for  the  time  all  former  differences,  had 
pronounced  not  a  word  inconsistent  with  the  Demo 
cratic  platform  of  1840,  and  had  made  only  the 
one  declaration  essential  to  American  freedom  and 
right,  that  slavery  should  not  go  into  the  Terri 
tories.  Van  Buren  was  not,  however,  a  young  man, 
or  one  of  the  few  old  men  in  whom  a  fiery  sense  of 
morality,  and  an  eager  and  buoyant  resolution,  are 
anchilled  by  thinner  and  slower  blood,  and  indomi 
tably  overcome  the  conservative  influences  of  age. 
A  bold  outcry  from  him,  even  now,  would  have 
placed  him  for  posterity  in  one  of  the  few  niches  set 
apart  to  the  very  greatest  Americans.  But  since 
1848  Van  Buren  had  come  to  seventy-four  years. 

Invited  to  the  Tammany  Hall  celebration  of  In 
dependence  Day,  he  wrote,  on  June  28,  1856,  a 
letter  in  behalf  of  Buchanan.  There  was  no  dimi 
nution  in  explicit  clearness  ;  but  hope  was  nearly 
gone  ;  the  peril  of  the  Union  obscured  every  other 
danger ;  the  South  was  so  threatening  that  patriot 
ism  seemed  to  him  to  require  at  the  least  a  surren 
der  to  all  that  had  passed  ;  and  for  the  future  our 
best  reliance  would  be  upon  a  fair  vote  in  Kansas 
between  freedom  and  slavery.  He  could  not  come 
to  its  meeting,  he  told  Tammany  Hall,  because  of 
his  age.  He  had  left  one  invitation  unanswered; 


IN  RETIREMENT  443 

and  if  he  were  so  to  leave  another,  he  might  be 
suspected  of  a  desire  to  conceal  his  sentiments. 
But  this  letter  should  be  his  last,  as  it  was  his 
first,  appearance  in  the  canvass.  He  was  glad  of 
the  Democratic  reunion  ;  for  although  not  always 
perfectly  right,  in  no  other  party  had  there  been 
"  such  exclusive  regard  and  devotion  to  the  main 
tenance  of  human  rights  and  the  happiness  and 
welfare  of  the  masses  of  the  people."  There  was 
a  touch  of  age  in  his  fond  recitals  of  the  long  ser 
vices  of  that  party  since,  in  Jefferson's  days,  it  had 
its  origin  with  "  the  root-and-branch  friends  of  the 

O 

Republican  system  ; "  of  its  support  of  the  war  of 
1812;  of  its  destruction  of  the  national  bank  ;  of 
its  establishment  of  an  independent  treasury.  But 
slavery,  he  admitted,  was  now  the  living  issue. 
Upon  that  he  had  no  regrets  for  his  course.  He 
had  always  preferred  the  method  of  dealing  with 
that  institution  practiced  by  the  founders  of  the 
government.  He  lamented  the  recent  departure 
from  that  method  ;  no  one  was  more  sincerely  op 
posed  than  himself  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  He  had  heard  of  it,  and  condemned 
it  in  a  foreign  land  ;  he  had  there  foreseen  the 
disastrous  reopening  of  the  slavery  agitation.  But 
the  measure  was  now  accomplished  ;  there  was  no 
more  left  than  to  decide  what  was  the  best  now  to 
do.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  act  had,  he  said,  grad 
ually  become  less  obnoxious  to  him  ;  though  this 
impression,  he  admitted,  might  result  from  the 
unanimous  acquiescence  in  it  of  the  party  in  which 


444  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

he  had  been  reared.  Its  operation,  he  trusted, 
would  be  beneficial ;  and  he  had  now  come  to  be 
lieve  that  the  feelings  and  opinions  of  the  free 
States  would  be  more  respected  under  its  provi 
sions  than  by  specific  congressional  interference. 
He  did  not  doubt  the  power  of  Congress  to  enable 
the  people  of  a  Territory  to  exclude  slavery.  Buch 
anan's  pledge  to  use  the  presidential  power  to 
restore  harmony  among  the  sister  States  could  be 
redeemed  in  but  one  way  ;  and  that  was,  to  secure 
to  the  actual  settlers  of  the  Territory  a  "  full,  free, 
and  practical  enjoyment  "  of  the  rights  of  suffrage 
on  the  slavery  question  conferred  by  the  act.  He 
praised  Buchanan,  if  not  exuberantly,  still  suffi 
ciently.  He  must,  Van  Buren  thought,  be  solici 
tous  for  his  reputation  in  the  near  "evening  of  his 
life."  He  believed  that  Buchanan  would  redeem 
his  pledge,  and  should  therefore  cheerfully  support 
him.  If  Buchanan  were  elected,  there  were  "  good 
grounds  for  hope  "  that  the  Union  might  be  saved. 
Such  was  this  saddening  and  despondent  letter. 
It  was  a  defense  of  a  vote  which  it  was  rather  sorry 
work  that  he  should  have  needed  to  make.  But  the 
tramp  of  armies  and  the  conflagration  of  American 
institutions  were  heard  and  seen  in  the  sky  with 
terrifying  vividness.  The  letter  secured,  however, 
no  forgiveness  from  the  angry  South.  The  u  Rich 
mond  Whig  "  said  :  "  If  there  is  a  man  within  the 
limits  of  the  Republic  who  is  cordially  abhorred  and 
detested  by  intelligent  and  patriotic  men  of  all  par 
ties  at  the  South,  that  man  is  Martin  Van  Buren." 


IN  RETIREMENT  445 

Many  of  the  best  Americans  shared  Van  Bu- 
ren's  distrust  of  Fremont  and  of  those  who  sup 
ported  Fremont ;  they  shared  his  love  of  peace 
and  his  fear  of  that  bloodshed,  North  and  South, 
which  seemed  the  dismal  El  Dorado  to  which  the 
"pathfinder's"  feet  were  s  iiely  tending.  So  the 
majority  of  the  Northern  voters  thought ;  for  those 
north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  who  divided 
themselves  between  Buchanan  and  Fillmore,  the 
candidate  of  the  "Silver  Gray"  Whigs,  consid 
erably  outnumbered  the  voters  for  Fremont. 

In  1860  Van  Buren  voted  for  the  union  electo 
ral  ticket  which  represented  in  New  York  the 
combined  opposition  to  Lincoln.  Every  motive 
which  had  influenced  him  in  1856  had  now  in 
creased  even  more  than  his  years.  The  Republi 
can  party  was  not  only  now  come  bringing,  it 
seemed,  the  torch  in  full  flame  to  light  an  awful 
conflagration  ;  but  in  its  second  national  conven 
tion  there  became  obvious  upon  the  tariff  question 
the  preponderance  of  the  Whig  elements,  which 
made  up  the  larger  though  not  the  more  earnest  or 
efficient  body  of  its  supporters. 

After  Van  Buren's  return  from  Europe  in  1855, 
he  lived  in  dignified  and  gracious  repose.  This 
complete  and  final  escape  from  the  rush  about  him 
had  often  seemed  in  his  busy  strenuous  years  full 
of  delight.  But  doubtless  now  in  the  peaceful 
pleasures  of  Lindenwald  and  in  the  occasional 
glimpses  of  the  more  crowded  social  life  of  New 
York  which  was  glad  to  honor  him,  there  were  the 


446  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

regrets  and  slowly  dying  impatience,  the  sense  of 
isolation,  which  must  at  the  best  touch  with  some 
sadness  the  later  and  well-earned  and  even  the 
best-crowned  years.  At  this  time  he  began  writing 
memoirs  of  his  life  and  times,  which  were  brought 
down  to  the  years  1833-1834 ;  but  they  were 
never  revised  by  him  and  have  not  been  published. 
Out  of  this  work  grew  a  sketch  of  the  early  growth 
of  American  parties,  which  was  edited  by  his  sons 
and  printed  in  1867.  Its  pages  do  not  exhibit  the 
firm  and  logical  order  which  was  so  characteristic  of 
Van  Buren's  political  compositions.  It  was  rather 
the  reminiscence  of  the  political  philosophy  which 
had  completely  governed  him.  With  some  repeti 
tions,  but  in  an  easy  and  interesting  way,  he  re 
called  the  far-reaching  political  differences  between 
Jefferson  and  Hamilton.  In  these  chapters  of  his 
old  age  are  plain  the  profound  and  varied  influ 
ences  which  had  been  exercised  over  him  by  the 
great  founder  of  his  party,  and  his  unquenchable 
animosity  toward?  "  the  money  power "  from  the 
days  of  the  first  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  its 
victory  of  "  buffoonery  "  in  1840.  In  one  chapter, 
with  words  rather  courtly  but  still  not  to  be  mis 
taken,  he  condemns  Buchanan  for  a  violation  of 
the  principles  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  in  accept 
ing  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as  a  rule  of  political 
action  ;  and  this  the  more  because  its  main  con 
clusion  was  unnecessary  to  adjudge  Dred  Scott's 
rights  in  that  suit,  and  because  its  announcement 
viras  part  of  a  political  scheme.  Chief  Justice 


IN  RETIREMENT  447 

Taney  and  Buchanan,  Van  Buren  pointed  out, 
though  raised  to  power  by  the  Democratic  party, 
had  joined  it  late  in  life,  u  with  opinions  formed 
and  matured  in  an  antagonist  school."  Both  had 
come  from  the  Federalist  ranks,  whose  political 
heresy  Van  Buren  believed  to  be  hopelessly  in 
curable. 

At  the  opening  of  the  civil  war  Van  Buren's  ani 
mosity  to  Buchanan's  behavior  became  more  and 
more  marked.  He  strongly  sympathized  with  the 
uprising  of  the  North  ;  and  sustained  the  early 
measures  of  Lincoln's  administration.  But  he 
was  not  to  see  the  dreadful  but  lasting  and  benign 
solution  of  the  problem  of  American  slavery.  His 
life  ended  when  the  fortunes  of  the  nation  were  at 
their  darkest ;  when  McClellan's  seven  days'  battle 
from  the  Chickahominy  to  -the  James  was  just  over, 
and  the  North  was  waiting  in  terror  lest  his  troops 
might  not  return  in  time  to  save  the  capital.  For 
several  months  he  suffered  from  an  asthmatic  attack, 
which  finally  became  a  malignant  catarrh,  causing 
him  much  anguish.  In  the  latter  days  of  his  sick 
ness  his  mind  wandered  ;  but  when  sensible  and 
collected  he  still  showed  a  keen  interest  in  public 
affairs,  expressed  his  confidence  in  President  Lin 
coln  and  General  McClellan,  and  declared  his  faith 
that  the  rebellion  would  end  without  lasting  dam 
age  to  the  Union. 

On  July  24,  1862,  he  died,  nearly  eighty  years 
old,  in  the  quiet  summer  air  at  Lindenwald,  the 
noise  of  battle  far  away  from  his  green  lawns  and 


448  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

clumps  of  trees.  In  the  ancient  Dutch  church  at 
Kinderhook  the  simple  funeral  was  performed ; 
and  a  great  rustic  gathering  paid  the  last  and  best 
honor  of  honest  and  respectful  grief  to  their  old 
friend  and  neighbor.  For  his  fame  had  brought 
its  chief  honor  to  this  village  of  his  birth,  the  vil 
lage  to  which  in  happy  ending  of  his  earthly  career 
he  returned,  and  where  through  years  of  well-or 
dered  thrift,  of  a  gentle  and  friendly  hospitality, 
and  of  interesting  and  not  embittered  reminiscence, 
he  had  been  permitted 

"  To  husband  out  life's  taper  at  the  close, 
And  keep  the  flame  from  wasting  by  repose." 


CHAPTER  XII 
VAN  BUREN'S  CHARACTER  AND  PLACE  IN  HISTORY 

IN  the  engraved  portrait  of  Van  Buren  in  old  age, 
prefixed  to  his  "  History  of  Parties,"  are  plainly 
to  be  seen  some  of  his  traits,  —  the  alert  outlooking 
upon  men,  the  bright,  easy  good-humor,  the  firm, 
self-reliant  judgment.  Inman's  painting,  now  in 
the  City  Hall  of  New  York,1  gives  the  face  in  the 
prime  of  life, — the  same  shrewd,  kindly  expres 
sion,  but  more  positively  touched  with  that  half 
cynical  doubt  of  men  which  almost  inevitably  be 
longs  to  those  in  great  places.  The  deep  wrinkles 
of  the  old  and  retired  ex-president  were  hardly  yet 
incipient  in  the  smooth,  prosperous,  almost  compla 
cent  countenance  of  the  governor.  In  the  earlier 
picture  the  locks  flared  outwards  from  the  face,  as 
they  did  later;  as  yet,  however,  they  were  dark 
and  a  bit  curling.  His  form  was  always  slender 
and  erect,  but  hardly  reached  the  middle  height,  so 
that  to  his  political  enemies  it  was  endless  delight 
to  call  him  "  Little  Van." 

In  the  older  picture  one  sees  a  scrupulous  dain 
tiness  about  the  ruffled  shirt  and  immaculate  neck* 

1  An   engraving  of  this  portrait   accompanies    Holland's   bio 
fjraptiy,  written  for  the  campaign  of  1836. 


450  MARTIN    VAN  BUREX 

erchief  ;  for  Van  Buren  was  fond  of  the  elegance 
of  life.  The  Whigs  used  to  declare  him  an  aristo 
crat,  given  to  un-American,  to  positively  British 
splendor.  Very  certainly  he  never  affected  con 
tempt  for  the  gracious  and  stately  refinement  suited 
to  his  long  held  place  of  public  honor,  that  con 
tempt  which  a  silly  underrating  of  American  good 
sense  has  occasionally  commended  to  our  states 
men.  At  Lindenwald,  among  books  and  guests 
and  rural  cares,  he  led  what  in  the  best  and  truest 
sense  was  the  life  of  a  country  gentleman,  not  set 
like  an  urban  exotic  among  the  farmers,  but  fond 
of  his  neighbors  as  they  were  fond  of  him,  and 
unaffectedly  sharing  without  loss  of  distinction  or 
elegance  their  thrifty  and  homely  cares.  \\  hen. 
he  retired  to  this  home  he  was  able,  without  undig 
nified  or  humiliating  shifts,  to  live  in  ease  and 
even  affluence.  For  in  1841  his  fortune  of  per 
haps  1200,000  was  a  generous  one.  His  last  days 
were  not,  like  those  of  Jefferson  and  Monroe  and 
Jackson,  embittered  by  money  anxieties,  the  pen 
alty  of  the  careless  profusion  the  temptation  to 
which,  felt  even  by  men  wise  in  the  affairs  of  oth 
ers,  is  often  greater  than  the  certain  danger  and  un 
wisdom  of  its  indulgence.  But  no  suggestion  was 
breathed  against  his  pecuniary  integrity,  public  or 
private.  Nor  was  there  heard  of  him  any  story  or 
wrong  or  oppression  or  ungenerous  dealing. 

Van  Buren's  extraordinary  command  of  himself 
was  apparent  in  his  manners.  They  are  finely 
described  from  intimate  acquaintance  by  William 


CHARACTER  451 

Ailen  Butler,  the  son  of  Van  Buren's  long-time 
friend,  in  his  charming  and  appreciative  sketch 
printed  just  after  Van  Buren's  death.  They  had, 
Mr.  Butler  said,  a  neatness  and  polish  which  served 
every  turn  of  domestic,  social,  and  public  inter 
course.  "  As  you  saw  him  once,  you  saw  him  al 
ways  —  always  punctilious,  always  polite,  always 
cheerful,  always  self-possessed.  It  seemed  to  any, 
one  who  studied  this  phase  of  his  character  as  if, 
in  some  early  moment  of  destiny,  his  whole  nature 
had  been  bathed  in  a  cool,  clear,  and  unruffled 
depth,  from  which  it  drew  this  life-long  serenity 
and  self-control."  An  accomplished  English  tra 
veler,  "  the  author  of  k  Cyril  Thornton,'  "  who  saw 
him  while  secretary  or  state,  and  before  he  had 
been  abroad,  said  that  he  had  more  of  "  the  manner 
of  the  world  "  than  any  other  of  the  distinguished 
men  at  Washington  ;  that  in  conversation  he  was 
"full  of  anecdote  and  vivacity."  Chevalier,  one 
of  our  French  critics,  in  his  letters  from  America 
described  him  as  setting  up  "  for  the  American 
Talleyrand."  John  Quincy  Adams,  as  has  been 
said,  sourly  mistook  all  this,  and  even  the  especial 
courtesy  Van  Buren  paid  him  after  his  political 
downfall,  as  mere  proof  of  insincerity ;  and  he 
more  than  once  compared  Van  Buren  to  Aaron 
Burr,  a  comparison  of  which  many  Democrats 
were  fond  after  1848.  In  his  better-natured  mo 
ments,  however,  Adams  saw  in  his  adversary  a 
resemblance  to  the  conciliatory  and  philosophic 
Madison.  For  his  "  extreme  caution  in  avoiding 


452  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

and  averting  personal  collisions,"  he  called  him 
another  Susie  of  Moliere's  "Amphitryon,"  "  ami 
de  tout  le  monde." 

Van  Buren's  skill  in  dealing  with  men  was  in 
deed  extraordinary.  It  doubtless  came  from  this 
temper  of  amity,  and  from  an  inborn  genius  for 
society ;  but  it  had  been  wonderfully  sharpened  in 
the  unrivaled  school  of  New  York's  early  politics. 
When  he  was  minister  at  London,  he  wrote  that  he 
was  making  it  his  business  to  be  cordial  with  pro 
minent  men  on  both  sides  ;  a  branch  of  duty,  he 
said,  in  which  he  was  not  at  home,  because  he  had 
all  his  life  been  "  wholly  on  one  side."  But  he 
was  jocosely  unjust  to  himself.  He  was,  for  the 
politics  of  his  day,  abundantly  fair  to  his  adver 
saries.  Sometimes  indeed  he  saw  too  much  of 
what  might  be  said  on  the  other  side.  Had  he 
seen  less,  he  would  sometimes  have  been  briefer, 
less  indulgent  in  formal  caution.  Nor  did  he  fail 
to  avoid  the  unnecessary  misery  caused  to  many 
public  men,  the  obstacles  needlessly  raised  in  their 
way,  by  personal  disputes,  or  by  letting  into  nego 
tiations  matters  of  controversy  irrelevant  to  the 
thing  to  be  done.  Patience  in  listening,  a  steady 
and  singularly  acute  observance  of  the  real  end  he 
sought,  and  a  quick,  keen  reading  of  men,  saved 
him  this  wearing  unhappiness  so  widespread  in 
public  life.  Once  he  thus  criticised  his  friend 
Cambreleng :  "  There  is  more  in  small  matters 
than  he  is  always  aware  of,  although  he  is  a  really 
sensible  and  useful  man."  In  this  maxim  of 


CHARACTER  453 

lesser  thing-s  Van  Buren  was  carefully  practiced. 
During*  the  Jackson- Adams  campaign,  the  younger 
Hamilton  was  about  sending  to  some  important 
person  an  account  of  the  general.  Van  Buren, 
knowing  of  this,  wrote  to  Hamilton,  and,  after 
signing  his  letter,  added  :  "  P.  S.  —  Does  the  old 
gentleman  have  prayers  in  his  own  house?  If  so, 
mention  it  modestly." 

His  self-command  was  not  stilted  or  unduly  pre 
cise  or  correct.  He  was  very  human.  A  candidate 
for  governor  of  New  York  would  to-day  hardly 
write  to  another  public  man,  however  friendly  to 
him,  as  Van  Buren  in  August  and  September,  1828, 
wrote  to  Hamilton.  "  Bet  on  Kentucky,  Indiana, 
and  Illinois,"  he  said,  ''jointly  if  you  can,  or  any 
two  of  them  ;  don't  forget  to  bet  all  you  can." 
But  this  was  the  fashion  of  the  day.1  His  life  was 
entirely  free  from  the  charges  of  dissipation  or  of 
irregular  habits,  then  so  commonly,  and  often  truly, 
made  against  great  men.  This  very  correctness 
was  part  of  the  offense  he  gave  his  rivals  and  their 
followers.  It  would  hardly  be  accurate  to  describe 
him,  even  in  younger  years,  as  jovial  with  his 
friends ;  but  he  was  perfectly  companionable.  Of 

1  The  mania  for  election  betting1  among1  public  men  was  very 
curious.  In  the  letters  and  memoranda  printed  by  Mackenzie,  the 
bets  of  John  Van  Buren  and  Jesse  Hoyt  are  given  in  detail.  They 
ranged  from  $5000  to  $50 ;  from  "  three  cases  of  champagne  "  or 
"  two  bales  of  cotton,"  to  "  boots,  $7,"  or  "  a  ham,  $3."  They 
were  made  with  the  younger  Alexander  Hamilton,  James  Watson 
Webb,  Moses  II.  Grinnell,  John  A.  King,  George  F.  Talman, 
Dudley  feelden,  and  other  notable  men  of  the  time. 


454  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

a  social  and  cheerful  temper,  he  not  only  liked  the 
decorous  gaiety  of  receptions  and  public  entertain 
ment,  but  was  delighted  and  delightful  in  closer 
and  easier  conversation  and  in  the  chat  of  familiar 
friends.  His  reminiscences  of  men  are  said  to  have 
been  full  of  the  charm  which  flows  from  a  strong 
natural  sense  of  humor,  and  a  correct  and  vivid 
memory  of  human  action  and  character. 

There  are  many  apocryphal  stories  of  Van  Bu- 
ren's  craft  or  cunning  or  selfishness  in  politics.  It 
is  a  curious  appreciation  with  which  reputable  his 
torians  have  received  such  stories  from  irrespon 
sible  or  anonymous  sources  ;  for  they  deserve  as  lit 
tle  credence  as  those  told  of  Lincoln's  frivolity  or 
indecency.  To  them  all  may  not  only  be  pleaded 
the  absence  of  any  proof  deserving  respect,  but 
they  are  refuted  by  positive  proof,  such  as  from 
earliest  times  has  been  deemed  the  best  which  pri 
vate  character  can  in  its  own  behalf  offer  to  his 
tory.  In  politics  Van  Buren  enjoyed  as  much 
strong  and  constant  friendship  as  he  encountered 
strong  and  constant  hatred.  Nothing  points  more 
surely  to  the  essential  soundness  of  life  and  the 
generosity  of  a  public  man  than  the  near  and  long- 
continued  friendship  of  other  able,  upright,  and 
honorably  ambitious  men.  It  was  an  extraordi 
nary  measure  in  which  Van  Buren  enjoyed  friend 
ship  of  this  quality.  With  all  the  light  upon  his 
character,  Jackson  was  too  shrewd  to  suffer  long 
from  imposition.  His  intimacy  with  Van  Buren 
for  twenty  years  and  more  was  really  affectionate ; 


CHARACTER  455 

his  admiration  for  the  younger  statesman  was  pro 
found.  The  explanation  is  both  unnecessary  and 
unworthy,  which  ascribes  to  hatred  of  Clay  all 
Jackson's  ardor  in  the  canvass  of  1840  or  his  al 
most  pathetic  anxiety  for  Van  Buren's  nomination 
in  1844.  Their  peculiar  and  continuous  associa 
tion  for  six  years  at  Washing-ton  had  so  powerfully 
established  Van  Buren  in  his  love  and  respect, 
that  neither  distant  separation  nor  disease  nor  the 
nearer  intrigues  and  devices  of  rivals  could  abate 
them.  Those  who  were  especially  known  as  Van 
Buren  men,  those  who  not  only  stood  with  him  in 
the  party  but  who  went  with  him  out  of  it,  were 
men  of  great  talents  and  of  the  highest  character. 
Butler's  career  closely  accompanied  Van  Buren's. 
Both  were  born  at  Kinderhook  ;  they  were  together 
in  Hudson,  in  Albany,  in  Washington  ;  they  were 
together  as  Bucktails,  as  Jacksonian  Democrats,  as 
Free-soil  men ;  they  were  close  to  one  another  from 
Butler's  boyhood  until,  more  than  a  half-century 
later,  they  were  parted  by  death.  To  this  strong- 
headed  and  sound-hearted  statesman,  we  are  told 
by  William  Allen  Butler,  in  a  fine  and  wellnigh 
sufficient  eulogy,  that  Van  Buren  was  the  object 
of  an  affection  true  and  steadfast,  faithful  through 
good  report  and  evil  report,  loyal  to  its  own  high 
sense  of  duty  and  affection,  tender  and  generous. 
Benton,  liberal  and  sane  a  slaveholder  though  he 
was,  did  not  approve  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  or  join 
the  Free-soil  revolt.  But  in  retirement  and  old 
a^e.  reviewing  his  "  Thirty  Years,"  during  twenty 


456  MARTIN   VAN  BUREN 

of  which  he  and  Van  Buren  had,  spite  of  many 
differences,  remained  on  closely  intimate  terms,  he 
showed  a  deep  liking  for  the  man.  Silas  Wright, 
Azariah  C.  Flagg,  and  John  A.  Dix,  all  strong  and 
famous  characters  in  the  public  life  of  New  York, 
were  among  the  others  of  those  steadily  faithful  in 
loyal  and  unwavering  regard  for  this  political  and 
personal  chief.  Nor  were  they  deceived.  Jackson 
and  Butler,  Wright  and  Flagg  and  Dix,  sturdy, 
upright,  skillful,  experienced  men  of  affairs,  were 
not  held  in  true  and  lifelong  friendship  and  admi 
ration  by  the  insinuating  manners,  the  clever  man 
agement,  the  selfish  and  timid  aims,  which  make 
the  Machiavellian  caricature  of  Van  Buren  so 
often  drawn.  No  American  in  public  life  has 
shown  firmer  and  longer  devotion  to  his  friends. 
His  reputation  for  statesmanship  must  doubtless 
rest  upon  the  indisputable  facts  of  his  career.  But 
for  his  integrity  of  life,  for  his  sincerity,  for  his 
fidelity  to  those  obligations  of  political,  party,  and 
personal  friendship,  within  which  lies  so  much  of 
the  usefulness  as  well  as  of  the  singular  charm  of 
public  life,  his  relations  with  these  men  make  a 
proof  not  to  be  questioned,  and  surely  not  to  be 
weakened  by  the  malicious  or  anonymous  stories 
of  political  warfare. 

For  the  absurdly  sinister  touch  which  his  po 
litical  enemies  gave  to  his  character,  it  is  difficult 
now  to  find  any  just  reason.  It  may  be  that  the 
cool  and  imperturbable  appearance  of  good-nature, 
with  which  he  received  the  savage  and  malevolent 


CHARACTER  457 

attacks  so  continually  made  upon  him,  to  many 
seemed  so  impossible  to  be  real  as  to  be  sheer  hy 
pocrisy  ; 1  and  from  the  fancy  of  such  hypocrisy  it 
was  easy  for  the  imagination  to  infer  all  the  arts 
and  characteristics  of  deceit.  Doubtless  the  cau 
tion  of  Van  Buren's  political  papers  irritated  im 
patient  and  angry  opponents.  They  found  them 
full  of  elaborate  and  subtle  reservations,  as  they 
fancied,  against  future  political  contingencies  ;  a 
charge,  it  ought  to  be  remembered,  which  is  con 
tinually  made  against  the  ripest,  bravest,  and 
greatest  character  in  English  politics  of  to-day  or 
of  the  century.2  Van  Buren's  reasoning  was  per 
fectly  clear,  and  his  style  highly  finished.  But  he 
had  not  the  sort  of  genius  which  in  a  few  phrases 
states  and  lights  up  a  political  problem.  The  com 
plexity  of  human  affairs,  the  danger  of  short  and 
sweeping  assertions,  pressed  upon  him  as  he  wrote ; 
and  the  amplitude  of  his  arguments,  sometimes 
tending  to  prolixity,  seemed  timid  and  lawyer-like 
to  those  who  disliked  his  conclusions. 

1  One  of  the  latest  and  most  important  historians  of  the  time, 
after  saying1  that  "  nothing-  ruffled  "  Van  Bnren,  is  contented  with. 
a  different  explanation  from  mine.     Professor  Sumner  says  that, 
"  he  was  thick-skinned,  elastic,  and  tough  ;   he  did  not  win  confi 
dence  from  anybody."     But  within  another  sentence  or  two  the 
historian  adds,  as  if  effect  did  not  always  need  adequate  cause, 
that   "  as  president  he  showed  the   honorable  desire   to  have  a 
statesmanlike  and  high-toned  administration."     (Sumner's  Jack- 
son,  p.  451.) 

2  Here  again  I  spoke  of  Gladstone,  to  whom,  as  this  revised 
edition  is  going  to  press,  the   civilized  world  is  bringing,  in  his 
death,  a  noble  and  fitting  tribute. 


458  MARTIN  VAX  BUREN 

Van  Buren  was  not,  however,  an  unpopular  man, 
except  as  toward  the  last  his  politics  were  unpopu 
lar  as  politics  out  of  sympathy  with  those  of  either 
of  the  great  parties,  and  except  also  at  the  South, 
where  he  was  soon  suspected  and  afterwards  hated 
as  an  anti-slavery  man.  He  was  on  the  whole  a 
strong  candidate  at  the  polls.  In  his  own  State 
and  at  the  Northeast  his  strength  with  the  people 
grew  more  and  more  until  his  defeat  by  the  slave 
holders  in  1844.  Perhaps  the  most  striking  proof 
of  this  strength  was  the  canvass  of  1848,  when  in 
New  York  he  was  able  to  take  fully  half  of  his 
party  with  him  into  irregular  opposition,  a  feat 
with  hardly  a  precedent  in  our  political  history. 
And  there  was  complete  reciprocity.  Van  Buren 
was  profoundly  democratic  in  his  convictions. 
He  thoroughly,  honestly,  and  without  demagogy 
believed  in  the  common  people  and  in  their  com 
petence  to  deal  wisely  with  political  difficulties. 
Even  when  his  faith  was  tried  by  what  he  deemed 
the  mistakes  of  popular  elections,  he  still  trusted 
to  what  in  a  famous  phrase  of  his  he  called  "  the 
sober  second  thought  of  the  people." 

However  widely  the  student  of  history  may  differ 
from  the  politics  of  Van  Buren's  associates,  the 
politics  of  Benton,  Wright,  Butler,  and  Dix,  and 
in  a  later  rank  of  his  New  York  disciples,  of  Sam- 

1  This  expression  was  not  original  with  Van  Buren,  as  has  been 
supposed.  It  was  used  by  Fisher  Ames  in  1788;  and  Bartlett's 
Quotations  also  gives  a  still  earlier  use  of  part  of  it  by  Mattkev? 
Henry  in  1710. 


HIS   POLITICAL  CREED  459 

uel  J.  Tilden  and  Sanford  E.  Church,  it  is  impossi 
ble  not  to  see  that  their  political  purpose  was  at 
the  least  as  long-  and  steady  as  their  friendship  for 
Van  Buren.  Love  for  the  Union,  a  belief  in  a 
simple,  economical,  and  even  unheroic  government, 
a  jealousy  of  taking  money  from  the  people,  and 
a  scrupulous  restriction  upon  the  use  of  public 
moneys  for  any  but  public  purposes,  a  strict  limi 
tation  of  federal  powers,  a  dislike  of  slavery  and 
an  opposition  to  its  extension,  —  these  made  up 
one  of  the  great  and  fruitful  political  creeds  of 
America,  a  creed  which  had  ardent  and  hopeful 
apostles  a  half  century  ago,  and  which,  save  in  the 
articles  which  touched  slavery  and  are  now  happily 
obsolete,  will  doubtless  find  apostles  no  less  ardent 
and  hopeful  a  half  century  hence.  Each  of  its 
assertions  has  been  found  in  other  creeds ;  but  the 
entire  creed  with  all  its  articles  made  the  peculiar 
and  powerful  faith  only  of  the  Van  Buren  men. 
As  history  gradually  sets  reputations  aright,  the 
leader  of  these  men  must  justly  wear  the  laurel  of 
a  statesman  who,  apart  from  his  personal  and  party 
relations  and  ambitions,  has  stood  clearly  for  a 
powerful  and  largely  triumphant  cause. 

No  vague,  no  thoughtless  rush  of  popular  senti 
ment  touched  or  shook  this  faith  of  Van  Buren. 
Had  there  been  indeed  a  readier  emphasis  about 
him,  a  heartier  and  quicker  sympathy  with  the 
temper  of  the  day,  he  would  perhaps  have  aroused 
a  popular  enthusiasm,  he  might  perhaps  have  been 
the  hero  which  in  fact  he  never  was.  But  his 


460  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

intellectual  perceptions  did  not  permit  the  subtle 
self-deceit,  the  enthusiastic  surrender  to  current 
sentiment,  to  which  the  striking  figures  that  de 
light  the  masses  of  men  are  so  apt  to  yield.  Van 
Bur  en  was  steadfast  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end,  save  when  the  war  threats  of  slavery  alarmed 
his  old  age  and  the  sober  second  thought  of  a 
really  patient  and  resolute  people  seemed  a  long 
time  coming.  Two  years  before  his  death  Jeffer 
son  wrote  to  Van  Buren  an  elaborate  sketch  of 
his  relations  with  Hamilton  and  of  our  first  party 
division.  Two  years  before  his  own  death  Van 
Buren  was  finishing  a  history  of  the  same  political 
division  written  upon  the  theory  and  in  the  tone 
running  through  Jefferson's  writings.  It  was  com 
posed  by  Van  Buren  in  the  very  same  temper  in 
which  he  had  respectfully  read  the  weighty  epistle 
from  the  great  apostle  of  Democracy.  Between 
the  ending  life  at  Monticello  and  that  at  Linden- 
wald,  the  political  faith  of  the  older  man  had  been 
steadily  followed  by  the  younger. 

The  rise  of  the  "  spoils  "  system,  and  the  late 
coming,  but  steadily  increasing  perception  of  its 
corruptions  and  dangers,  have  seriously  and  justly 
dimmed  Van  Buren's  fame.  But  history  should 
be  not  less  indulgent  to  him  than  to  other  great 
Americans.  The  practical  politics  which  he  first 
knew  had  been  saturated  with  the  abuse.  He  did 
no  more  than  adopt  accustomed  means  of  political 
warfare.  Neither  he  nor  other  men  of  his  time 
perceived  the  kind  of  evil  which  political  proscrip- 


HIS  CHARACTER  461 

tion  of  men  in  unpolitical  places  must  yield. 
They  saw  the  undoubted  rightfulness  of  shattering 
the  ancient  idea  that  in  offices  there  was  a  property 
right.  They  saw  but  too  clearly  the  apparent  help 
which  the  powerful  love  of  holding  office  brings  to 
any  political  cause,  and  which  has  been  used  by 
every  great  minister  of  state  the  world  over.  Van 
Buren  had,  however,  no  love  of  patronage  in  itself. 
The  use  of  a  party  as  a  mere  agency  to  distribute 
offices  would  have  seemed  to  him  contemptible. 
In  neither  of  the  great  executive  places  which  he 
held,  as  governor,  secretary  of  state,  or  president, 
did  he  put  into  an  extreme  practice  the  prescrip 
tive  rules  which  were  far  more  rigorously  adopted 
about  him.  To  his  personal  temper  not  less  than 
to  his  conceptions  of  public  duty  the  inevitable 
meanness  and  wrong  of  the  system  were  distaste 
ful. 

Chief  among  the  elements  of  Van  Buren's  public 
character  ought  to  be  ranked  his  moral  courage 
and  the  explicitness  of  his  political  utterances, — 
the  two  qualities  which,  curiously  enough,  were 
most  angrily  denied  him  by  his  enemies.  His  well- 
known  Shocco  Springs  letter  of  1832  on  the  tariff 
was  indeed  lacking  in  these  qualities ;  but  he  was 
then  not  chiefly  interested.  There  was  only  a 
secondary  reponsibility  upon  him.  But  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  no  American  in  responsible 
and  public  station,  since  the  days  when  Washing 
ton  returned  from  his  walk  among  the  miserable 
huts  at  Valley  Forge  to  write  to  the  Continental 


462  MARTIN  VAN   BUREN 

Congress,  or  to  face  the  petty  imbecilities  of  the 
jealous  colonists,  has  shown  so  complete  a  political 
courage  as  that  with  which  Van  Buren  faced  the 
crisis  of  1837,  or  in  which  he  wrote  his  famous 
Texas  letter.  Nor  did  any  American,  stirred  with 
ambition,  conscious  of  great  powers,  as  was  this 
captain  of  politicians,  and  bringing  all  his  political 
fortunes,  as  he  must  do,  to  the  risks  of  universal 
suffrage,  ever  meet  living  issues  dangerously  divid 
ing  men  ready  to  vote  for  him  if  he  would  but 
remain  quiet,  with  clearer  or  more  decided  answers 
than  did  Van  Buren  in  his  Sherrod  Williams  letter 
of  1836  and  in  most  of  his  chief  public  utterances 
from  that  year  until  1844.  The  courtesies  of  his 
manner,  his  failure  in  trenchant  brevity,  and  even 
the  almost  complete  absence  of  invective  or  extra 
vagance  from  his  papers  or  speeches,  have  obscured 
these  capital  virtues  of  his  character.  He  saw  too 
many  dangers ;  and  he  sometimes  made  it  too  clear 
that  he  saw  them.  But  upon  legitimate  issues  he 
was  among  the  least  timid  and  the  most  explicit  of 
great  Americans.  No  president  of  ours  has  in 
office  been  more  courageous  or  more  direct. 

It  is  perhaps  an  interesting,  it  is  at  least  a  harm 
less  speculation,  to  look  for  Van  Buren's  place  of 
honor  in  the  varied  succession  of  men  who  have 
reached  the  first  office,  though  not  always  the  first 
place,  in  American  public  life.  Every  student  will 
be  powerfully,  even  when  unconsciously,  influenced 
in  this  judgment  by  the  measure  of  strength  or 
beneficence  he  accords  to  different  political  tend- 


HIS  PLACE   IN   HISTORY  463 

encies.  With  this  warning  the  present  writer  will, 
however,  venture  upon  an  opinion. 

Van  Buren  very  clearly  does  not  belong  among 
the  mediocrities  or  accidents  of  the  White  House, 
—  among  Monroe,  Harrison,  Tyler,  Polk,  Taylor, 
Fillmore,  and  Pierce,  not  to  meddle  with  the  years 
since  the  civil  war  whose  party  disputes  are  still 
part  of  contemporary  politics.  Van  Buren  reached 
the  presidency  by  political  abilities  and  public  ser 
vices  of  the  first  order,  as  the  most  distinguished 
active  member  of  his  party,  and  with  a  universal 
popular  recognition  for  years  before  his  promotion 
that  he  was  among  the  three  or  four  Americans 
from  whom  a  president  would  be  naturally  chosen. 
Buchanan's  experience  in  public  life  was  perhaps 
as  great  as  Van  Buren's,  and  his  political  skill  and 
distinction  made  his  accession  to  the  presidency  by 
no  means  unworthy.  But  he  never  led,  he  never 
stood  for  a  cause  ;  he  never  led  men  ;  he  was  never 
chief  in  his  party ;  and  in  his  great  office  he  sank 
with  timidity  before  the  slaveholding  aggressors, 
as  they  strove  with  vengeance  to  suppress  freedom 
in  Kansas,  and  before  the  menaces  and  open  plun- 
de rings  of  disunion.  Van  Buren  showed  no  such 
timidity  in  a  place  of  equal  difficulty. 

Jackson  stands  in  a  rank  by  himself.  He  had 
a  stronger  and  more  vivid  personality  than  Van 
Buren.  But  useful  as  he  was  to  the  creation  of  a 
powerful  sentiment  for  unjon  and  of  a  hostility  to 
the  schemes  of  a  paternal  government,  it  is  clear 
that  in  those  qualities  of  steady  wisdom,  foresight, 


464  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

patience,  which  of  right  belong  to  the  chief  magis- 
tracv  of  a  republic,  he  was  far  inferior  to  his  less 
picturesque  and  less  forceful  successor.  The  first 
Adams,  a  man  of  very  superior  parts,  competent 
and  singularly  patriotic,  was  deep  in  too  many 
personal  collisions  within  and  without  his  party, 
and  his  presidency  incurred  too  complete  and  last 
ing,  and  it  must  be  added,  too  just  a  popular  con 
demnation,  to  permit  it  high  rank,  though  very 
certainly  he  belonged  among  neither  the  mediocri 
ties  nor  the  accidents  of  the  White  House. 

If  to  the  highest  rank  of  American  presidents 
be  assigned  Washington,  and  if  after  him  in  it 
come  Jefferson  and  perhaps  Lincoln  (though  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  century  must  go  to  make 
the  enduring  measure  of  his  fame),  the  second 
rank  would  seem  to  include  Madison,  the  younger 
Adams,  and  Van  Buren.  Between  the  first  and 
the  last  of  these,  the  second  of  them,  as  has  been 
said,  saw  much  resemblance.  But  if  Madison  had 
a  mellower  mind,  more  obedient  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  time  and  of  a  wider  scholarship,  Van  Buren 
had  a  firmer  and  more  direct  courage,  a  steadier 
loyalty  to  his  political  creed,  and  far  greater  reso 
lution  and  efficiency  in  the  performance  of  execu 
tive  duties.  If  one  were  to  imitate  Plutarch  in 
behalf  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Van  Buren,  he 
would  need  largely  to  compare  their  rival  political 
creeds.  But  leaving  the^e,  it  will  not  be  unjust  to 
say  that  in  virile  and  indomitable  continuance  of 
moral  purpose  after  official  power  had  let  go  its 


HIS   PLACE   IN   HISTORY  465 

trammels,  and  when  the  harassments  and  feebleness 
of  age  were  inexorable,  and  though  the  heavens 
were  to  fall,  the  younger  Adams  was  the  greater ; 
that  in  executive  success  they  were  closely  together 
in  a  high  rank ;  but  that  in  skill  and  power  of 
political  leadership,  in  breadth  of  political  purpose, 
in  freedom  from  political  vagaries,  in  personal 
generosity  and  political  loyalty,  Van  Buren  was 
easily  the  greater  man. 

Van  Buren  did  not  have  the  massive  and  forcible 
eloquence  of  Webster,  or  the  more  captivating 
though  fleeting  speech  of  Clay,  or  the  delightful 
warmth  of  the  latter's  leadership,  or  the  strength 
and  glory  which  their  very  persons  and  careers 
gave  to  American  nationality.  But  in  the  per 
sistent  and  fruitful  adherence  to  a  political  creed 
fitted  to  the  time  and  to  the  genius  of  the  American 
people,  in  that  noble  art  which  gathers  and  binds 
to  one  another  and  to  a  creed  the  elements  of  a 
political  party,  the  art  which  disciplines  and  guides 
the  party,  when  formed,  to  clear  and  definite  pur 
poses,  without  wavering  and  without  weakness  or 
demagogy,  Van  Buren  was  a  greater  master  than 
either  of  those  men,  in  many  things  more  interest 
ing  as  they  were.  In  this  exalted  art  of  the  politi 
cian,  this  consummate  art  of  the  statesman,  Van 
Buren  was  close  to  the  greatest  of  American  party 
leaders,  close  to  Jefferson  and  to  Hamilton. 

In  his  very  last  years  the  stir  and  rumbling  of 
war  left  Van  Buren  in  quiet  recollection  and  anx 
ious  loyalty  at  Linden wald.  As  his  growing  ill- 


«56  MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 

ness  now  and  then  spared  him  moments  of  ease, 
his  mind  must  sometimes  have  turned  back  to  the 
steps  of  his  career,  senator  of  his  State,  senator  of 
the  United  States,  governor,  first  cabinet  minister, 
foreign  envoy,  vice-president,  and  president.  There 
must  again  have  sounded  in  his  ears  the  hardly 
remembered  jargon  of  Lewisites  and  Burrites, 
Clintonians  and  Livingstonians,  Republicans  and 
Federalists,  Bucktails  and  Jacksonians  and  National 
Republicans,  Democrats  and  Whigs,  Loco-focos 
and  Conservatives,  Barnburners  and  Hunkers. 
There  must  rapidly  though  dimly  have  shifted 
before  him  the  long  series  of  his  struggles,  —  strug 
gles  over  the  second  war  with  England,  over  inter 
nal  improvements,  the  Bank,  nullification,  the  di 
vorce  of  bank  and  state,  the  resistance  to  slavery 
extension.  Through  them  all  there  had  run,  and 
this  at  least  his  memory  clearly  recalled,  the 
one  strong  faith  of  his  politics  and  statesmanship. 
In  all  his  labors  of  office,  in  all  his  multifarious 
strifes,  he  never  faltered  in  upholding  the  Union. 
But  not  less  firmly  would  this  true  disciple  of  Jef 
ferson  restrain  the  activities  of  the  federal  govern 
ment.  Whatever  wisdom,  whatever  integrity  of 
purpose  might  belong  to  ministers  and  legislators 
at  Washington,  —  though  the  strength  of  the  United 
States  might  be  theirs,  and  though  they  were  pano 
plied  in  the  august  prestige  rightly  ascribed  by 
American  patriotism  to  that  sovereign  title  of  our 
nation,  —  still  Van  Buren  was  resolute  that  they 
should  not  do  for  the  people  what  the  States  or  the 


HIS  PLACE  IN  HISTORY  467 

people  themselves  could  do  as  well.  To  his  eyes 
there  was  clear  and  un dimmed  from  the  beginning 
to  the  close  of  his  career,  the  idea  of  government 
as  an  instrument  of  useful  public  service,  rather 
than  an  object  of  superstitions  veneration,  the  idea 
but  two  years  after  his  death  clothed  with  memo 
rable  words  by  a  master  in  brief  speech,  the  demo 
cratic  idea  of  a  "  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  for  the  people." 


INDEX 


ABOLITIONISTS,  their  position  in  soci 
ety,  2G9  ;  their  doctrines,  2G9,  270  ; 
petition  Congress  against  slavery, 
271  ;  circulate  anti-slavery  litera 
ture  in  South,  275;  denounced  in 
Democratic  Convention  of  1840, 
379;  also  by  Harrison,  381,  382; 
their  effect  on  sentiment  before 
1840,  403  ;  do  not  affect  public  men, 
437  ;  their  view  of  slavery  situation 
correct,  438. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  presides  at 
Buffalo  Convention,  427  ;  nomina 
ted  for  vice-president,  429. 

idams,  John,  his  foreign  policy  com 
pared  by  Van  Buren  to  John  Q. 
Adams's,  127-129;  history  of  his 
administration  used  to  discredit- 
that  of  his  son,  145-147,  386;  infe 
rior  to  Van  Bureu  in  statesman 
ship,  4G4. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  supports  Jeffer 
son  and  Madison's  foreign  policy, 
59  ;  in  peace  negotiations,  G3 ;  ac 
quires  Florida  for  United  States, 
88 ;  favors  Missouri  Compromise, 
93 ;  favors  tariff  of  1824,  103 ;  atti 
tude  of  Van  Buren  towards,  as  can 
didate,  107;  his  opinion  of  Van 
Buren,  107 ;  the  natural  choice  of 
New  York  Republicans,  109 ;  elected 
president,  115,  116;  welcomed  by 
Van  Buren  upon  inauguration,  117  ; 
his  view  of  factious  nature  of  Van 
Buren's  opposition,  119;  in  reality 
creates  division  by  his  messages 
and  policy,  120,  121  ;  urges  inter 
nal  improvements,  ignores  consti 
tutional  questions,  121,  122  ;  urges 
Panama  Congress,  122,  124,  126; 
later  uses  Van  Buren's  own  parlia 
mentary  methods,  123 ;  his  opinion 


of  Van  Buren's  character,  126 ;  K& 
tack  of  Van  Buren  upon,  as  imitates 
of  his  father,  127  ;  realizes  consoli 
dation  of  opposing  elements,  130; 
his  constitutional  views  attacked 
by  Van  Buren,  132  ;  hi»  disposal  of 
patronage,  139 ;  attacked  by  Van 
Buren  as  outdoing  his  father  in  en 
croachments  on  Constitution,  146; 
his  position  as  party  leader  iu  1828, 
153,  154  ;  comments  of  Jefferson  on, 
154;  visited  by  Van  Buren,  158; 
compares  him  to  Aaron  Burr,  158 ; 
denounces  opposition  as  unworthy, 
159 ;  his  position  erroneous,  161 ; 
his  principles,  not  his  character, 
the  real  issue,  1C1 ;  slandered  iu 
1828,  163;  fairly  criticised  for  his 
coalition  with  Clay,  163;  connected 
with  anti-Masonic  party,  167,  245 ; 
defends  Jackson  in  Monroe's  cabi 
net,  185;  on  causes  for  McLean's 
removal  from  postmastersliip,  207  ; 
his  appointees  his  own  and  Clay's 
followers,  213 ;  his  action  regarding 
trade  with  British  West  Indies, 
218,  219;  becomes  an  anti-slavery 
leader,  273;  opposes  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  274;  op 
timism  of  his  message  of  1827,  288  ; 
on  banking  situation  in  1837,295; 
considers  specie  circular  principal 
cause  of  panic,  335 ;  urges  a  na 
tional  bank,  335,  336;  vote*  for 
fourth  installment  of  surplus,  338  ; 
denounces  American  claims  on 
Mexico  as  a  plot  to  annex  Texas,  360 : 
his  course  on  "  gag  V  rule  no  more 
reasonable  than  Van  Buren' 3,  381 ; 
as  president,  presses  American  claim 
to  fugitive  slaves,  381 ;  considers 
Van  Bureu 's  politeness  to  be  hypo« 


470 


INDEX 


crisy,  395,  396,  451 ;  on  Harrison's 
ability,  401 ;  his  death,  429 ;  com 
parison  with  Van  Buren,  404,  465. 

Alamo,  defense  of,  357,  358. 

"Albany  Argus,"  interest  of  Van 
Bureu  in,  191,  192. 

Albany  Regency,  its  membership  and 
character,  111,  112;  its  high  ability 
and  integrity,  112  ;  its  end,  192  n. 

Allen,  Peter,  his  contested  election  in 
1-816,  64. 

Ambrister,  Richard,  executed  by  Jack 
son,  186. 

Ames,  Fisher,  uses  phrase  "  second 
thought  of  the  people,"  458  n. 

Anti- Masons,  in  New  York  election  of 
1828,  166;  rise  and  popularity  of, 
167  ;  their  importance  in  1832,  245  ; 
unite  with  Whigs  in  New  York, 
245;  nominate  an  electoral  ticket, 
245,  246. 

Arbuthnot,  execution  of,  186. 

Armstrong,  General  John,  replaced 
as  United  States  senator  by  De 
Witt  Clinton,  51. 

Auckland,  Lord,  his  remark  to  Van 
Buren,  228. 

BANCROFT,  GEORGE,  secretary  of  navy, 
362 ;  at  Democratic  Convention  of 
1844,  408. 

Bank  of  United  States,  incorporation 
condemned  as  unconstitutional  by 
Van  Buren,  145  ;  attack  upon,  be 
gun  by  Jackson,  203;  removal  of 
deposits,  249-251;  not  likely  to 
have  prevented  crisis  of  1837,  296, 
297  ;  demanded  by  Whigs,  334,  335 ; 
slow  to  resume  specie  payments, 
348,  349 ;  its  transactions  with 
Pennsylvania,  370 ;  suspends  pay 
ments  in  1839,  371 ;  collapses  again 
in  1841,  393 ;  bill  to  re-charter,  ve 
toed  by  Tyler,  402. 

fiarbour,  Philip  P.,  declares  Cumber 
land  road  bill  does  not  involve 
question  of  internal  improvements, 
95 ;  candidate  for  vice-presidency 
in  1831,  237,  239  ;  at  Whig  conven 
tion  of  1839,  378. 

Barnburners,  origin  of,  415 ;  their 
leaders,  415 ;  attempts  of  Polk  to 
placate,  415,  416;  at 'first,  control 


Democratic  party  in  New  York, 
416,  417  ;  support  Wihnot  Proviso, 
417  ;  alienated  from  Polk,  417  ;  de 
feated  by  Hunkers,  418;  secede  in 
1847,  419  ;  announce  intention  to 
support  no  candidate  not  in  favor 
of  Wilmot  Proviso,  419 ;  cause  de 
feat  of  Hunkers  in  election  of  1847, 
422 ;  hold  convention  at  Utica  in 
1847,  423,  424 ;  issue  address,  424 ; 
at  national  convention,  424 ;  their 
Utica  convention  of  1848,  425 ;  no 
minate  Van  Buren  for  president, 
427  ;  join  Free  Soil  party  at  Buffalo 
convention,  427  ;  nominate  Dix  for 
governor,  429;  rejoin  Democratic 
party,  435. 

Barry,  William  T.,  succeeds  McLean 
as  postmaster-general,  179 ;  helps 
Blair  to  establish  a  Jacksoriian 
paper,  191 ;  minister  to  Spain,  199. 

Barton,  David,  votes  for  Panama 
Congress,  131. 

Beardsley,  Samuel,  attorney-general 
of  New  York,  23. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  anti-slavery 
leader,  273. 

Bell,  John,  defeated  for  speakership 
of  House,  337. 

Bennett,  James  Gordon,  asks  aid  from 
Van  Buren  in  return  for  newspaper 
support,  192  ;  upon  refusal,  becomes 
Van  Buren's  enemy,  193. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  on  Van  Buren's 
classification  act,  62  ;  describes  Van 
Buren's  friendship  with  King,  72 ; 
enters  Senate,  his  friendship  with 
Van  Buren,  94  ;  votes  against  inter 
nal  improvements,  95 ;  votes  for 
tariff  of  1824,  99;  on  Van  Buren's 
advocacy  of  tariff,  102 ;  supports 
Van  Buren's  proposed  amendment 
to  electoral  articles  in  Constitu 
tion,  106  ;  on  topographical  surveys, 
117 ;  votes  for  Cumberland  road, 
117  ;  votes  for  occupation  of  Ore 
gon,  1 17  ;  not  always  in  harmony 
with  Van  Buren,  131 ;  his  report  on 
reduction  of  executive  patronage, 
137-139 ;  urges  abolition  of  salt 
duty,  140 ;  opposes  a  naval  aca 
demy,  140  ;  again  votes  for  Cum 
berland  road,  142  ;  votes  for  tariff 


INDEX 


471 


of  1828,  112;  praises  Giles,  154;! 
considers  ILiyne  mouthpiece  of  Cal- 
houn,  188;  describas  plan  of  Cai- j 
houii's  friends  to  cry  down  Van 
Buren,  191  ;  condemns  system  of 
removals,  211  ;  denies  large  num 
bers  of  removals,  211 ;  defends 
Jackson,  212;  after  Van  Buren's 
rejection  as  minister,  predicts  his 
election  as  vice-president,  234 ;  de 
scribes  Van  Buren's  reception  of 
Clay's  "  distress  ;'  appeal,  253  ;  on 
White's  presidential  ambition,  257  ; 
moves  expunging  resolutions,  204 ; 
votes  against  bill  to  exclude  anti- 
slavery  matter  from  mail,  in  order 
to  defy  slaveholders,  276  ;  describes 
scheme  to  force  Van  Buren  to  vote 
on  bill  to  prohibit  anti-slavery  mat 
ter  in  the  mails,  277  ;  on  Van  Bu 
ren's  motives  for  supporting  it,  277  ; 
predicts  to  Van  Buren  a  financial 
panic,  286  ;  says  Van  Buren's  friends 
urged  Jackson  to  approve  distribu 
tion  of  surplus.  302  ;  his  advice  in 
speakership  contest  of  1839,  376; 
accuses  Whigs  of  fraud  in  1840, 391 ; 
declares  for  Van  Buren's  renomi-  j 
nation  in  1844,  399;  votes  against 
Texas  treaty,  413;  considers  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  unnecessary,  418 ; 
praised  by  Utica  convention  of 
1847,  424;  considers  South  to  be 
merely  blustering,  437 ;  his  friend 
ship  for  Van  Buren,  455. 

Berrien,  John  M.,  attorney-general, 
179  ;  made  to  resign,  199. 

Biddle,  Nicholas,  not  so  important  to 
country  as  his  friends  assumed,  254  ; 
not  the  man  to  have  prevented 
panic  of  1837,  296,  2D8  ;  calls  on  Van 
Buren,  319. 

Bid  well,  Marshall  S.,  leader  of  popu 
lar  party  in  Upper  Canada,  352. 

Birney,  James  G.,  vote  for,  in  New 
York,  413  ;  defeats  Clay,  413. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  his  character,  es 
tablishes  "Globe,"  191;  enters 
kitchen  cabinet,  193 ;  opposes  nul 
lification  and  the  bank,  193;  re 
fusal  of  Van  Buren  to  aid,  194  ;  in 
connection  with  Kendall  suggests 
removal  of  deposits,  251,  252;  sup- 


ports  hard  money  and  loses  House 
printing,  338. 

Bouligny,  Dominique,  votes  for  Pan 
ama  congress,  131. 

Branch,  John,  secretary  of  navy,  179 ; 
forced  out  of  cabinet,  199. 

British  West  Indies,  negotiations  over 
trade  rights  in,  217-222. 

Bronson,  Greene  C.,  attorney-general 
of  New  York,  23. 

Brougham,  Lord,  attacks  Durham, 
356. 

Bryant,  William  Cullen,  denounces 
Loco-focos,  344  ;  issues  circular  op 
posing  Texas,  but  supporting  Polk, 
415. 

Buchanan,  James,  supported  by  Van 
Buren  in  1856,  3,  441  ;  declines  offer 
of  attorney-generalship,  393  ;  letter 
of  Letcher  to,  on  Polk's  nomina 
tion,  412  ;  supports  compromise  of 
1850,  437  ;  letter  of  Van  Buren  fa 
voring,  442-444 ;  praised  mildly  by 
Van  Buren,  444 ;  condemned  by 
Van  Buren  for  accepting  Dred  Scott 
decision,  446 ;  his  policy  in  1861, 
condemned  by  Van  Buren,  447  ,  in 
ferior  to  Van  Buren  in  ability,  4(53. 

Bucktails,  faction  of  New  York  De 
mocracy,  67  ;  originate  in  personal 
feuds,  67;  proscribed  by  Clinton!  • 
ans,  67  ;  support  Rufus  King  for 
senator  against  Clintonians,  69; 
joined  by  a  few  Federalists,  73; 
gain  election  of  1820,  73;  in  Con 
gress,  vote  against  a  Clintonian 
speaker,  76 ;  elect  Van  Buren  to 
Senate,  76 ;  try  to  destroy  Clinton's 
power  by  removing  from  office  of 
canal  commissioner,  109 ;  oppose 
bill  for  election  of  electors  by  peo 
ple.  Ill ;  secure  its  defeat  in  legis 
lature,  113 ;  punished  by  defeat  in 
election  of  1824,  113 ;  oppose  Clin 
ton  for  reelection  in  1826,  147,  148. 
(See  Democratic  party  of  New 
York.) 

Burr,  Aaron,  his  standing  in  1802, 
17  ;  acquaintance  with  Van  Buren, 
17,  18  ;  used  as  a  bugbear  in  Ameri- 

'  can  politics,  18;  attorney-general 
of  Nt,w  York,  23  ;  in  Medcef  Eden 
case,  29  ;  calls  Van  Buren  to  aid 


472 


INDEX 


before  court  of  errors,  29 ;  in 
trigues  with  Federalists  in  election 
of  1801,  38;  his  standing  in  Repub 
lican  party  in  1803,  42,  43 ;  endea 
vors  to  gain  governorship  with  Fed 
eralist  aid,  43;  defeated,  his  poli 
tical  career  closed,  44 ;  his  friends 
turned  out  of  office,  51  ;  compared 
by  Adams  to  Van  Buren,  158. 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  contrasts  Van 
Buren  and  Williams  as  lawyers,  20  ; 
enters  partnership  witli  Van  Buren, 
his  character,  24;  high  opinion  of 
Van  Buren's  legal  ability,  31  ;  on 
Van  Buren's  attitude  toward  Mad 
ison,  59 ;  describes  arrogance  of 
Judge  Spencer,  84  ;  on  Van  Buren's 
attitude  toward  tariff,  102;  mem 
ber  of  Albany  Regency,  111,  112; 
succeeds  Taney  as  attorney-general, 
255 ;  continues  in  office  under  Van 
Buren,  283 ;  resigns,  393 ;  visits 
Jackson  in  Van  Buren's  interest, 
407 ;  protests  against  adoption  of 
two-thirds  rule  by  convention  of 
1844,  408,  409 ;  reads  letter  from 
Van  Buren  authorizing  withdrawal 
of  his  name,  411  ;  leads  Barnburners, 
415;  declines  Folk's  offer  of  War 
Department,  416  ;  at  Utica  conven 
tion  of  1848, 425 ;  reports  resolutions 
at  Buffalo  convention,  427 ;  his 
friendship  for  Van  Buren,  455. 

Butler,  William  Allen,  on  Van  Buren's 
serenity,  451  ;  on  his  father's  affec 
tion  for  Van  Buren,  455. 

DALHOUN,  JOHN  C.,  secretary  of  war, 
94 ;  vice  -  president,  131 ;  inferior 
to  Van  Buren  as  party  leader,  150  ; 
his  attitude  in  campaign  of  1828, 
153 ;  dislike  of  Crawford  for,  157  ; 
represented  by  Ingham,  Branch, 
and  Berrien  in  Jackson's  cabinet, 
179 ;  his  rivalry  with  Van  Buren 
begins,  179;  his  public  career  and 
character,  180  ;  reasons  for  his  de 
feat  by  Van  Buren,  180;  tries  to 
prevent  Van  Buren's  appointment  to 
State  Department,  180  :  connection 
with  Eaton  affair,  182,  1S4  ;  wishes 
to  succeed  Jackson  in  1832,  184 ; 
dislike  of  Jackson  for,  185  ;  his  con 


demnation  of  Jackson  in  Monroe's 
cabinet,  IS- 5 ;  betrayed  by  Craw- 
ford,  185,  18G :  answers  Jackson's 
demand  lor  an  explanation,  186 ; 
his  toast  in  reply  to  Jackson's  Union 
sentiment,  188  ;  declaration  of  Jack 
son  against  him  as  successor,  190 ; 
publishes  Seminole  correspondence, 
191 ;  attacked  by  "  Globe,"  191  ; 
defeats  Van  Buren's  nomination  by 
casting  vote,  233,  234 ;  his  secession 
weakens  Jacksonian  party,  245; 
describes  Democratic  party  as  held 
together  only  by  desire  for  spoils, 
261  ;  anxious  to  make  Van  Buren 
vote  on  bill  to  exclude  anti-slavery 
matter  from  mail,  277  ;  rejoins  De 
mocratic  party,  340 ;  his  reasons, 
340,  341  ;  altercation  with  Clay  in 
Senate,  346 ;  votes  against  sub- 
treasury  bill,  346  ;  does  not  bring 
his  followers  back  to  support  of 
Van  Buren,  387  ;  his  opinion  of 
Van  Buren  quoted  by  Clay,  396; 
in  Texas  intrigue,  408  ;  compared  by 
Young  to  Nero,  410  ;  his  slavery 
doctrines  expounded  by  Supreme 
Court,  441. 

Cambreleng,  Churchill  C.,  with  Van 
Buren  visits  Southern  States,  157 ; 
presides  over  Barnburner  Herkimer 
convention,  419  ;  Van  Buren's  crit 
icism  of,  452. 

Cameron.  Simon,  at  Democratic  con 
vention  of  1840,  379. 

Canada,  government  of,  350 ;  popular 
discontent  and  parliamentary  strug 
gles  in,  351 ;  insurrections  in,  during 
1837,  352;  governorship  of  Head, 
352,  353  ;  suppression  of  insurrec 
tions  in,  353 ;  attempts  of  Mackenzie 
to  invade,  353.  354  ;  the  Caroline  af 
fair,  354 ;  attempts  of  Van  Buren 
to  prevent  filibustering  in,  355 ; 
pacified  by  Lord  Durham,  355,  356  ; 
becomes  loyal,  356. 

Cass,  Lewis,  secretary  of  war,  199 ; 
minister  to  France,  283  ;  his  "  Nich 
olson  letter,"  422;  considered  a 
doughface,  423  ;  nominated  for  pre 
sidency,  424 ;  refusal  of  Van  Bu 
ren  to  support,  on  account  of  his 
pro-slavery  position,  426  ;  defeated 


INDEX 


473 


in  1848,  431  ;  accepts  compromise 
of  1850,  437. 

Chambers,  Henry,  votes  for  Panama 
congress,  131. 

Chandler,  John,  votes  against  Pan 
ama  congress,  131. 

Charles  X.,  urged  by  Jackson  to  se 
cure  payment  of  American  claims, 
21G. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  at  Buffalo  conven 
tion,  427. 

Cherokee.  Indians,  removed  from  Geor 
gia,  '203. 

Chevalier,  Michel,  compares  Van  Bu- 
ren  to  Talleyrand,  451. 

Civil  service  of  United  States,  Demo 
cratic  dread  of  executive  power 
over,  137,  138 ;  proposal  to  reor 
ganize,  138-140. 

Clay,  Henry,  his  connection  with 
Burr,  18  ;  contrasted  with  Van  Bu- 
reu  in  debute,  21  ;  connection  with 
Missouri  Compromise,  90 ;  absent 
from  Congress  in  1821,  94 ;  calls 
protection  the  "  American  system," 
i>9 ;  loses  chance  for  presidency 
through  action  of  New  York,  115 ; 
his  action  in  election  of  Adams  jus 
tified,  116;  shares  with  Adams  the 
responsibility  of  creating  division  in 
1825,  122 ;  vote  in  Senate  on  con 
firmation  of  his  nomination,  123 ; 
urges  Panama  congress,  124,  125 ; 
his  opposition  to  Monroe,  159  ;  his 
policy  inevitably  brings  on  opposi 
tion,  100 ;  opposes  Van  Buren's 
confirmation  as  minister  to  Eng 
land,  230 ;  denounces  Van  Buren 
for  sycophancy, 231 ;  nominated  for 
presidency  by  Whigs,  24G  ;  by  Young 
Men's  convention,  240  ;  defeated  in 
1832,  248  ;  appeals  to  Van  Buren  to 
intercede  with  Jackson  in  behalf  of 
the  bank,  253 ;  his  attack  on  Jack 
son's  land  bill  veto,  203 ;  condemns 
abolitionists,  209 ;  condemns  bill  to 
exclude  anti-slavery  matter  from 
mails,  27G ;  opposes  reduction  of 
taxation,  299  ;  on  real  nature  of  de 
posit  of  surplus,  300;  denounces 
Van  Buren'a  policy  in  1837,  337 ; 
demands  a  national  bank,  337  ;  in 
sist*  on  pay  inert  of  fourth  install 


ment  of  surplus,  338  ;  votes  against 
treasury  notes,  339 ;  taunts  Cal- 
houn  with  joining  Van  Buren,  346  ; 
opposes  preemption  bill,  357  ;  mis 
led  by  popular  demonstrations,  309 ; 
cheated  out  of  nomination  in  1839, 
378;  on  campaign  of  1840,  382; 
holds  Van  Buren  responsible  for 
panic,  385  ;  on  Van  Buren's  personal 
agreeableness,  390,  3U7  ;  visited  by 
Van  Buren,  400;  discusses  Texas 
question  with  him,  400;  his  posi 
tion  on  slavery,  403;  defeated  in 
1844  by  Polk,  owing  to  Biniey's 
candidacy,  412,  413  ;  writes  letter 
against  Texas  annexation,  413  ;  later 
bids  for  pro-slavery  vote,  413  ;  dis 
carded  for  Taylor  in  1848,  430; 
brings  about  compromise  of  1850, 
435,  437  ;  inferior  to  Van  Buren  in 
real  leadership,  405. 

Clayton,  John  M.,  votes  for  Panama 
congress,  131. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  in  New  York  coun 
cil  of  appointment  of  1801,  48  ;  in 
troduces  and  advocates  "  spoils  sys 
tem,"  49,  50 ;  becomes  United 
States  senator,  51  ;  duel  with  Swart- 
wout,  51  ;  justification  of  his  party 
proscription,  50  ;  supported  by  Van 
Buren  in  1812,  58;  his  character, 
nominated  for  president  against 
Madison,  58  ;  breaks  relations  with 
Van  Buren,  03,  G4 ;  removed  from 
mayoralty  of  New  York,  64;  se 
cures  passage  of  law  establishing 
Erie  Canal,  65 ;  supported  in  this 
by  Van  Buren,  65 ;  thanks  Van  Bu 
ren,  06  ;  elected  governor,  6G ;  re- 
elected  in  1820,  73;  accuses  Mon 
roe's  administration  of  interfering 
in  state  election,  75  ;  supports  Jack 
son,  109,  156 ;  complimented  by 
Jackson,  109  ;  his  position  in  New 
York  politics  as  canal  commissioner, 
109 ;  removed  by  enemies  in  legis 
lature,  110;  regains  popularity, 
elected  governor,  110;  his  death, 
his  character,  147  ;  eulogy  of  Van 
Buren  upon,  148. 

Clinton,  George,  his  separatist  atti 
tude  toward  Constitution,  5  ;  leads 
Republican  party  in  New  York,  40  < 


474 


INDEX 


his  career  as  governor  of  New 
York,  40  ;  declines  nomination  in 
1795,  41;  reflected  in  1801,  41; 
later  aspirations,  41 ;  supplants 
Burr  in  vice-presidency,  43;  at 
tacked  by  Van  Ness,  43  ;  leads  fac 
tion  of  Republicans,  44  ;  his  friends 
excluded  by  Hamilton  from  federal 
offices,  46  ;  presides  over  council  of 
appointment  of  1801,  48,  49;  pro 
tests  against  proscription  of  Feder 
alists,  50. 

Clintonians,  faction  of  New  York 
Democrats,  40,  41  ;  quarrel  with 
Liviugstonians,  44 ;  control  regu 
lar  party  caucus,  45 ;  gain  control 
of  council  of  appointment,  45;  re 
move  Livingstonians  from  office, 
51  ;  lose  and  regain  offices,  52  ;  nom 
inate  and  cast  New  York  electoral 
vote  for  De  Witt  Clinton,  58  ;  favor 
Erie  Canal,  05  ;  opposed  by  Bucktail 
faction,  67  ;  joined  by  majority  of 
Federalists,  73  ;  defeated  in  election 
of  1820,  73  ;  oppose  election  of  Van 
Buren  to  Senate,  70  ;  join  Bucktails 
in  Democratic  party,  158. 

Cobb,  Thomas  W.,  laments  absence  of 
principles  in  campaign  of  1824,  108. 

Coddington, ,  refusal  of  Van  Bu 
ren  to  appoint  to  office,  173. 

Cole  man,  William,  friend  of  Hamil 
ton,  removed  from  office  by  Repub 
licans,  50. 

Comet  case,  urged  by  Van  Buren  in 
England,  229. 

Compromise  of  1850,  its  effect  on 
Northern  Democrats,  435;  its  fu 
tility,  435  ;  defended  by  John  Van 
Buren,  439,  440. 

Constitution,  federal,  circumstances 
preceding  its  formation,  4 ;  its  de 
velopment  by  Federalists,  4,  5 ; 
and  internal  improvements,  9C,  132, 
201 ;  proposal  of  Van  Buren  to 
amend  in  this  respect,  97,  98 ;  and 
protection,  101 ;  proposal  of  Van 
Buren  to  amend  in  election  of  pre 
sident  by  electors,  104-10G,  133, 
134  ;  attitude  of  Adams  concerning, 
causes  division  of  parties,  121,  122  ; 
in  relation  to  Panama  congress, 
126 ;  the  bank,  145,  203  ;  distribu. 


tion  of  surplus,  2G5  ;  its  relation  to 
slavery  in  the  States,  272;  to  sla 
very  in  Territories,  420,  444;  in 
Dred  Scott  case,  441. 

Constitutional  convention  of  New 
York,  its  membership,  77  ;  its  work, 
77  ;  debate  on  necessity  of  a  landed 
suffrage,  77-80 ;  on  appointments 
to  office,  81,  82;  abolishes  council 
of  revision,  82,  84  ;  removes  judges 
from  office,  85. 

Crawford,  William  H.,  supported  by 
New  York  Republicans  against  Mon 
roe  in  1816,  75;  the  "regular" 
candidate  of  party  in  1824,94,115; 
supported  by  Van  Buren,  95 ;  op 
poses  tariff  of  1824,  103  ;  his  caucus 
nomination  denounced  by  King,  105  ; 
reasons  for  his  popularity,  his  ca 
reer,  IOC,  107  ;  nominated  by  cau 
cus,  114;  his  connection  with  four- 
year-term  act,  139 ;  leaves  public 
life,  157  ;  his  followers  join  Jack 
son's,  157  ;  visited  by  Van  Buren, 
157 ;  willing  to  support  Jackson, 
but  not  Calhoun,  157  ;  supports 
Jackson  against  Calhoun  in  Mon 
roe's  cabinet,  185 ;  describes  Cal- 
houn's  attitude  to  Jackson,  186. 

Crockett,  Davy,  his  s'currilous  life  of 
Van  Buren,  256  ;  his  defense  of  the 
Alamo,  358. 

Croswell,  Edwin,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  111. 

Cumberland  road,  Monroe's  veto  of 
bill  to  erect  toll-gates  upon,  95; 
further  debates  upon,  96,  132. 

dishing,  Caleb,  denounces  Van  Bu- 
ren's  policy  in  1837,  336. 

DADE,  MAJOR  FRANCIS,  massacred  by 
Seminoles,  366. 

Dallas,  George  M.,  nominated  for 
vice-president,  411. 

Debt,  imprisonment  for,  attempts  tc 
abolish,  26,  27,  98,  116,  142. 

Democratic  party,  its  relations  with 
Van  Buren,  2  ;  in  recent  years  loses 
Jeffersonian  ideals,  12  ;  share  of  Van 
Bui-en  in  forming,  118,  lilt ;  its  op 
position  to  Adams  justifiable,  119; 
caused  by  Adams's  loose  constitu 
tional  policy,  121,  122  ;  its  poncj 


INDEX 


475 


not  factious,  123  ;  created  in  debate 
on  Panama  congress,  130,  131  ; 
drilled  by  Van  Buren  in  opposing 
internal  improvements,  131,  132, 
142 ;  its  principles  stated  by  Van 
Buren,  145,  153;  does  not  yet 
clearly  hold  them,  154  ;  united  by 
Jackson's  personality,  155 ;  differ 
ent  elements  in,  harmonized  by  Van 
Buren,  157  ;  its  opposition  to  Adams 
and  Clay  not  causeless,  but  praise 
worthy,  159-161 ;  significance  of  its 
victory,  1G2;  erroneous  descrip 
tions  of  its  administration,  177, 178  ; 
discussion  in,  over  succession  to 
Jackson,  185 ;  break  in,  between 
Calhoun  and  Van  Buren,  101 ;  Van 
Buren's  resignation  from  State  De 
partment  in  order  not  to  hurt,  195  ; 
demands  offices,  208-212 ;  enraged 
at  rejection  of  Van  Bureu's  nomi 
nation,  234 ;  rejects  desire  of  New 
York  to  elect  him  governor,  236; 
meets  in  national  convention  of  1832, 
237  ;  not  forced  to  adopt  Van  Bu 
ren,  237,  238 ;  requires  two-thirds 
majority  to  nominate,  238 ;  nomi 
nates  Van  Buren  for  vice-presi 
dency,  239  ;  avoids  adopting  a  plat 
form,  239  ;  fears  to  alienate  believ 
ers  in  tariff  and  internal  improve 
ments,  240  ;  Van  Buren's  nomina 
tion  the  natural  result  of  circum 
stances,  240,  241  ;  successful  in 
election  of  1832,  247,  248;  secession 
of  Southwestern  members  from, 
256,  257  ;  holds  its  national  conven 
tion  in  1835,  257  ;  action  of  party  in 
calling  convention  defended,  258, 
259 ;  adopts  two-thirds  rule,  259  ; 
nominates  Van  Buren  and  Rives, 
259  ;  Southwestern  members  of,  no 
minate  White  and  Tyler,  2GO  :  elects 
Van  Buren,  279,  280 ;  members  of, 
urge  Jackson  to  approve  distribu 
tion  bill,  302  ;  upholds  specie  cir 
cular  during  panic,  322,  323 ;  de 
feated  in  elections  of  1837,  337,  342  • 
members  of,  desert  independent 
treasury  bill,  338  ;  rejoined  by  Cal 
houn,  340,  341  ;  faction  of,  joins 
Whigs  in  opposing  Van  Buren,  347  ; 
regains  ground  in  election  of  1838, 


362,  363 ;  its  national  convention 
despondent,  379 ;  its  principles, 
379 ;  declares  against  abolitionists, 

379  ;  its  address  to  the  people,  379, 

380  ;  cried  down  in  election  of  1840, 
386;  badly  defeated  in   1840,  390, 
391  ;    significance    of    defeat,    399 ; 
bound  to  continue  support  of  Van 
Buren,  399,  401  ;  its  nomination  de 
sired  by  Tyler,  402  ;  its  delegates  to 
national  convention    instructed    tc 
nominate  Van  Buren,  404  ;  majority 
of,  desires  annexation  of  Texas,  405 ; 
national    convention    of,    408-411  ; 
debate   in,   between   Southern  and 
Northern  members,  408, 409  ;  adopts 
two-thirds    rule,     409 ;     nominates 
Polk  over  Van  Buren,  410,  411  ;  sue. 
cessful   in  election,  412,  413 ;  coin- 
pliments  Van  Buren   on  honorable 
retirement,   414  ;    at   national  cun- 
vention   of  1848   wishes  to  include 
both     New    York    factions,     424; 
nominates   Cass,   424 ;    its  rage  at 
Free-soil    secession,  429,  430;    de 
feated  in  election,  432 ;   impossibil 
ity    of    its   pardoning   Van   Buren> 
434  ;  nominates  Pierce,  439  ;  nomi 
nates  Buchanan,  441. 

Democratic  party,  in  New  York,  sup 
ports  Jackson,  158 ;  nominates  and 
elects  Van  Buren  governor,  166 ; 
sends  address  to  Jackson  on  Van 
Buren's  rejection  by  Senate  as  min 
ister  to  England,  234  ;  proposes  to 
elect  Van  Buren  governor  or  send 
him  to  Senate,  236;  Loco-foco  fac 
tion  in,  342-344  ;  on  reconciliation 
with  Loco-focos,  name  transferred 
to  whole  party,  344,  345  ;  offers  For 
rest  nomination  to  Congress,  361 ; 
favors  literary  men,  361,  362  ;  loses 
ground  in  elections  of  1838,  363  ; 
welcomes  Van  Buren's  visit,  369 ; 
continues,  in  1839,  to  regain  ground, 
370 ;  its  action  in  convention  of 
1844,  408-411  ;  held  In  support  of 
Polk  by  Van  Buren  and  Wright, 
412,  413;  divides  into  Hunkers  and 
Barnburners,  415-425  ;  reunited  in 
1849-1850,  435. 

Denny,  Thomas,  with  Henry  Fairish 
and  others,  on  committee  of  New 


476 


INDEX 


York  merchants  to  remonstrate 
against  specie  circular,  317. 

Derby,  Earl  of,  compared  as  parlia 
mentarian  to  Van  Buren,  123. 

De  Tocqueville,  Alexis  de,  on  lawyers 
in  America,  35. 

Dickerson,  Mahlon,  condemns  too 
much  diplomacy,  129 ;  votes  against 
Panama  congress,  131  ;  supports 
tariff  of  1828, 143  ;  secretary  of  navy 
under  Van  Buren,  283  ;  resigns,  3GO. 

Dickinson,  Daniel  S.,  at  Democratic 
Convention  of  1844,  408,  411  ;  leads 
Hunkers,  415;  uses  federal  patron 
age  against  Barnburners,  417  ;  sug 
gests  idea  of  squatter  sovereignty, 
422  ;  supports  compromise  of  1850, 
437. 

Diplomatic  history,  conduct  of  State 
Department  by  Van  Buren,  215 ; 
negotiations  leading  to  payment  of 
French  spoliation  claims,  216  ;  pay 
ment  of  Danish  spoliation  claims, 
217  ;  other  commercial  treaties,  217  ; 
negotiations  relative  to  British 
West  India  trade,  217-222;  Gal- 
latin's  mission  to  England,  219 ; 
American  claims  abandoned  by  Van 
Buren,  220 ;  mutual  concessions 
open  trade,  222  ;  Van  Buren's  mis 
sion  to  England,  224-228 ;  rejection 
of  Texas  treaty,  413. 

Disraeli,  Benjamin,  his  Jingo  policy 
compared  to  Clay's  and  Adams's, 
12G. 

District  of  Columbia,  question  of  abo 
lition  of  slavery  in,  raised,  272,  273  ; 
general  understanding  that  this  was 
impossible,  273,  274;  opinion  of 
Van  Buren  concerning,  274,  275. 

Dix,  John  A.,  his  desire  to  be  one  of 
Albany  Regency,  112  ;  at  Demo 
cratic  convention  of  1840,  379; 
leads  Barnburners,  415  ;  praised  by 
Utica  convention  of  1847,  423 ;  ac 
cepts  Free-soil  nomination  for  gov 
ernor,  429 ;  his  friendship  for  Van 
Buren,  456. 

Dix,  Dr.  Morgan,  describes  honesty 
of  Albany  Regency,  112. 

podge,  Henry,  nominated  by  Barn 
burners  for  vice-presidency,  427  ; 
declines  to  abandon  Cass,  427. 


Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  supports  oom. 
promise  of  1850,  437. 

Dudley,  Charles  E.,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  111  ;  offers  to  surrender 
seat  in  Senate  to  Van  Buren,  236. 

Duer,  John,  refusal  of  Van  Buren  to 
secure  his  removal  from  office,  2(19. 

Duer,  William,  joins  Bucktail  llepub- 
j  licans,  73. 

Durham,  Earl  of,  sent  to  Canada,  his 
character,  355  ;  his  successful  rule, 
355;  recalled,  350  ;  declines  invita 
tion  to  visit  Washington,  356. 

Dutch,  in  New  York,  Americanized 
in  eighteenth  century,  14. 

EATON,  JOHN  H.,  supports  tariff  of 
1828,  143  ;  secretary  of  war,  179  ; 
marries  Peggy  Timberlake,  181  ;  re 
peats  remarks  about  Calhoun  to 
Jackson,  186 ;  resigns  secretary 
ship,  199  ;  succeeds  Barry  as  min 
ister  to  Spain,  199 ;  opposes  Van 
Buren  in  1840,  387. 

Eaton,  Mrs.  "  Peggy,"  scandals  con 
cerning,  181  ;  upheld  by  Jackson, 
181,182;  ostracized  by  Washington 
society,  182;  treated  politely  by 
Van  Buren,  183,  184. 

Eden,  Joseph,  in  suit  for  Medcef 
Eden's  property,  28. 

Edan,  Medcef,  suit  concerning  his 
will,  28-30. 

Edmonds,  John  W.,  issues  circular 
opposing  Texas  but  supporting  Polk, 
415. 

Election  of  1824,  nominations  for,  dis 
cussed  in  Senate,  105 ;  candidates 
for,  106-109  ;  lack  of  principles  in, 
108 ;  nomination  of  Crawford  by 
caucus,  114 ;  action  of  Adams  men 
in  New  York  throws  out  Clay,  115  ; 
discussion  of  outcome  of  vote  in 
House,  116;  its  result  used  in  1828 
to  condemn  Adams,  164. 

Election  of  1828,  a  legitimate  canvass, 
153  ;  broad  principles  at  stake  in, 
153,  154  ;  propriety  of  opposition  to 
Adams  and  Clay,  159,  160;  founds 
principles  of  both  parties  until  pre 
sent  day,  161  ;  saves  country  from 
dangers  of  centralization,  162  ;  slan 
derous  character  of,  162,  163;  the 


INDEX 


477 


cry  of  corrupt  bargain,  1G3 ;  the 
"  demos  krateo "  cry  legitimate, 
1G5,  166. 

Ellmaker,  Amos,  nominated  for  vice- 
president  by  anti-Masons,  24C. 

Ely,  Rev.  Dr.  Ezra  S.,  bitter  letter  of 
Jackson  to,  on  clergy,  181. 

Emiuett,  Thomas  Addis,  attorney-gen 
eral  of  New  York,  23. 

England,  lawyers  not  leaders  in,  33  ; 
political  prejudice  in,  against  law 
yers,  33  ;  demands  land-holding  class 
as  leaders,  34  ;  considers  offices  as 
property,  55  ;  unpopularity  of  poli 
tical  coalitions  in,  1 1C,  104  ;  attempts 
to  exclude  Americans  from  trade 
with  West  Indies,  217,  218;  offers 
trade  upon  conditions,  218  ;  on  fail 
ure  of  United  States  to  comply,  pro 
hibits  trade,  218  ;  counter-claims  of 
United  States  against,  219;  claims 
against,  abindoned  by  Van  Buren, 
219,  222 ;  agrees  to  reciprocal  con 
cessions,  222 ;  Van  Buren  minister 
to,  224  ;  popularity  of  Irving  in,  225 ; 
social  life  of  Van  Buren  in,  22G-228 ; 
its  indifference  to  colonial  griev 
ances,  3.")() ;  votes  to  tax  Canada 
without  reference  to  colonial  legis 
latures,  351 ;  sends  Durham  to  re 
medy  grievances,  356  ;  recalls  him, 
356 ;  second  money  stringency  in, 
371. 

Erie  Canal,  agitation  for,  G5;  favored 
by  Van  Buren,  65,  66. 

FEDERALIST  PARTY,  its  influence  on 
development  of  United  States  gov 
ernment,  5 ;  despises  common  peo 
ple,  38  ;  only  example  of  a  destroyed 
party,  38  ;  deserves  its  fate,  38,  39  ; 
continues  to  struggle  in  New  York, 
39  ;  aids  Burr  against  Republicans, 
43  ;  supports  Lewis  against  Cliuton- 
iaiis,  44;  begins  spoils  system  in 
New  York,  47  ;  aids  Livingstonians 
to  turn  out  Clintonian  officers,  51, 
52  ;  supports  De  Witt  Clinton  for 
president,  59  ;  controls  New  York 
Assembly,  60 ;  hinders  war  mea 
sures,  61 ;  struggles  for  control  of 
New  York  legislature  in  1816,  64; 
defeated  in  elections,  65 ;  expires  in 


1820,  72,  88  ;  divides  between  Clin- 
tonians  and  Bucktails,  73  ;  position 
under  Monroe,  89 ;  its  career  used 
by  Van  Buren  to  discredit  J.  Q. 
Adams,  128,  145,  14C. 

Fellows,  Henry,  his  election  case  in 
1816,  64. 

Fill  more,  Millard,  signs  compromise 
bills,  435,  437  ;  Whig  candidate  in 
1856,  445 ;  an  accidental  president. 
4C3. 

Field,  David  Dudley,  issues  circulav 
against  Texas  but  supporting  Polk, 
415  ;  offers  anti-slavery  resolution  in 
New  York  Democratic  convention, 
418;  reads  Van  Buren's  letter  to 
Utica  convention,  425. 

Financial  history,  removal  of  deposits 
from  the  bank,  249-251 ;  exaggerated 
results  of  the  withdrawal,  252-254  ; 
real  unwisdom  of  "  pet  bank  "  pol 
icy,  254 ;  causes  of  panic  of  1837, 
287-316 ;  financial  depression  after 
war  of  1812,  287,  288  ;  land  specula 
tions,  291-294 ;  large  foreign  invest 
ments,  293 ;  discussion  of  "  pet 
bank  "  policy,  295  ;  not  in  any  sense 
the  cause  of  the  panic,  295,  296; 
rapid  increase  of  government  sur 
plus,  297  ;  question  of  responsibility 
for  speculation  among  politicians, 
298-302  ;  refusal  to  reduce  taxation, 
299 ;  distribution  of  surplus,  300- 
302  ;  objections  of  Jackson  to  distri 
bution,  301,  302  ;  warnings  of  Marcy 
and  Jackson  disregarded,  302,  303 ; 
specie  circular,  304 ;  demand  for 
gold  payments,  304,  305 ;  nature  of 
crisis  of  1837  misunderstood,  305; 
class  affected  by  it  small  in  numbers, 
306;  great  mass  of  people  unaffected, 
307  ;  over-estimation  of  new  lands, 
308,  309 ;  increased  luxury,  309,  310 ; 
high  prices,  310,  311 ;  discovery  of 
over- valuation,  311,  312  ;  collapse  of 
nominal  value,  313  ;  folly  of  attempt 
to  conceal  collapse,  314  ;  bread  riots 
against  high  prices,  315 ;  disturbance 
caused  by  distribution  of  surplus, 
315,  316 ;  financial  crisis  begins  in 
England,  316 ;  failures  begin  in  New 
York,  316;  general  collapse,  317  J 
specie  circular  held  to  be  the  caua*» 


478 


INDEX 


317-319;  suspension  of  specie  pay 
ments,  319, 320;  general  bankruptcy, 
320  ;  use  of  token  curreucj',  323  ;  Van 
Buren's  message  recommending  in 
dependent  treasury,  327-333;  pro 
posed  remedies  of  Whigs,  333-337  ; 
defeat  of  iirst  sub-treasury  bill,  337  ; 
postponement  of  fourth  installment 
of  surplus,  338  ;  issue  of  treasury 
notes,  338,  339;  beneficent  results 
of  these  measures,  339,  340  ;  pre 
parations  for  resumption  of  specie 
payment,  342  ;  defeat  of  second  in 
dependent  treasury  bill,  340 ;  prac 
tical  existence  of  an  independent 
treasury,  34G  ;  final  passage  of  sub- 
treasury  bill,  347,  348 ;  revival  of 
business,  348 ;  resumption  of  pay 
ments  by  New  York  banks,  348,  349 ; 
others  follow,  349 ;  return  of  confi 
dence,  349  ;  continued  depression  in 
South,  370;  brief  revival  of  land 
speculation,  371  ;  renewed  collapse 
of  Western  and  Southern  banks, 
371 ;  final  passage  of  sub-treasury 
bill,  377. 

Findlay,  William,  votes  against  Pan 
ama  congress,  131. 

Flagg,  Azariah  C.,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  111  ;  leads  Barnburners, 
415 ;  his  friendship  for  Van  Buren, 
456. 

Florida,  acquired  in  1819,  88  ;  vote  of 
Van  Buren  to  exclude  slave  trade  in, 
93,94. 

Floyd,  John,  receives  South  Carolina's 
electoral  vote  in  1832,  248. 

Forman,  Joshua,  proposes  safety  fund 
for  New  York  banks,  170. 

Forrest,  Edwin,  declines  a  nomination 
to  Congress,  361. 

Forsyth,  John,  quotes  Crawford's  ac 
count  of  Calhoun's  proposal  in  Mon 
roe's  cabinet  to  punish  Jackson,  185 ; 
refers  Jackson  to  Crawford  as  au 
thority,  186 ;  secretary  of  state,  255 ; 
retained  by  Van  Buren,  283. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  compared  to  W. 
B.  Giles,  154. 

France,  urged  by  Jackson,  agrees  to 
pay  spoliation  claims,  216. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  his  share  in  effort 
for  Union,  4. 


Free  -  soil  party,  loses  faith  in  Van 
Buren,  3  ;  organized  at  Buffalo  con 
vention,  427  ;  its  platform,  428 ; 
nominates  Van  Buren  over  Hale, 
428  ;  analysis  of  its  vote  in  1848,  431, 
432  ;  later  relations  of  Van  Buren 
with,  435;  supports  Hale  in  1852, 
439. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  Van  Buren's  opin 
ion  of,  441 ;  defeated  in  election,  445. 

"  GAG  ''  rule,  approved  by  Van  Buren, 
380  ;  his  policy  justified  by  executive 
position ,  381 . 

Gallatin,  Albert,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  withdraws,  114 ;  fails  to 
settle  West  India  trade  question 
with  England,  219  :  agrees  with  Van 
Buren's  position,  231. 

Garland,  Hugh  A.,  as  clerk  of  the 
House  refuses  to  decide  status  of 
New  Jersey  congressmen,  375 ;  jus 
tification  of  his  action,  375,  376 ;  de 
nounced  by  Adams,  376  ;  reflected 
clerk,  376. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  on  powers 
of  Congress  over  slavery,  272  ;  his 
position  in  American  history,  273. 

Georgia,  nominates  Van  Buren  for 
vice-presidency,  108  ;  "  Clarkite  " 
faction  in,  abuses  Van  Buren,  108 ; 
its  conduct  in  Cherokee  case  rightly 
upheld  by  Jackson,  203,  204. 

Giddings,  Joshua  R.,  anti -slavery 
leader,  273  ;  at  Buffalo  convention, 
427. 

Giles,  William  B.,  his  character,  154. 

Gilpin,  Henry  D.,  attorney-general 
under  Van  Buren,  393. 

Gladstone,  William  Evvart,  his  shrewd 
ness  as  parliamentarian,  123;  com 
pared  to  Van  Buren,  158  and  n., 
457  ;  fails  to  see  any  principle  in 
volved  in  Canadian  question  of  1837, 
351,  352. 

"  Globe,"  defends  Jackson,  191 ;  not 
established  by  Van  Buren,  194; 
supports  hard  money,  loses  House 
printing,  338. 

Goschen,  George  Joachim,  his  career 
shows  danger  of  coalitions,  164. 

Gouverneur, ,  postmaster  in  New 

York  city,  refuses  to  forward  ante 


INDEX 


maveiy  papers  to  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  276. 

granger,  Francis,  supported  for  gov 
ernor  of  New  York  by  Whigs  and 
Anti-Masons,  245 ;  nominated  for 
vice-president,  260. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  his  renomination  in 
1872,  118. 

Greeley,  Horace,  prefers  Taylor  to  Van 
Buren  in  1848,  431. 

Green,  Duff,  editor  of  "The  Tele 
graph,"  plans  attack  of  Calhoun 
papers  on  Van  Buren,  191. 

Grosvenor,  Thomas  P.,  member  of 
Columbia  County  bar,  20. 

Grundy,  Felix,  attorney-general  under 
Van  Buren,  393. 

Gwin,  Samuel,  letter  of  Van  Buren  to, 
on  slavery  in  the  States,  272. 

HALE,  DANIEL,  removed  from  office  by 
New  York  Republicans,  50. 

Hale,  John  P.,  defeated  for  nomina 
tion  at  Buffalo  convention,  428; 
withdraws  from  Liberty  nomina 
tion,  431  ;  Free  -  soil  candidate  in 
1852,  439. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  his  aristocratic 
schemes  defeated  in  Federal  con 
vention,  5;  his  opinion  in  Medcef 
Eden  case,  28  ;  killed  by  Burr,  29 ; 
advises  Federalists  not  to  support 
Burr  for  governor,  43  ;  secures  ap 
pointment  of  Clinton's  opponents 
to  federal  offices  in  New  York,  4G ; 
compared  as  party-builder  to  Van 
Buren,  465. 

Hamilton,  James  A.,  joins  "Buck- 
tails  "  in  New  York,  73  ;  acts  as 
temporary  secretary  of  state,  177 ; 
on  Calhoun's  attempt  to  prevent 
Van  Buren's  appointment,  181 ; 
visits  Crawford  in  1828,  185;  re 
ceives  letter  from  Forsyth  describ 
ing  Calhoun's  attitude  toward  Jack 
son  in  Monroe's  cabinet,  185 ;  re 
fuses  to  give  letter  to  Jackson,  186  ; 
letter  of  Van  Buren  to,  on  Jack 
son's  principles,  200;  aids  Jackson 
in  composing  messages,  205 ;  -on 
Jackson's  demand  for  subservience 
in  associates,  206 ;  letter  of  Van 
Baren  to,  on  removals,  209. 


Hamilton,    John    C.,    joins  Bucktail 

Republicans,  73. 
Hamlin,     Hannibal,     at    Democratic 

convention  of  1840,  379. 
Hammond,  Jabez  D.,  quoted,  65,  68, 

78,  168 ;  on  Van  Bureu's  trickery, 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  nominated 
by  Whigs  in  1836,260;  his  answers 
to  Williams's  questions,  264;  vote 
for,  in  election,  279,  280 ;  renomi- 
nated  for  president,  377  ;  denounced 
as  a  Federalist  by  Democrats,  379  ; 
denies  charge  of  abolitionism,  381, 
382  ;  opposes  abolition  in  District  of 
Columbia,  381 ;  character  of  hia 
speeches  in  the  campaign,  386  ;  vote 
for,  in  1840,  390,  391  ;  welcomed  to 
White  House  by  Van  Buren,  394; 
his  death,  401 ;  one  of  the  medio 
crities  of  White  House,  463. 

Harvard  College,  confers  on  Jack»on 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws,  255. 

Hayne,  Robert  Y.,  on  "era  of  ^od 
feeling,"  88;  against  tariff  of  1824, 
99,  100;  his  arguments,  101,  102; 
votes  to  reject  Clay's  nomination 
to  State  Department,  123 ;  on 
Clay's  Panama  scheme,  127 ;  pro 
tests  against  tariff  of  1828,  144;  a 
leader  of  Senate  until  1828,  148  ;  his 
debate  with  Webster,  188  ;  opposes 
confirmation  of  Van  Buren  as  min 
ister  to  England,  230. 

Head,  Sir  Francis  B.,  on  Mackenzie  as 
a  liar,  326  n.;  as  governor,  refuses  to 
placate  disaffected  Canadians,  352, 
353  ;  leaves  Canada,  355. 

Henry,  John  V.,  New  York  Federal 
ist,  removed  from  office  by  Repub 
licans,  50. 

Henry,  Matthew,  on  "  sober  second 
thought  of  people,"  458  n. 

Henry,  Patrick,  his  separatist  atti 
tude,  5. 

Hill,  Isaac,  in  kitchen  cabinet,  193; 
letter  of  Lewis  to,  proposing  a  na 
tional  convention,  237. 

Hoes,  Hannah,  marries  Van  Buren, 
21 ;  her  death,  36. 

Holmes,  John,  votes  against  Panama 
congress,  131. 

House  of  Representatives,  defeate  in? 


INDEX 


dependent  treasury  bill,  337,  338; 
rejects  renewal  of  a  bank,  340  ;  de 
feats  second  treasury  bill,  346 ; 
finally  passes  it,  348;  struggle  for 
control  of,  in  1839,  374-377  ;  case 
of  the  five  New  Jersey  congress 
men,  374,  375  ;  refusal  of  clerk  to 
call  names  of  contestants,  374,  375  ; 
organization  of,  by  Adams  and 
Rhett,  37G,  377. 

Houston,  Samuel,  defeats  Mexicans, 
358. 

Hoxie,  Joe,  in  campaign  of  1840,  390. 

Hoyt,  Jesse,  letter  of  Butler  to,  on 
Van  Buren,  31  ;  letter  of  Butler  to, 
on  judicial  arrogance,  84  ;  letters  of 
Van  Buren  to,  on  appointments  to 
state  office,  173,  174  ;  on  Jackson, 
190  ;  on  necessity  of  a  newspaper 
organ,  192  ;  writes  insolent  letter, 
urging  Van  Buren  to  dismiss  office 
holders,  210;  succeeds  Swartwout 
as  collector  at  New  York,  3C4 ;  bis 
character,  3C4,  365;  his  election 
bets,  453  n, 

Hoyt,  Lorenzo,  complains  of  Van 
Buren's  slowness  to  remove  oppo 
nents  from  office,  208. 

Hunkers,  origin  of,  their  leaders,  415 ; 
struggle  with  Barnburners  in  New 
York,  417  ;  aided  by  Polk,  417  ;  gain 
control  of  party,  418. 

Hunter,  Robert  M.  T.,  elected  speaker 
of  House  in  1839,  376;  his  later 
career,  376. 

INGHAM,  SAMUEL  D. ,  secretary  of  trea 
sury,  179 ;  describes  rush  of  office- 
seekers,  210. 

Inman,  Henry,  his  portrait  of  Van 
Buren,  449. 

Internal  improvements,  debates  on, 
in  Senate,  95-98,  117,  142 ;  opposi 
tion  becomes  part  of  Democratic 
policy,  98  ;  advocated  by  Adams, 
121  ;  bill  for,  vetoed  by  Jackson, 
201,  202;  not  mentioned  by  Demo 
crats  in  platform  of  1832,  240 ;  de 
mand  for,  caused  by  expansion  of 
West,  290. 

Jrving,  Washington,  appointed  secre 
tary  of  legation  at  London  by  Van 
Buren,  224 ;  liis  popularity  in  Eng 


land,  225  ;  wishes  to  resign,  br.t  re 
mains  with  Van  Buren,  225 ;  his 
friendship  for  Van  Buren,  225; 
travels  through  England  with  Van 
Buren,  22C  ;  on  Van  Buren's  career 
in  London,  228 ;  declines  offers  of 
Democratic  nominations,  361  ;  de 
clines  offer  of  Navy  Department, 
3C1,  362  ;  lives  at  Kinderhook,  398. 

JACKSON,  ANDREW,  Van  Buren  a  re 
presentative  of,  in  1860,  2  ;  his  con 
nection  with  Burr,  18  ;  on  "  rota 
tion  in  office,"  54;  his  victory  at 
New  Orleans,  63 ;  thanked  by  New 
York  legislature.  63 ;  urges  Mon 
roe  to  appoint  Federalists  to  office, 
89 ;  elected  to  Senate,  94 ;  rela 
tions  with  Benton,  94  ;  his  attitude 
on  internal  improvements,  98  ;  on 
the  tariff,  104;  does  not  vote  on 
proposed  amendment  of  electoral 
procedure,  106;  votes  for  internal 
improvements,  117  ;  votes  for  occu 
pation  of  Oregon,  117  ;  his  popular 
ity  utilized  by  Van  Buren  to  form  a 
party,  118;  retires  from  Senate, 
119  ;  slowness  of  Van  Buren  to  sup 
port,  119  ;  votes  to  '  reject  Clay's 
nomination  to  State  Department, 
123 ;  aids  his  own  candidacy,  131 ; 
defends  Van  Buren  from  charge 
of  non-committalism,  151  ;  his  con 
gressional  record  inconsistent  with 
nominal  Jacksonian  creed,  155  ;  his 
career  as  strict  constructionist,  155 ; 
not  a  mere  tool,  but  a  real  party 
manager,  155,  156;  and  a  real  na 
tional  statesman,  156  ;  management 
of  his  candidacy  in  New  York,  158  •, 
slandered  in  campaign  of  1828,  162, 
163 ;  offers  Van  Buren  State  De 
partment,  167 ;  opposed  by  Anti- 
Masons,  167 ;  erroneous  popular 
view  of  his  first  term,  177,  178  ;  its 
real  significance,  178 ;  his  cabinet, 
reasons  for  appointments,  179  ;  un 
moved  by  Calhoun's  objections  to 
Van  Buren's  appointment,  180,  181 ; 
anger  at  Mrs.  Eaton's  defamers, 
181,  182;  quarrels  with  wives  of 
cabinet  secretaries,  182 ;  his  con 
demnation  by  Calhoun  in  Monroe''? 


INDEX 


481 


cabinet  for  Seminole  affair,  185 ; 
ignorant  of  Calhoun's  attitude,  185  ; 
told  by  Lewis  and  Crawford,  18G  ; 
demands  an  explanation  from  Cal- 
houn,  ISO ;  his  reply  to  Calhoun, 

187  ;  sends  Calhoun's  letter  to  Van 
Buren,  187  ;  hi?  toast  for  the  Union, 

188  ;  declares  for  Van  Buren  as  his 
success  )r,  189,  190  ;  friendly  feelings 
of  Van  Buren  for,  190  ;  attack  upon, 
prepared  by  Green,  191 ;  absurdity 
of  story  of  his  control  by  kitchen 
cabinet,  193;  accepts  Van  Buren's 
resignation  and  approves  his  candi 
dacy,  197  ;  his  answer  to  invitation 
to   visit   Charleston,    198  ;  appoints 
Livingston  secretary  of  state,  199 ; 
reorganizes  cabinet,  199,  200  ;  doubts 
of  Van  Buren  as  to  his  Jeffersonian 
creed,  200 ;  his  inaugural  colorless, 
201  ;     vetoes    Maysville    road,    his 
arguments,  201, -202;  begins  oppo 
sition   to  bank,   202,    203;    defends 
removal   of   Cherokees  from   Geor 
gia,  203 ;  refuses  to  follow  Supreme 
Court,  203  ;  begins  to  doubt  wisdom 
of  high  tariff,  204,  205  ;  gains  much 
development  of  ideas  from  Van  Bu 
ren  and  others,   205,  20G  ;  not  jeal 
ous   of   Van    Buren's   ability,   20G ; 
adopts  Van   Buren's   theories,  20G ; 
not    largely  influenced  by  kitchen 
cabinet,  207  ;  angered  at  opposition 
in  government    officials,    212 ;    de 
fends  system  of  removals  from  of 
fice,  213  ;  his  action  less  blamewor 
thy    than    Lincoln's,     215 ;     urges 
France    to    pay   spoliation    claims, 
21G ;    boasts    of    his    success,    21 G, 
217  ;    adopts  peaceful   tone  toward 
England,  219  ;  his  connection  with 
West  India  trade,  222  ;  escorts  Van 
Buren  from  Washington,  224  ;  com 
plimented    by    William     IV.,    229, 
230 ;    sends  Van    Buren's    nomina 
tion    to    Senate,   220 ;    replying  to 
New  York  Democrats,  justifies  Van 
Buren.    235 ;    does   not    desire,   by 
national     convention,     to    throttle 
the  party,  238  ;  his  policy  renders 
a  party  platform  unnecessary,  240  ; 
significance   of    his    election,    247 ; 
issues    nullification     proclamation, 


248 ;  adopts  strict  constructionist 
views,  249  ;  orders  removal  of  de 
posits  from  Bank  of  United  States, 
249,  250  ;  refuses  to  postpone,  251  ; 
fears  to  leave  deposits  in  bank, 
252 ;  considers  distress  fictitious 
253 ;  cordial  relations  with  Vai. 
Buren  as  vice-president,  254 ;  his 
journey  in  New  England,  255;  de 
nounced  by  friends  of  White  lor 
preferring  Van  Buren,  25G  ;  urges 
Tennessee  to  support  Van  Buren, 
2G2  ;  attacked  by  Clay,  2G3 :  signs 
bill  to  distribute  surplus,  2GG ;  con 
demns  circulation  of  abolitionist 
matter  in  the  mails,  27G  ;  with  Van 
Buren  at  inauguration,  282;  the 
last  president  to  leave  office  with 
popularity,  282 ;  his  departure 
from  Washington,  283;  tribute  of 
Van  Buren  to,  in  inaugural  ad 
dress,  285  ;  rejoices  in  high  wages, 
290 ;  and  in  sales  of  public  lands, 
204  ;  finally  understands  it  to  mean 
speculation,  294,  303  ;  aids  specula 
tion  by  his  pet  banks,  295;  reluc 
tantly  approves  distribution  of  sur 
plus,  301  ;  issues  specie  circular, 
304 ;  his  prudent  attitude  as  pre 
sident  toward  Texas,  358 ;  urges 
claims  upon  Mexico,  359 ;  dealings 
with  Van  Buren  regarding  Swart- 
wout's  appointment,  364  ;  writes  let 
ter  supporting  Van  Buren  in  1840, 
387 ;  character  of  life  in  White 
House  under,  395  ;  visited  by  Van 
Buren  in  1842,  400;  writes  letter 
in  favor  of  Texas  annexation,  404; 
tries  to  minimize  Van  Buren's  atti 
tude  on  Texas,  407,408;  his  death 
weakens  Van  Buren  politically, 
41 G  ;  query  of  Van  Buren  concern 
ing  his  family  prayers,  453;  his 
firm  affection  for  Van  Buren,  454, 
455  ;  inferior  to  Van  Buren  in  states 
manship,  463. 

Jay,  John,  leader  of  New  York  Fed 
eralists,  39 ;  removals  from  office 
under,  47  ;  controversy  with  coun 
cil  over  appointments,  49. 

Jefferson,  Joseph,  his  play  of  "Rip 
Van  Winkle,"  7. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  Van  Buren's  dis 


482 


INDEX 


cipleship  of,  2,  3,  12 ;  popular  feel 
ing  at  time  of  his  election,  4  ;  cre 
ates  American  politics,  5,  0 ;  ill- 
treated  by  historians,  G,  10;  im 
plants  democracy  in  American  tra 
dition,  6,  7,  9  ;  bitterly  hated  by 
opponents,  9,  10;  his  position  as 
Sage  of  Monticello,  12,  13;  mem 
ber  of  land-holding  class.  33  ;  pol 
icy  toward  Europe  opposed  by  Fed 
eralists,  39;  relations  with  Living 
ston  family,  11 ;  refuses  to  proscribe 
Federalist  office-holders,  48  ;  his  at 
titude  toward  slavery,  91  ;  con 
demns  constitutional  doctrines  of 
J.  Q.  Adams,  154 ;  retains  popular 
ity  to  end  of  term,  282  ;  sends  Van 
Buren  a  sketch  of  his  relations  with 
Hamilton,  460;  his  policy  steadily 
followed  by  Van  Buren,  460  ;  one  of 
greatest  presidents,  464  ;  compared 
as  party-builder  to  Van  Buren,  465. 

Jessup,  General  Thomas  S.,  seizes  Os- 
ceola,  366. 

Johns,  Rev.  Dr.,  at  Democratic  con 
vention  of  1844,  408. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  leads  agitation 
for  abolition  of  imprisonment  for 
debt  by  federal  courts,  27,  142;  on 
interest  of  Holy  Alliance  in  United 
States,  100 ;  votes  for  Panama  con 
gress,  131  ;  candidate  for  vice-pre 
sidency,  239;  nominated  for  vice- 
presidency  in  1835,  259;  refusal  of 
Virginia  to  support,  260 ;  chosen 
vice-president  by  Senate,  281. 

Johnston,  Josiah  S.,  votes  for  Pan 
ama  congress,  131. 

Jones,  Samuel,  in  Medcef  Eden  case, 
30. 

KANE,  ELIAS  K.,  votes  against  Pan 
ama  congress,  131  ;  supports  tariff 
of  1828,  143. 

Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  passed,  its 
effect,  440,  441  ;  Van  Buren's  opin 
ion  of,  442-444. 

Kendall,  Amos,  helps  Blair  to  estab 
lish  Jacksonian  paper,  191  ;  in 
kitchen  cabinet,  193 ;  on  Van  Bu 
ren's  non-connection  with  the 
"Globe,"  194  ;  postmaster-general, 
199;  on  good  terms  with  Van  Bu 


ren,  207  ;  describes  regret  at  dis 
missing  old  government  officials. 
208,  209  ;  defends  propriety  of  re 
movals  under  Jackson,  211  ;  letter 
of  Lewis  to,  on  a  national  conven 
tion,  237  ;  describes  how  he  con 
vinced  Van  Buren  on  bank  question, 
250  ;  asks  state  banks  to  accept  de 
posits,  250  ;  willing  to  postpone  ac 
tion,  251  ;  his  avowed  moderation 
as  to  appointments  to  office,  261, 
262  ;  his  letter  on  abolition  matter 
in  the  mails,  275,  276  ;  continues  in 
office  under  Van  Buren,  283 ;  re 
signs  from  Van  Buren's  cabinet, 
his  reasons,  393,  394. 

Kent,  James,  his  legal  fame,  19 ;  dis 
like  of  Van  Buren  for,  25  ;  his  de 
cision  in  debtors'  case  reversed,  26  ; 
attacked  by  Van  Buren  in  Medcef 
Eden  case,  30  ;  his  political  parti 
sanship,  44;  in  New  York  consti 
tutional  convention,  77  ;  opposes 
vigorously  proposal  to  broaden  suf 
frage,  77,  78  ;  opposes  making 
county  officers  elective,  82  ;  contro 
versy  with  Van  Buren  over  act  to 
promote  privateering,  83  ;  comment 
of  Van  Buren  on,  84  ;  his  political 
narrowness,  246  ;  nominated  on 
Anti-Mason  electoral  ticket,  246. 

Kent,  James,  elected  governor  of 
Maine  in  1840,  390. 

King,  John  A. ,  joins  Bucktail  Republi 
cans,  73. 

King,  Preston,  at  Utica  convention, 
425. 

King,  Rufus,  leader  of  New  York 
Federalists,  39  ;  reflected  to  U.  S. 
Senate  by  Van  Buren's  aid,  68,  69  ; 
Van  Buren's  eulogy  of,  69-72;  his 
friendly  relations  with  Van  Buren, 
72  ;  opposes  admission  of  Missouri 
as  slave  State,  73,  74  ;  in  New  York 
constitutional  convention,  77  ;  op 
poses  making  county  officers  elec 
tive,  82 ;  votes  to  prevent  slave 
trade  in  Florida,  93  ;  opposes  tariff 
of  1824,  99  ;  his  constitutional  argu 
ment,  100  ;  denounces  caucus  nomi 
nations,  105 ;  opposes  abolition  of 
imprisonment  for  debt,  116;  on 
account  of  advancing  years,  de- 


INDEX 


483 


dines  to  be  candidate  for  reelec 
tion,  117. 

Kitchen  cabinet,  its  character  and 
membership,  193  ;  its  great  ability, 
193  ;  does  not  control  Jackson,  193. 

Kuower,  Benjamin,  member  of  Al 
bany  Regency,  111. 

Kremer,  George,  opens  Democratic 
convention  of  1835,  258. 

LAFAYETTE,  MARQUIS  DE,  compli 
ment  of  Jackson  to,  216. 

Lands,  public,  enormous  sales  of,  294  ; 
significance  of  speculation  in,  not 
understood  by  Jackson,  294 ;  the 
source  of  fictitious  wealth,  308-312  ; 
specie  circular  causes  depreciation 
in,  312,  313  ;  preemption  scheme 
adopted,  357. 

Lansing,  Qerrit  Y.,  chancellor  of 
New  York,  reverses  Kent's  decision 
in  debt  case,  26  ;  continues  as  judge 
to  be  a  politician,  44. 

Lawrence,  Abbot,  denounces  admin 
istration  for  causing  panic  of  1837, 
321,  322. 

Leavitt,  Joshua,  reports  name  of 
Van  Buren  to  Buffalo  convention, 
428. 

Legal  profession,  its  early  eminence 
in  United  States,  19,  32,  33,  35; 
shares  in  politics,  44. 

Leggett,  William,  proclaims  right  of 
discussion  and  condemns  slavery, 
271  ;  condemns  circulation  of  aboli 
tion  literature  in  the  South,  275. 

Letcher,  Robert  P.,  disgusted  at  nomi 
nation  of  Polk,  412. 

Lewis,  Morgan,  Republican  leader  in 
New  York,  42;  defeats  Burr  for 
governor,  44  ;  leads  Republican  fac 
tion  opposed  to  Clinton,  44  ;  asks 
aid  from  Federalists  to  secure  re 
election,  44,  45. 

Lewis,  William  B.,  tells  Jackson  of 
Forsyth's  letter  on  the  Seminole 
affair,  186  ;  asks  Jackson  to  desig 
nate  his  choice  for  successor,  189  ; 
in  kitchen  cabinet,  193 ;  not  cer 
tain  of  Jackson's  favor,  207  ;  sug 
gests  a  national  convention  to  nomi 
nate  a  vice-president,  237. 

iaberty  party,  its  vote  in  1844  in  the 


State  of  New  York,  defeats  Clay( 
412,  413;  nominates  Hale  in  1847, 
431. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  contrast  with 
Van  Buren  in  1860,  3  ;  his  responsi 
bility  for  spoils  system,  215;  atti 
tude  on  slavery  in  the  States,  272  , 
elected  president  on  Wilmot  Pro 
viso,  416  ;  opposed  by  Van  Buren 
in  1860,  445  ;  supported  by  Van  Bu 
ren  during  war,  447. 

Livingston,  Brockholst,  his  judicial 
career,  41  ;  both  judge  and  politi 
cian,  44. 

Livingston,  Edward,  his  career  as 
Republican,  41 ;  appointed  mayor 
of  New  York,  49 ;  favors  Jackson 
for  presidency,  156  ;  asked  by  Van 
Buren  to  succeed  him  as  secretary 
of  state,  194  ;  appointed  by  Jack 
son,  199  ;  drafts  nullification  procla 
mation,  248,  249. 

Livingston,  Edward  P.,  defeated  by 
Van  Buren  for  state  senator,  53. 

Livingston,  Maturin,  removed  from 
office  by  Clintonians,  51. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  defeated  for 
governor  of  New  York  by  Jay,  41 ; 
his  Revolutionary,  legal,  and  diplo 
matic  career,  41  ;  jealous  of  Ham 
ilton,  42;  both  judge  and  party 
leader,  44. 

Livingston  family,  gains  influence 
through  landed  wealth,  33  ;  its 
political  leadership  in  New  York, 
41,  42  ;  attacked  by  Bnrrites,  43 ; 
quarrels  with  Clintonians,  51.  (See 
New  York.) 

Livingstonians,  faction  of  New  York 
Democrats,  41,  42;  quarrel  with 
Clintonians,  44 ;  expel  Clintonians 
from  municipal  offices,  52. 

Loco-foco  party,  faction  of  Demo 
crats,  342  ;  origin  of  name,  343 ; 
their  creed,  343;  denounced  as  an 
archists,  344 ;  give  New  York  city 
to  Whigs,  344  ;  reunite  with  Demo 
crats  in  1837,  upon  a  moderate  de 
claration  of  equal  rights,  344. 

Louis  Philippe,  urged  by  Jackson  to 
pay  American  claims,  216  ;  charac 
ter  of  his  court,  227. 

Love  joy,     Elijah     P.,      anti-slaver  j 


484 


INDEX 


leader,  273,    his    murder    not    of 
political  interest,  359. 
Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of,  G2. 

McJiLTON,  REV.  ,  at  Democratic 

Convention  of  1844,  408. 

IlcKean,  Samuel,  complains  to  Ken 
dall  of  political  activity  of  postmas 
ters,  2G1. 

McLane,  Louis,  secretary  of  treasury, 
199;  Van  Buren's  instructions  to 
him  when  minister  to  England,  219- 
221  ;  his  successful  negotiations  re 
garding  West  India  trade,  222; 
wishes  to  return,  223;  mentioned 
as  candidate  for  vice-presidency, 
238;  wishes  removal  of  deposits 
postponed,  250 ;  disapproving  of 
removal  of  deposits,  resigns  State 
Department,  255. 

JIcLean,  John  T.,  appointed  to  Su 
preme  Court,  179 ;  refuses  to  pro 
scribe  postmasters,  207 ;  wishes 
Anti-Masonic  nomination  for  presi 
dency,  245. 

Mackenzie,  William  L.,  quoted  by  Von 
Hoist,  32G  n.  ;  his  character,  326 ; 
leads  an  insurrection  in  Upper  Can 
ada,  353  ;  flies  to  Buffalo  and  plans 
a  raid,  353  ;  indicted  and  convicted, 
356 ;  on  Van  Bureu's  refusal  to 
pardon  him,  becomes  a  bitter  en 
emy,  356. 

Madison,  James,  member  of  land-own 
ing  class,  33 ;  his  foreign  policy  at 
tacked  by  Federalists,  39 ;  voted 
against  by  Van  Buren  in  1812,  58; 
his  incapacity  as  war  leader,  59 ; 
criticised  by  Van  Buren  for  sanc 
tioning  Bank  of  United  States,  146  ; 
compared  to  Van  Buren  in  regard 
to  ability,  464. 

Maine,  threatens  war  over  disputed 
boundary,  31i7  ;  angered  at  Van  Bu 
ren's  peaceful  measures,  307. 

Manley,  Dr.,  refusal  of  Van  Buren  to 
remove  from  office,  174. 

Manning,  Daniel,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  112,  192  n. 

Marcy,  William  L.,  aids  Van  Bnren, 
in  behalf  of  King's  election  to  Sen 
ate,  09  ;  member  of  Albany  Regency, 
111,  112 ;  appointed  a  judge  by  Van 


Buren,  174 ;  defends  spoils  system, 
his  famous  phrase,  232 ;  warns 
against  over-speculation  in  1836, 
302,  303  ;  calls  out  New  York  mili 
tia  to  prevent  raids  into  Canada, 
335;  leads  Hunkers,  415,417;  sup 
ports  compromise  of  1850,  437. 

Marshall,  John,  on  Jefferson's  politi 
cal  principles,  6 ;  his  legal  fame, 
19. 

Massachusetts,  supports  Webster  for 
president  in  1836,  260. 

Meigs,  Henry,  urged  by  Van  Buren  to 
remove  postmasters,  75. 

Mexico,  its  war  with  Texas,  357  ;  neu 
trality  toward,  declared  by  Van  Bu 
ren,  358  ;  claims  against,  pressed  by 
Van  Buren,  359,  3GO. 

Missouri,  legislature  of,  compliments 
Van  Buren,  399. 

Missouri  question,  in  New  York,  73, 
74  ;  its  slight  effect  on  national  com 
placency,  (.)0,  91. 

Monroe,  Jumes,  member  of  land-own 
ing  class,  33  ;  reflected  president, 
72;  voted  for  by  Van  Buren  in 
1820,  75;  hie  message  of  1820,  88; 
his  character,  89 ;  his  tour  in  New 
England,  89 ;  views  on  party  gov 
ernment,  89,  90 ;  vetoes  internal 
improvement  bill,  95,  96,  121  ;  dis 
cussion  in  his  cabinet  over  Jack 
son's  action  in  Seminole  matter, 
185 ;  complimentary  dinner  to,  in 
1829,  186;  inferior  as  president  to 
Van  Buren,  4G3. 

Monroe  doctrine,  its  relation  to  Pan 
ama  congress,  124. 

Moore,  Gabriel,  remark  of  Benton  to, 
on  Van  Buren,  234. 

Morgan,  William,  his  Masonic  revela 
tions  and  abduction,  1G7. 

Morton,  Marcus,  elected  governor  of 
Massachusetts  by  one  vote,  370 ; 
leads  Northern  Democrats  at  con 
vention  of  1844,  408;  opposes  two- 
thirds  rule,  409. 

NAPOLEON  III.,  explains  to  Van  Buren 
his  reasons  for  returning  to  Europe, 
362. 

National  Republicans,  attacked  by 
Van  Buren,  145,  146 ;  organized  in 


INDEX 


485 


defense  of  Adams,  153,  154  ;  signifi 
cance  of  their  defeat,  102  ;  defeated 
in  New  York  election,  166.  (See 
Whigs.) 

Nelson,  Samuel,  in  New  York  consti- 

,    tutional  convention,  77. 

New  England,  popularity  of  Van  Bu- 
ren  in,  280. 

New  Orleans,  battle  of,  its  effect,  63. 

New  York,  social  conditions  in,  14, 
15 ;  litigiousness  in,  19 ;  bar  of, 
20,  23;  Senate  of,  sits  with  Su 
preme  judges  as  court  of  errors, 
23  ;  imprisonment  for  debt  in,  25  ; 
Medcef  Eden  case  in,  28,  29;  poli 
tics  in,  after  1800,  38,  39  (see  Ke- 
nnblican  (Democratic) party);  coun 
cil  of  appointment  in,  45, 46  ;  spoils 
system  in,  4G-57 ;  casts  electoral 
votes  for  Clinton  in  1812,  58T  59 ; 
war  measures  in,  61,  G2  ;  thanks 
Jackson  in  1814,  63;  popularity  of 
Clinton  in,  66;  instructs  senators 
and  representatives  to  oppose  ad 
mission  of  slave  States,  74;  con 
stitutional  convention  in,  77-87 ; 
refuses  suffrage  to  negroes,  81  ;  pop 
ular  animosity  in,  against  judges, 
84  ;  approves  their  removal  from 
office,  86;  straggle  for  vote  of,  in 
election  of  1824,  109-115;  its  vote 
secured  by  Adams  and  Clay,  115 ; 
instructs  Van  Buren  to  vote  for  pro 
tection,  144;  reelects  Van  Buren 
senator,  147 ;  prominence  of  Van 
Buren,  166  ;  election  of  1828,  166, 
167  ;  its  presidential  vote,  167,  168 ; 
career  of  Van  Buren  as  governor  of, 
168-176;  bread  riots  in  1837,  314, 
315;  carried  by  Whigs,  342;  sym 
pathy  in,  for  Canadian  insurrection, 
353,  363,  369;  visits  of  Van  Buren 
to,  367-369, 398  ;  carried  by  Polk  in 
consequence  of  Birney's  vote,  412, 
413  ;  supports  Wilmot  Proviso,  417, 
418  ;  carried  by  Whigs  because  of 
Barnburners'  bolt,  422,  431 ;  election 
of  1860  in,  445. 
Newspapers,  their  early  importance 

in  politics,  191.  192. 
Jules,  John  M.,  of  Connecticut,  suc 
ceeds  Kendall  in  poatoffloe  in  1838, 
304. 


Niles's  Register,  on  Democratic  con. 
vention  of  1835,  259. 

Noah,  Mordecai  M.,  opposes  election 
of  Jackson  in  1832,  247. 

North,  its  attitude  toward  slavery  in 
1820,  91 ;  economically  superior  to 
South,  91 ;  disclaims  responsibility 
for  slavery  in  South,  92;  but  op>- 
poses  its  extension  to  new  territory, 
92;  yet  acquiesces  in  compromise, 
93  ;  favors  tariff  of  1828,'143  ;  elects 
Van  Buren  in  1836,  280 ;  it»  atti 
tude  toward  South  after  1840,  437. 

Nullification,  stated  by  Hayne  in  his. 
reply  to  Webster,  188  ;  denounced 
by  Jackson,  198,  199,  248,  249. 

OAKLEY,  THOMAS  J.,  attorney -general 
of  New  York,  23;  supplants  Van 
Buren,  24. 

Ogden,  David  B.,  opposes  Burr  and 
Van  Buren  in  Eden  case,  30. 

Olcott,  Thomas  W.,  member  of  Al 
bany  Regency,  111. 

Osceola,  leads  Semmole  instrrrection, 
366;  his  capture  and  death,  366. 

Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  votes  to  prevent 
slave  trade  in  Florida,  93, 

Overton,  Judge  John,  letter  of  Jack 
son  to,  189. 

PALMERSTOW,  LORD,  compared  as  par 
liamentarian,  to  Van  Buren,  123 
149. 

Panama  congress,  suggested  by  Ad 
ams,  122;  and  by  Clay,  124;  its 
purposes  as  stated  by  Adams,  124- 
126;  contrary  to  settled  policy  of 
country,  125;  opposed  by  Van  Bu 
ren  in  Senate,  126-129;  affected  by 
slavery  question,  127 :  advocated  by 
Webster,  130  ;  faifc  to  produce  any 
results,  130;  vote  upon,  creates  a 
new  party,  131. 

Papineau,  Louis  Joseph,  heads  insur 
rection  in  Lower  Canada,  352. 

Parish,  Henry,  on  New  York  commit 
tee  to  remonstrate  against  specie 
circular,  317. 

Parton,  James,  quoted,  183,  237. 

Pauldiug,  James  K.,  succeeds  Dicker- 
son  as  secretary  of  navy,  360 ;  9 
Republican  literary  partisan,  SCO,' 


186 


INDEX 


his  appointment  resented  by  politi 
cians,  302  ;  visits  South  with  Van 
Buren,  400. 

People's  party,  in  New  York,  rivals  of 
Bucktails,  109  ;  favors  Adams  for 
presidency,  110;  votes  to  remove 
Clinton  from  office,  110;  demands 
choice  of  electors  by  people,  111, 
112. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  anti-slavery  leader, 
273. 

Herce,  Franklin,  gets  electoral  vote 
of  New  England,  but  not  the  popu 
lar  vote,  280,  281  ;  opposes  Texas 
annexation,  424 ;  Democratic  can 
didate  in  1852,  431) ;  supported  by 
Van  Buren,  439 ;  offers  Van  Buren 
position  of  arbitrator,  440 ;  one  of 
mediocrities  of  White  House,  463. 

Plattsburg,  battle  of,  62. 

Poinsett,  Joel  R.,  secretary  of  war 
under  Van  Buren,  283  ;  denounced 
by  Webster  for  recommending  fed 
eral  organization  of  militia,  383. 

Polk,  James  K.,  elected  speaker  of 
House,  337 ;  nominated  for  presi 
dent,  410,  411  ;  his  career,  signifi 
cance  of  his  choice,  412  ;  his  elec 
tion  causes  a  schism  in  Democratic 
party,  415,  41G ;  tries  to  placate 
Barnburners,  415,  41G  ;  gives  fed 
eral  patronage  to  Hunkers,  417 ; 
attitude  of  Van  Buren  toward,  420, 
421  ;  one  of  mediocrities  of  White 
House,  463. 

Powell.     See  Osceola. 

Preston,  William  C.,  offers  resolution 
to  annex  Texas,  359  ;  attacks  Van 
Buren  in  campaign  of  1840,  385. 

Prussia,  treaty  with,  127,  128. 

RANDOLPH,  JOHN,  his  career  in  Senate, 
131,  148. 

Republican  (Democratic)  party,  its 
ideals  as  framed  by  Jefferson,  6,  7  ; 
gains  majority  of  American  people, 
8,  9  ;  dominant  in  New  York,  40 ; 
factions  and  leaders  of,  40-43 ;  de 
feats  Burr  in  1804,  44;  controlled 
by  Clintonians,  45 ;  its  share  in 
establishing  spoils  system,  47-53 ; 
New  YorR  members  of,  oppose  war 
in  181?,  58,  59 ;  but  later  support 


Madison,  60 ;  recovers  control  of 
New  York  government,  its  war 
measures,  61 ,  62  ;  in  favor  at  end  of 
war,  63  ;  makes  Jackson  its  military 
hero,  03  ;  commits  sharp  practice  in 
"  Peter  Allen  "  case,  64,  (!5  ;  gains 
control  of  legislature  in  1816,  65  • 
obliged  to  permit  election  of  Clin 
ton  as  governor,  66 ;  divides  into 
factious  of  Bucktails  and  Clinto- 
niaus,  67,  69 ;  receives  accessions 
from  Federalists,  72,  73  ;  opposes 
admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave 
State,  74  ;  in  congressional  caucus 
of  1816  nominates  Monroe,  74,  75 ; 
comprises  all  of  country  in  1820- 
1824,  90  ;  personal  rivalries  in,  90, 
94,  95  ;  Crawford  the  regular  can 
didate  of,  10G,  107. 

Republican  party  of  1856,  founded  on 
Wihnot  Proviso,  416;  abandons  it 
in  1861,  438 ;  nominates  Fremont 
in  185C,  441,  442  ;  attitude  of  Van 
Buren  toward,  441,  442,  445;  dis 
trusted  as  dangerous,  445  ;  in  elec 
tion  of  1860,  445. 

Rhett,  Barnwell,  moves  election  of 
Adams  in  1839  as  temporary  chair 
man  of  House,  376. 

Richmond,  Dean,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  112. 

Riggs,  Elisha,  on  New  York  commit 
tee  to  remonstrate  against  specie 
circular,  317. 

Ringgold,  Samuel,  refers  to  Monroe 
as  only  one  favorable  to  Jackson  in 
Seminole  matter,  185. 

Rives,  William  C.,  instructions  of  Van 
Buren  to,  217  ;  defeated  for  vice- 
presidential  nomination,  259;  later 
leaves  party,  260 ;  opposes  inde 
pendent  treasury,  347  ;  denounces 
Van  Buren  in  election  of  1840,  as 
covertly  planning  usurpation,  384, 
385. 

Rochester,  William  B.,  supported  by 
Vm  Buren  for  governor  against 
Clinton,  147. 

Rogers,  Samuel,  in  London  society  in 
1832,  227. 

Root,  General  Erastus,  leads  radical 
party  'n  constitutional  convention, 
87. 


INDEX 


48'1 


ftoseboom, ,  in  council  of  appoint 
ment  of  1801,  49. 

itowan,  John,  supports  tariff  of  1828, 
143. 

Rush,  Richard,  his  wide  views  of 
functions  of  government,  160. 

Russell,  Sir  John,  interferes  with 
Canadian  taxation,  351. 

SANFORD,  NATHAN,  succeeded  in  Uni 
ted  States  Senate  by  Van  Buren, 
76 ;  in  New  York  const  itutional 
convention,  77  ;  bound  by  instruc 
tions  of  New  York  legislature,  143. 

Santa  Anna,  captured  at  San  Jacinto, 
358. 

Schurz,  Carl,  his  career  in  Senate 
compared  with  Van  Buren's,  118. 

Schuyler  family,  member  of  landed 
aristocracy,  33. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  in  London  society 
in  1832,  227. 

Scott,  General  Winfield,  sent  by  Van 
Buren  to  prevent  troubles  on  Cana 
dian  frontier,  355  ;  Whig  candidate 
for  president  in  1852,  439. 

Seminole  war,  Jackson's  connection 
with,  185,  186  ;  its  cause  and  pro 
gress,  365,  366 ;  policy  of  removal 
of  Seminoles  justified,  366,  367. 

Senate  of  United  States,  membership 
of,  in  1821,  94;  debates  internal 
improvements,  95-98  ;  debates  tariff 
of  1824,  99-103;  debates  on  inter 
nal  improvements  and  on  Oregon, 
117 ;  confirms  Clay's  appointment 
by  Adams,  123 ;  debates  Panama 
congress,  126-131  ;  position  of  Van 
Buren  in,  131  ;  debates  internal 
improvements,  132, 133  :  and  change 
in  mode  of  election  of  president, 
133 ;  debates  bills  to  regulate  execu 
tive  patronage,  137-140 ;  on  bank 
ruptcy  bill,  141 ;  its  character  dur 
ing  1821-1828,  148;  more  truly  a 
parliamentary  body  then  than  later, 
149  ;  debate  in,  on  nomination  of 
Van  Buren  as  minister  to  England, 
230-233;  rejects  it,  233,  234;  de 
bates  bill  to  exclude  anti-slavery 
matter  from  mails,  276-278;  a  tie 
vote  in,  arranged  to  force  Van  Buren 
to  vote,  277 ;  passes  sub-treasury 


bill,  337  ;  votes  against  a  bank,  340; 
debate  in,  on  second  sub-treasury 
bill,  346 ;  resolves  to  recognize 
Texas,  358. 

Sergeant,  John,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  246. 

Seward,  William  H.,  his  position  in 
Senate  compared  with  Van  Buren's, 
118-123;  connected  with  Aiiti-Ma- 
sonic  party,  167,  245  ;  approves  dis 
tribution  of  surplus,  301  ;  elected 
governor  of  New  York,  363  ;  pub 
licly  refuses  to  accept  invitation  to 
reception  to  Van  Buren  in  New 
York,  369  ;  prefers  Taylor  to  Van 
Buren,  43 11 ;  wishes  to  defy  South, 
437. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  112. 

Singleton,  Miss,  marries  Van  Buren's 
son,  395. 

Skinner,  Roger,  member  of  Albany 
Regency,  111. 

Slavery,  not  a  political  issue  in  1821, 
fil ;  mild  popular  attitude  towards, 
91,  92;  attitude  of  abolitionists 
towards,  270  ;  attacked  by  Van  Bn- 
ren's  supporter,  Leggett,  271  ;  de 
bated  hi  connection  with  Texas, 
359;  not  in  general  politics,  359, 
403;  enters  politics  with  Texas 
question,  403,  414  ;  impossibility  of 
attempts  to  exclude  from  politics, 
422,  423. 

Smith,  Gerrit,  on  Van  Buren's  nomi 
nation,  428. 

Smith,  Samuel,  votes  for  Panama 
congress,  131. 

South,  attitude  towards  slavery,  91 ; 
opposes  tariff  of  1828,  143 ;  con 
demns  abolitionist  petitions,  271  ; 
accuses  Van  Buren  of  abolitionism, 
271,  272  ;  prohibits  circulation  of 
abolition  literature,  275;  upheld 
by  Kendall,  275;  justified  in  its 
action,  277 ;  large  defection  from 
Van  Buren  in,  278,  279  ;  distrusts 
Van  Buren  in  1840,  380,  387,403; 
Van  Buren  charged  with  subservi 
ency  toward,  403 ;  desires  to  annex 
Tesas,  404  ;  wins  victory  in  defeat 
ing  Van  Buren's  nomination,  410; 
effect  of  slavery  upon,  423 ;  con- 


488 


INDEX 


sidered  a  bully  by  Seward  and  Ben- 
ton,  437  ;  attitude  of  "doughfaces" 
toward,  justified  by  events,  437, 
438;  secures  Kansas-Nebraska  bill, 
440  ;  continues  to  loathe  Van  Buren, 
444. 

tJouth  Carolina,  votes  for  Floyd  in 
1832,248;  supports  "White  in  183G, 
260. 

Bouthwick,  Solomon,  Anti  -  Masonic 
candidate  in  New  York,  1G6. 

Spain,  Panama  congress  a  defiance  of, 
124. 

Spencer,  Ambrose,  attorney-general 
of  New  York,  23  ;  member  of  Clin- 
tonian  faction.  44  ;  in  council  of  ap 
pointment  of  1801,  represents  Liv- 
ingstonians,  48 ;  introduces  spoils 
system,  49,  50  :  promoted  to  higher 
offices,  51  ;  in  New  York  constitu 
tional  convention,  77  ;  his  judicial 
pride  described  by  Butler,  84. 

Spencer,  John  G.,  Clintonian  candi 
date  for  Senate  in  1819,  69;  ap 
pointed  by  Van  Buren  to  prosecute 
Morgan  murderers,  174 ;  reasons 
for  his  appointment,  175 ;  nomina 
ted  for  election  by  Anti-Masons, 
246. 

Bpoils  system,  established  in  New 
York,  46;  attitude  of  Washington 
towards,  46;  its  origin  in  struggles 
of  Hamilton  and  Clinton,  46,  47; 
beginnings  of  removals  for  political 
reasons,  47  ;  attitude  of  Jefferson 
toward,  48  ;  established  in  1801  by 
De  Witt  Clinton,  48-50 ;  developed 
in  years  1807-1813,  51,  52  ;  becomes 
part  of  unwritten  law,  52,  53;  not 
to  be  wholly  condemned  at  this 
time,  54 ;  valuable  in  destroying 
English  idea  of  property  in  office, 
5.") ;  does  not  damage  public  service 
at  first,  56,  57  ;  popular  with  voters, 

56,  57,  214  ;  share  of  Van  Buren  in, 

57,  58;   defense    of,    by    Thurlow 
Weed,  67,  68;  Van  Buren   not   re 
sponsible  for  its  introduction   into 
federal  politics,   207 ;  demand  for, 
by  Jacksonian   office-seekers,    208- 
211  ;  does  not  secure  a  clean  sweep 
under  Jackson,  211,  212;  justifica 
tion  of  removals  under,  212,  213; 


policy  of,  defended  by  Jackson,  213. 
much  worse  under  Lincoln,  215; 
used  as  reproach  against  Van  Bu 
ren,  232  ;  advocated  by  Marcy,  232  ; 
denounced  by  Whigs,  246 ;  defense 
of,  by  Kendall,  in  1836,  261,  2G2 ; 
does  not  damage  Van  Buren  in 
1840,  387;  Folk's  use  of,  against 
Van  Buren,  legitimate,  420. 

Squatter  sovereignty,  proclaimed  by 
Dickinson  and  Cass,  422. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  ignores  slavery  in 
organizing  Territories  in  1861,  438. 

Stevenson,  Andrew,  defends  system 
of  national  conventions  in  1835, 
258. 

Story,  Joseph,  legal  fame  of,  19 ;  on 
Van  Buren's  hospitality,  395. 

Suffrage,  basis  of,  debate  or.,  in  New 
York  constitutional  convention,  77- 
80. 

Suinner,  Charles,  his  leadership  in 
Senate  compared  with  Van  Buren's, 
118  ;  position  as  anti-slavery  leader, 
273;  supports  Van  Buren  in  1848, 
432  ;  in  1861,  abandons  Wilmot  Pro 
viso,  438. 

Supreme  Court,  jealous  attitude  of 
Van  Buren  toward,- 134-137 ;  Jack 
son's  refusal  to  support,  in  Chero 
kee  case,  justified,  203,  204  ;  its 
opinion  in  Dred  Scott  case,  440, 
441. 

Swartwout,  Colonel  John,  his  duel 
with  De  Witt  Clinton,  51. 

Swartwout,  Samuel,  his  letter  to 
Hoyt  describes  craze  for  office  under 
Jackson,  208 ;  his  career  as  col 
lector  of  customs,  208  ;  his  defalca 
tion  while  collector  of  New  York 
discovered,  364. 

Sylvester,  Francis,  studies  of  Van 
Buren  in  his  office,  16;  defeated 
by  Van  Buren  in  lawsuit,  17 ;  a 
Federalist  in  politics,  43. 

TAi.roTT,  SAMUEL  A.,  attorney-general 
of  New  York,  'JS  ;  hi  Eden  will  case, 
30 ;  member  of  Albany  Regency, 
101. 

Talleyrand,  Marquis  de,  his  position  in 
1832,  227  ;  compared  by  Chevaliei 
to  Van  Buren,  451. 


INDEX 


489 


Tallmadge,  Nathaniel  P.,  denounces 
Van  Buren's  financial  policy,  347. 

Tammany  Society,  nucleus  of  Buck- 
tail  faction,  07  ;  offers  Irving  nomi 
nation  for  mayor,  3G1. 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  attorney-general, 
11)9  ;  transferred  to  Treasury  De 
partment,  255 ;  his  decision  in 
Dred  Scott  case  reviewed  by  Van 
Buren,  44G,  447. 

Tappan,  Lewis,  on  powers  of  Congress 
over  slavery,  272. 

Tariff,  of  1824,  called  "  American 
System,"  99  ;  how  passed,  99 ; 
aided  by  fear  of  Holy  Alliance,  99, 
100 ;  arguments  against,  100,  101  ; 
not  a  party  question,  103,  104  ;  of 
1828,  called  a  "  tariff  of  abomina 
tion,"  142  ;  its  character,  sectional 
vote  for,  143,  144  ;  Jackson's  views 
on,  204,  205  ;  discussion  of,  in  1832, 
.240;  not  mentioned  in  Democratic 
platform,  240 ;  not  an  issue  in 
1832,  247. 

Taylor,  John  W.,  opposed  by  Buck- 
tail  congressmen  as  a  supporter  of 
Clinton,  76. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  refusal  of  Van  Bu 
ren  to  support,  420  ;  nominated  by 
Whigs,  430  ;  sounded  by  Free-soil- 
ers,  430  ;  preferred  by  anti-slavery 
Whigs  to  Van  Buren,  431  ;  elected 
in  1848,  431  ;  one  of  the  mediocrities 
of  the  White  House,  403. 

Tazevvell,  Littleton  W.,  suggested  by 
Calhoun  for  State  Department,  180. 

"Telegraph,"  its  attack  on  Jackson, 
191. 

Tennessee,  appealed  to  by  Jackson  in 
behalf  of  Van  Buren,  202  ;  presents 
Polk  as  candidate  for  vice-presi 
dency,  412. 

Texas,  its  war  of  independence,  358 ; 
recognition  refused  by  Van  Buren, 
358  ;  offers  annexation  and  is  re 
fused,  358 ;  opposition  to,  raises 
slavery  question,  359 ;  refuge  of 
bankrupts,  370  ;  annexation  of,  fa 
vored  by  Tyler,  402  ;  becomes  a 
party  question  before  Democratic 
convention  in  1844,  404,  409;  ad 
mitted  to  Union  in  1845,  413. 

Thompson,   Smith,     Republican    and 


Livingstonian  leader  in  New  York, 
42  ;  both  politician  and  judge,  44  ; 
defeated  by  Van  Buren  for  governor 
of  New  York,  1GO. 

Tildeu,  Samuel  J.,  inherits  political 
ideas  from  Jefferson  through  Van 
Buren,  12  ;  member  of  Albany  Re 
gency,  112  ;  error  of  Democrats  in 
discarding  in  1880,  412  ;  leader  of 
Barnburners,  410  ;  one  of  authors 
of  Barnburner  address  of  1848, 
424  ;  writes  address  calling  Utica 
Convention,  425. 

Tillotson,  Thomas,  brother-in-law  of 
R.  R.  Livingston,  secretary  of  state 
in  New  York,  49 ;  removed  from 
office  by  Clintonians,  51. 

Timberlake,  ,  first  husband  of 

Mrs.  Eaton,  commits  suicide,  181. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  as  judge,  con 
tinues  party  politician,  44 ;  nomi 
nated  for  governor  and  elected  ty 
Clintonians,  45  ;  supports  Madison 
in  1814,  60  ;  reflected  governor,  60 ; 
removes  De  Witt  Clinton  from 
mayoralty  of  New  York,  04 ;  re 
signs  governorship  to  be  vice-presi 
dent,  GO  ;  his  pecuniary  difficulties 
with  State,  08;  defended  by  Van 
Buren  in  Senate,  08  ;  reflected  vice- 
president,  72  ;  defeated  for  gov 
ernor  in  1820,  73  ;  candidacy  for 
president  in  181G,  74  ;  inferior  in 
prestige  to  Van  Buren  in  1821,  76  ; 
in  New  York  constitutional  con 
vention,  77  ;  comments  of  Van  Bu 
ren  on,  173. 

Tyler,  John,  nominated  for  vice- 
president  in  1836,  200;  nominated 
for  vice-president  by  Whigs,  377 ; 
succeeds  Harrison,  his  character, 
402 ;  his  career,  402 ;  his  Texas 
treaty  rejected,  413 ;  an  accidental 
president,  403. 

UNITED  STATES,  political  character  of, 
formed  by  Jefferson,,  5,  0;  becomes 
Democratic,  7-9  ;  gains  individual 
ity,  7  ;  its  vulgarity  and  crudeness, 
10  ;  not  understood  by  foreigners, 
10,  11;  its  real  development  hit* 
national  strength,  14,  17  ;  promi 
nence  of  lawyers  in,  32,  33,  35; 


490 


INDEX 


early  political  importance  of  land- 1 
holding  class,  33,  34 ;  later  position  ' 
of  wealth  in,  34  ;  favors  rotation  in 
office  as  democratic,  57  ;  prosper 
ity  of,  in  IS'21,  88  ;  believes  itself 
happy,  80 ;  unpopularity  of  coali 
tions  in,  11C,  104;  considers  panic 
of  1837  due  to  Jackson,  287  ;  suffers 
from  depression  after  war  of  1812, 
287  ;  enjoys  economic  prosperity 
until  Jackson's  administration,  288  ; 
optimism  of,  288 ;  expansion  of 
population,  288,  289  ;  land  specula 
tion  in,  289-294  ;  enthusiasm  over 
public  works,  290  ;  people  of,  homo 
geneous  and  optimistic,  290-292  ; 
luxury  ;n,  during  speculative  era, 
309,  310 ;  depression  in,  during 
1839,  377. 

University  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
connection  of  Van  Bnren  with,  G5. 

VAN  ALEN,  JAMES  J.,  law  partner  of 
Van  Buren,  18 ;  succeeded  by  him 
as  surrogate,  22 ;  elected  to  Con 
gress  as  Federalist,  43. 

Van  Buren,  Abraham,  his  farm,  14; 
keeps  a  tavern,  15. 

Van  Buren,  Abraham,  serves  as  his 
father's  secretary,  395  ;  marries 
Miss  Singleton,  395. 

Van  Buren,  John,  his  appearance,  1  ; 
relations  with  his  father  in  18GO,  1, 
2  ;  his  political  attitude,  2  ;  accom 
panies  his  father  to  England,  224  ; 
leads  Barnburners,  415  ;  at  Herki- 
mer  convention,  419 ;  at  Utica 
convention  of  1847,  423 ;  in  part, 
author  of  Barnburner  address, 
424;  at  Utica  convention  of  1848, 
425  ;  continues  rigidly  anti-slavery 
until  1850, 435  ;  justifies  submission 
to  compromise  <jf  1850,  439;  his 
election  bets,  £53  n. 

Van  Buren,  Lawrence,  joins  bolting 
Barnburners,  419. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  relations  with  his 
son  in  old  age,  1  ;  appearance,  1  ; 
his  political  position  in  I860,  2,  3 ; 
resemblance  to  Jefferson,  3  ;  lack 
of  friends  in  later  life,  3;  type  of 
early  statesmen  of  republic,  4  ;  in 
fluenced  by  Jefferson's  ideals,  12 ; 


ancestry,  14,  15  ;  birth  and  early 
schooling,  15,  1G. 

Legal  Career.  Enters  law  office, 
1G  ;  his  education,  1G  ;  becomes  suc 
cessful  lawyer,  17  ;  enters  office  of 
Van  Ness  in  New  York,  17  ;  inter 
course  with  Burr,  17,  18  ;  practises 
law  at  Kinderhook,  18  ;  his  success 
ful  career,  18-3G ;  leads  Republi 
can  lawyers,  20  ;  his  contests  with 
Williams,  20  ;  contrasted  with  Wil 
liams  by  Butler,  20,  21  ;  skill  in 
argument  and  persuasion,  21  ;  mar 
riage,  21  ;  holds  office  of  surrogate, 
22  ;  removes  to  Hudson,  22  ;  read 
ing  habits,  22  ;  continues  to  pro 
sper  in  law,  22  ;  later  as  state  sena 
tor  becomes  member  of  court  of 
errors,  23  ;  becomes  attorney-gen 
eral,  23  ;  later  removed  for  politi 
cal  reasons,  24  ;  moves  to  Albany, 
24  ;  partnership  with  Butler,  24 ; 
his  opinion  criticising  Kent,  25;  in 
court  of  errors  reverses  Kent's 
opinion  in  a  debt  case,  2G  ;  con 
demns  practice  of  imprisoning  for 
debt,  27  ;  in  Medcef  Eden  case,  29; 
his  argument,  30  ;  secures  a  money 
competence,  30  ;  his  Oswego  estate, 
30 ;  gains  political  lessons  during 
law  practice,  31,  32  ;  not  an  orator, 
31  ;  his  legal  and  political  careers 
not  strictly  separable,  3G ;  loses 
wife,  36  ;  upright  private  life,  37. 

Eepublican  Leader  in  New  York. 
Early  enthusiasm  for  Jefferson,  39. 
40 ;  not  won  by  Burr  faction  in 
1803,  43  ;  supports  Lewis  for  gov 
ernor,  44 ;  supports  Clintonian 
faction  in  1807,  45 ;  appointed  sur 
rogate  by  Clintonian  council  of  ap 
pointment,  45 ;  not  the  founder  of 
spoils  system,  50,  53  ;  removed  from 
office  by  Livingstonian  faction,  52  ; 
nominated  for  state  senator,  53 ; 
elected  over  Edward  Livingston,  53  ; 
finds  spoils  system  established,  53  ; 
becomes  a  master  in  use  of  offices, 
57,  58 ;  reflected  senator,  58  ;  votes 
for  Clintonian  electors  against 
Madison,  58  ;  later  condemned  for 
this  action,  58  ;  an  advocate  oj 
embargo  and  of  war  of  1812,  59; 


INDEX 


491 


places  state  party  before  national, 
59 ;  dissolves  relations  with  Clin 
ton,  59 ;  in  Senate  defends  war 
against  Clinton's  attack,  GO  ;  sup 
ports  Touipkins  for  governor,  60, 
61 ;  supports  war  measures,  Gl ; 
becomes  leader,  Gl  ;  drafts  classifi 
cation  act  to  prepare  militia,  G2 ; 
on  victory  at  Plattsburg,  62  ;  drafts 
resolution  of  thanks  to  Jackson, 
63  ;  becomes  attorney-general,  63  ; 
in  "Peter  Allen"  election  case, 
64 ;  chosen  regent  of  University 
of  State  of  New  York,  G5 ;  leaves 
party  ranks  to  vote  for  canal  bill, 
65  ;  thanked  by  Clinton,  GG  ;  reluc 
tant  to  allow  Clinton's  election  in 
1817,  GG  ;  leads  faction  of  "  Buck- 
tails,"  G7  ;  removed  from  office 
of  attorney-general,  G7  ;  his  efforts 
in  behalf  of  Tompkins's  claims, 
68  ;  writes  pamphlet  advocating  re 
election  of  King  to  Senate,  69-71 ; 
skill  of  his  plea,  70,  71 ;  urges  his 
choice  in  private,  71,  72;  friendly 
relations  with  King,  72 ;  declares 
King's  election  uninfluenced  by 
Missouri  question,  73 ;  calls  meet 
ing  at  Albany  to  protest  against 
slavery  extension,  74  ;  votes  in  Sen 
ate  for  instructions  to  United  States 
senators  to  oppose  admission  of  a 
slave  State,  74  ;  present  at  congres 
sional  caucus  in  1816  to  nominate  a 
president,  74  ;  votes  as  elector  for 
Monroe  and  Tompkins,  75  ;  urges 
removal  of  unfriendly  postmasters 
in  New  York,  75  ;  not  harmed  by 
publication  of  this  request,  75,  76  ; 
as  leader  of  party  in  State,  chosen 
United  States  senator,  76. 
Member  of  Constitutional  Conven 
tion.  Elected  from  Otsego  County, 
77 ;  his  share  in  debate  on  extend 
ing  franchise,  78  ;  not  non-commit 
tal  as  charged,  79  ;  his  argument  for 
universal  suffrage,  79,  80  ;  wishes  it 
granted  gradually,  80  ;  opposes  re 
striction  of  suffrage  to  whites,  80  ; 
favora  property  qualification  for 
blacks,  80,  81  ;  reports  on  appoint 
ments  to  office,  81,  82  ;  recommends 
that  militia  elect  all  but  highest 


officers,  85  ;  his  recommendations 
as  to  civil  office,  81,  82 ;  opposes 
election  of  judges,  82  ;  his  objection 
to  council  of  revision,  83  ;  unwill- 
ir.g  to  say  a  good  word  for  it,  83 ; 
votes  against  turning  judges  out  of 
office,  85  ;  wisdom  of  his  course  in 
the  convention,  8G ;  prevents  his 
party  from  making  radical  changes, 
86,  87 ;  shows  courage,  independ 
ence,  and  patriotism,  87. 

United  States  Senator.  Dislikes 
slavery  in  1821,  93 ;  votes  to  restrict 
admission  of  slaves  to  Florida,  93  ; 
his  friends  and  associates  in  Senate, 
94;  supports  Crawford  for  succes 
sion  to  Monroe  as  "  regular  "  candi 
date,  95 ;  votes  for  Cumberland 
road  bill,  95  ;  later  apologizes  for 
vote,  96  ;  proposes  a  constitutional 
amendment  to  authorize  internal 
improvements,  97  ;  probably  im 
pressed  by  Erie  Canal,  98 ;  speech 
in  favor  of  abolishing  imprisonment 
for  debt,  98;  votes  for  tariff  of 
1824,  99 ;  his  protectionist  views, 
99  ;  his  votes  upon  different  sec 
tions,  102  ;  influenced  by  New  York 
sentiment,  102 ;  later  averse  tu> 
high  protection,  103 ;  but  neveir 
considers  tariff  of  supreme  impor 
tance,  103 ;  urges  constitutional 
amendment  to  leave  election  of 
president  with  electors  in  case  oJ 
failure  on  first  trial,  104;  defends 
system  of  caucus  nominations,  105  ; 
prestige  as  leader  of  New  York  in 
election  of  1824,  106  ;  at  first  in 
clined  to  Adams,  107  ;  Adams's  opin 
ion  of,  107 ;  abused  by  Crawford's 
enemies,  108  ;  not  involved  in  New 
York  quarrel  over  canal  commis- 
sionership,  110  ;  yet  his  power  en 
dangered  by  Clinton's  return  to 
popularity,  111  ;  his  status  in  "  Al 
bany  Regency,"  111  ;  advises  New 
York  Republicans  to  favor  congres 
sional  caucus,  114  ;  continues  alter 
failure  of  caucus  to  work  for  Craw 
ford,  114  ;  fails  to  secure  New  York 
for  him,  115  ;  not  involved  in 
election  of  Adams,  115 ;  does  not 
denounce  Adams's  election,  116 ; 


492 


INDEX 


takes  increasing  share  in  proceed 
ings,  116;  relations  with  King,  117  ; 
votes  against  extending  Cumber 
land  road,  117  ;  votes  against  occu 
pation  of  Oregon,  117  ;  on  commit 
tee  to  receive  Adams,  117  ;  becomes 
a  parliamentary  leader,  117  ;  the  real 
creator  of  Democratic  party,  118; 
his  position  unique  in  American  his 
tory,  118  ;  does  not  at  h'rst  approve 
of  Jackson  as  leader  of  opposition, 
119  ;  his  attitude  toward  Adams  not 
factious,  120,  123  ;  votes  to  confirm 
Clay's  nomination,  123 ;  abstains 
from  personalities  in  opposition, 
123  ;  introduces  resolutions  against 
Panama  congress,  12G  ;  comment  of 
Adams  upon,  126  ;  his  speech  upon 
the  proposed  mission,  127-129  ;  ac 
cuses  Adams  of  Federalism,  128 ; 
condemns  proposed  alliance  of  re 
publics,  129 ;  most  conspicuous 
member  of  Senate,  131 ;  unites  op 
position  on  internal  improvements, 
131  ;  offers  resolutions  and  votes 
against  roads  and  canals,  132  ;  wis 
dom  of  his  position,  132  ;  willing  to 
support  military  roads,  133  ;  renews 
movement  to  take  choice  of  presi 
dent  from  the  House,  133,  134  ;  op 
poses  proposal  to  relieve  Supreme 
Court  from  circuit  duty,  134  ;  shows 
desire  to  make  Supreme  Court 
democratic,  135 ;  opposes  regard 
ing  it  with  too  great  respect,  135- 
137  ;  his  share  in  Benton's  report 
on  executive  patronage,  137-140 ; 
its  discrepancy  with  his  later  views, 
139,  140;  votes  against  abolition  of 
salt  tax,  140 ;  favors  establishment 
of  Naval  Academy,  140  ;  opposes  a 
bankruptcy  bill,  141 ;  speech  on 
restrictions  on  trade  with  British 
colonies,  141  ;  renews  opposition  to 
imprisonment  for  debt,  to  internal 
improvements,  and  repeal  of  salt 
tax  in  1828,  142  ;  votes  for  tariff  of 
1828,  142  ;  bound  by  instructions  of 
New  York  legislature,  144 ;  speech 
on  power  of  vice-president  to  call  to 
order,  144-147  ;  asserts  the  neces 
sity  of  defeating  Adams  in  order  to 
curb  federal  usurpation,  145,  14G  ; 


reflected  senator,  147 ;  supports 
Rochester  against  Clinton  for  gov 
ernor  of  New  York,  147 ;  eulogy 
on  Clinton,  148  ;  survey  of  Van  Bu- 
ren's  parliamentary  career,  148- 
152  ;  characteristics  of  his  speaking, 
150  ;  clear  in  announcing  opinions, 
151 ;  praised  by  Jackson  for  free 
dom  from  ,non-committalism,  151; 
courteous  in  debate,  151,  152. 

Manager  in  Election  of  1828.  Re 
cognized  as  chief  organizer  of  new 
party,  153  ;  uses  cry  against  Adams 
and  Clay  bargain,  154 ;  not  justly 
charged  with  intrigue  to  unite 
Crawford's  friends  with  Jackson's^ 
157;  his  visit  to  Crawford  in  1827, 
157  ;  visits  Adams,  158  ;  compared 
by  Adams  to  Burr,  158  ;  does  not 
announce  support  of  Jackson  until 
1827,  158 ;  his  opposition  to  Adams 
not  merely  personal,  161  ;  does  not 
use  corrupt  bargain  cry,  163  ;  prob 
ably  promised  cabinet  position  by 
Jackson,  166  ;  wishes  to  increase  his 
prestige  by  securing  governorship 
of  New  York,  166  ;  nominated  and 
elected,  166 ;  resigns  senatorship, 
168. 

Governor  of  New  York.  His  in 
augural  message,  168-173;  favors 
state  aid  to  canals,  1(!8  ;  urges  re 
organization  of  banking  system, 
169 ;  suggests  various  devices  to 
increase  security  of  banks,  170 ; 
proposes  separation  of  state  and 
national  elections,  170  ;  denounces 
increasing  use  of  money  in  elec 
tions,  171  ;  advocates  strict  con 
struction  of  Constitution,  171,  172; 
defends  reputation  of  country  from 
results  of  campaign  of  1828,  172  ; 
congratulates  legislature  on  election 
of  Jackson,  172,  173  :  his  letters  to 
Hoyt  on  patronage,  173-175  ;  shows 
partisanship,  but  desire  to  appoint 
able  men,  174  ;  character  of  Lis  ap 
pointees,  174,  175  ;  resigns  govern 
orship  after  ten  weeks'  term  to 
enter  cabinet,  175 ;  congratulated 
by  legislature,  176. 

Secretary    of   State,     Unfriendly 

view  of  his  career  in  cabinet,  177 


INDEX 


493 


178 ;  forms  creed  of  Jackaonian 
Dt>ruucr?*cy,  178;  shares  discredit 
of  in ut educing  spoils  system,  178  ; 
easily  the  strongest  man  in  cabinet, 
179  ;  already  rival  to  Calhoun  for 
succession  to  Jackson,  179  ;  reasons 
for  his  success  over  Calhoun,  180; 
does  not  succeed  by  tricks,  180 ;  at 
tempt  of  Calhoun  to  prevent  his 
appointment  as  secretary  of  state, 
180;  pleases  Jackson  by  politeness 
to  Mrs.  Eaton,  183  ;  his  course  both 
politic  and  proper,  183,  184  ;  not  re 
sponsible  for  Jackson's  dislike  of 
Calhoun,  185 ;  refuses  to  take  part 
in  quarrel  between  the  two,  187  ; 
his  toast  at  Jefferson's  birthday  din 
ner,  188  ;  becomes  an  acknowledged 
candidate  for  presidency  after  Cal- 
houn's  nullification  declarations, 
188,  189  ;  Jackson's  letter  of  recom 
mendation,  189,  190 ;  his  increasing 
esteem  for  Jackson,  190 ;  represented 
by  "Albany  Argus"  in  newspaper 
controversy,  191 ;  his  high  estimate 
of  necessity  of  an  organ,  192 ;  refuses 
to  subsidize  Bennett,  192 ;  declines 
to  aid  new  Jackson  paper  with  de 
partmental  printing,  194 ;  yet  is  held 
responsible  for  it,  194  ;  determines 
to  resign  a.id  asks  Livingston  to  take 
his  place,  194  ;  wishes,  as  a  candidate 
for  presidency,  to  avoid  suspicion, 
195,  19G  ;  boldness  and  prudence  of 
his  action,  196,  198 ;  avows  unwill 
ingness  to  injure  Jackson's  chances 
for  reelection,  196,  197;  praised  by 
Jackson  in  reply,  197 ;  his  political 
creed  fully  adopted  by  Jackson,  200  ; 
at  first  doubU  Jackson's  full  adher 
ence,  200 ;  probably  assists  in  pre 
paring  Jackson's  messages,  205,  206  ; 
wins  Jackson's  affection,  206 ;  sup 
plies  him  with  political  theories, 
206;  on  good  terms  with  kitchen 
cabinet,  207  ;  not  the  originator  of 
spoils  system  in  federal  offices,  207  ; 
his  letter  to  Hamilton  advises  cau 
tion,  209  ;  rebukes  Hoyt  for  demand 
ing  a  removal,  210  ;  does  not  practice 
proscription  in  the  State  Depart 
ment,  214  ;  does  not  oppose  the  sys 
tem  elsewhere,  214  ;  palliating  rea 


sons  for  his  conduct,  215  ;  successful 
in  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  215 ; 
advises  Jackson  to  refer  to  France 
with  politeness,  216 ;  deserves  credit 
of  securing  payment  of  claims  by 
France,  217 ;  adopts  conciliatory 
policy  toward  England,  219  ;  in  his 
instructions  to  McLane  admits  error 
of  previous  American  claims,  219, 
220;  alludes  in  his  instructions  to 
overthrow  of  Adams's  administra 
tion,  220  ;  his  position  not  undigni 
fied,  221  ;  yet  previously  had  depre 
cated  entrance  of  party  politics  into 
diplomacy,  222;  success  of  his  di 
plomacy,  222. 

Minister  to  England.  Constantly 
suspected  of  intrigue,  223 ;  desires 
to  escape  from  politics  while  candi 
date  for  presidency  by  accepting 
mission  to  England,  223,  224;  es 
corted  out  of  city  by  Jackson,  224  ; 
appoints  Irving  secretary  of  lega 
tion,  224  ;  finds  him  at  London,  224, 
225 ;  his  friendship  with  Irving,  225 ; 
Irving's  opinion  of,  225  ;  his  travels 
through  England,  226 ;  social  life  in 
London,  227  ;  learns  news  of  rejec 
tion  of  his  nomination  by  Senate, 
227,  228  ;  his  behavior,  228  ;  leaves 
England,  228 ;  character  of  his  dis 
patches,  229 ;  presents  claims  in 
Comet  case,  229 ;  writes  passages 
in  reports  complimentary  to  Jack 
son,  229  ;  returns  to  New  York,  de 
clines  a  public  reception,  230  ;  goes 
to  Washington,  230;  attacked  in 
Senate  as  un-American  and  cow- 
ardly,  230,  231 ;  insincerity  of  the 
attack,  232  ; .  accused  also  of  intro 
ducing  spoils  system,  232  ;  attacked 
by  Calhoun  as  an  intriguer,  233; 
Calhoun's  desire  to  kill  him  politi 
cally,  234 ;  gains  popularity  from 
rejection,  234  ;  urged  for  vice-presi 
dent,  234 ;  praised  by  New  York 
legislature,  234  ;  upheld  by  Jackson, 
235 ;  receives  various  offers  of  offices, 
236 ;  plan  to  elect  him  governor 
of  New  York  repudiated  by  party 
leaders,  237  ;  not  concerned  in  sum 
moning  national  convention  of  1832, 
237,  238  ;  nominated  for  vice-presi« 


494: 


INDEX 


dency,  239 ;  his  nomination  not  the 
result  of  coercion,  240 ;  the  natural 
candidate,  240,  241  ;  party  reasons 
for  his  nomination,  241  ;  his  letter 
of  acceptance,  241-243  ;  affects  re 
luctance  and  humility,  242 ;  writes 
a  vague  letter  on  the  tariff,  243,  244 ; 
opposes  internal  improvements,  a 
bank,  and  nullification,  244  ;  writes 
letter  on  his  subjection  to  calumny, 
244;  elected  in  1832,  247;  speaks 
in  approval  of  tariff  for  revenue, 
249. 

Vice- President.  Opposes  removal 
of  deposits,  249  ;  has  heated  argu 
ment  with  Kendall,  250  ;  later  adopts 
Jackson's  position,  250  ;  proposes  to 
Kendall  that  removal  begin  in  Jan 
uary,  1834,  250  ;  dislikes  bank,  251 ; 
appealed  to  by  Clay  to  intercede 
with  Jackson,  253;  his  conduct  as 
described  by  Benton,  253;  lives  in 
Washington  as  heir-apparent,  254 ; 
his  position  superior  to  that  of  any 
other  vice-president,  254;  his  har 
mony  with  Jackson,  254,  255  ;  ac 
companies  Jackson  on  New  England 
tour,  255 ;  his  candidacy  opposed  by 
White  of  Tennessee,  25G ;  scurri 
lous  biography  of,  by  Crockett,  256 ; 
nominated  unanimously  for  presi 
dent  in  1835, 259  ;  letters  of  Jackson 
in  his  behalf,  2G2  ;  refuses  to  answer 
questions  of  Williams  until  after 
close  of  Congress,  2G4  ;  his  reply, 
265-2G7  ;  condemns  distribution  of 
surplus,  2G5;  courage  of  this  ac 
tion,  2GG  ;  disapproves  of  Clay's  land 
scheme,  266  ;  denies  constitutional 
ity  of  internal  improvements,  266; 
affirms  opposition  to  bank,  267 ; 
on  Benton's  expunging  resolutions, 
267 ;  his  previous  letter  of  accept 
ance  of  nomination,  267-269  ;  asserts 
freedom  from  intrigue,  268  ;  and  in 
tention  to  carry  out  Jackson's  prin 
ciples,  268  ;  his  early  record  on  sla 
very,  271 ;  supposed  to  approve  of 
anti-slavery  attitude  of  New  York 
Democratic  papers,  271  ;  writes  to 
Gwin  upon  powerlessness  of  Con 
gress  over  slavery  in  the  States,  272 ; 
asserts  his  opposition  to  abolition  in 


the  District  of  Columbia  against 
wisli  of  slave  States,  274 ;  his  attitude 
the  general  one  at  that  time,  275, 
forced  to  give  casting  vote  for  Jack 
son's  bill  to  prohibit  abolition  liter 
ature  in  mails,  277  ;  his  reasons  for 
so  voting,  278  ;  not  a  "  doughface," 
278 ;  vote  for,  in  1836,  278-281  ; 
elected  by  New  England  and  Middle 
States,  280  ;  only  Democrat  to  carry 
New  England  in  a  contested  election 
by  popular  and  electoral  vote,  '280  ; 
significance  of  his  election,  281 ;  tri 
umphs  by  good  sense  without  en 
thusiasm,  281. 

President.  His  inauguration,  282, 
283;  his  farewell  to  Jackson,  283; 
continues  Jackson's  cabinet,  283 ; 
his  inaugural  address,  283-286  ;  per 
sonal  modesty,  284  ;  optimism,  284; 
repeats  declaration  against  abolition 
in  the  District,  285  ;  tribute  to  Jack 
son,  285;  rejects  Benton's  warning 
of  a  financial  panic,  286  ;  his  relation 
to  panic  of  1837,  287 ;  said  to  have 
urged  Jackson  to  sign  distribution 
bill,  302  ;  denounced  by  New  York 
merchants  for  specie  circular  after 
panic  has  begun,  317  ;  refuses  to 
modify  circular  or  call  a  special 
session  of  Congress,  319;  visited  by 
Biddle,  319 ;  obliged  by  suspension 
of  specie  payments  to  call  extra  ses 
sion,  321  ;  wishes  to  discourage  hasty 
action,  321  ;  probably  instigates 
meetings  to  throw  blame  on  banks, 
322;  and  declare  for  metallic  cur 
rency,  322 ;  his  statesmanlike  be 
havior  during  crisis,  325 ;  his  mes 
sage  to  the  extra  session,  326-333  ; 
courageously  states  facts  and  ap 
peals  to  reason,  326,  327  ;  points  out 
inability  of  government  to  cure  the 
evils,  327  ;  indicates  real  causes  of 
inflation,  327,  328  ;  opposes  renewal 
of  a  bank,  328,  329 ;  urges  abandon 
ment  of  pet  banks,  330 ;  suggests  in 
dependent  treasury,  331  ;  defends 
specie  circular  and  advocates  reten 
tion  of  surplus  installment,  331  ;  re 
states  limited  powersof  government, 
332  ;  denounced  by  Webster,  334  ; 
and  others,  336  ;  not  supported  by 


INDEX 


495 


his  party  in  House,  337,  338;  his 
measures  supported  by  Callioun, 
340,  341  ;  supported  by  Loco-foco 
faction  in  New  York,  344  ;  his  mes 
sage  to  regular  session  of  Congress, 
345,  34G;  refuses  to  be  influenced 
by  Democratic  losses  in  elections, 
345  ;  recommends  preemption  law, 
345;  refers  to  boundary  troubles, 
345 ;  continues  to  be  denounced  by 
Whigs,  34G;  and  by  Conservative 
Democrats,  347  ;  hopes  for  return  of 
prosperity  after  resumption  in  1838, 
349  ;  issues  neutrality  proclamation 
in  connection  with  Canadian  insur 
rection,  354  ;  takes  measures  to  pun 
ish  offenses,  355  ;  invites- Durham  to 
visit  Washington,  350 ;  refuses  to 
pardon  Mackenzie,  35G  ;  denounced 
for  further  warning  proclamation. 
#57  ;  refuses  proposed  annexation  of 
Texas,  358  ;  not  connected  with  anti- 
slavery  agitation  at  the  time,  359 ; 
urges  American  claims  upon  Mexico 
with  success,  3GO ;  offers  Navy  De 
partment  to  Washington  Irving, 
3G1  ;  thought  to  have  erred  in  giving 
it  to  Paulding,  3G2  ;  letter  of  Louis  j 
Napoleon  to,  3G2  ;  cheerful  tone  of  | 
message  to  second  session  of  Con 
gress,  3G3  ;  reaffirms  sound  financial 
doctrine,  3G3 ;  on  Swartwout's  de 
falcation,  3G4;  -appoints  Hoyt  to 
succeed  him,  3G4 ;  asks  for  appro 
priations  for  Seminole  war,  3GG ; 
asks  Congress  for  support  in  north 
eastern  boundary  question,  3G7 ; 
damages  Democratic  party  in  Maine 
by  his  treatment  of  frontier  disputes, 
3G7  ;  revisits  New  York,  enthusiastic 
reception,  3G7,  3G8 ;  snubbed  by 
Whigs,  3G8,  36'J  ;  partisan  character 
of  his  journey  and  speeches,  3G9 ; 
encouraged  by  elections  of  1839, 
369 ;  in  message  of  1839  regrets  re 
newed  bank  failures,  372  ;  announces 
economy  in  government,  372 ;  re 
news  attack  on  banks,  372,  373  ;  in 
sists  on  inability  of  government  aid 
to  help  the  depression,  374 ;  signs 
sub-treasury  bill,  377  ;  his  adminis 
tration  defended  by  Democratic 
convention,  379 ;  writes  letters  in 


campaign,  380;  approves  "gag" 
rule  in  Congress,  380 ;  justification  of 
his  attitude,  381  ;  denunciations  of 
him  by  Webster  in  campaign,  384 ; 
other  attacks  upon,  as  aristocrat  and 
enemy  to  people,  385 ;  tries  to  rely 
on  past  record  of  party,  38G ;  aban 
doned  by  various  Democratic  fac 
tions,  387  ;  Jackson's  letter  in  sup 
port  of,  387  ;  how  ridiculed  by  Whigs 
in  campaign,  388-390  ;  vote  for,  in 
1840,  390,  391 ;  composed  under  de 
feat,  391  ;  his  final  message  repeats 
his  views  on  bank  and  sub-treasury, 
392  ;  urges  prevention  of  slave  trade, 
392  ;  alterations  in  his  cabinet,  393, 
394 ;  welcomes  Harrison  to  White 
House,  394  ;  his  conduct  as  presi 
dent,  economy  and  elegance,  394, 
395  ;  social  charm  of  his  administra 
tion,  395  ;  his  civility  to  Adams,  39G  ; 
bitter  opinion  of,  held  by  Adams, 
39G  ;  tribute  of  Clay  to,  390,  397. 
In  Retirement  —  Candidate  for 
denomination.  Return  to  New  York 
and  Kinderhook,  398;  his  estate, 
398 ;  remains  leading  single  figure 
in  party,  399 ;  continues  to  have 
ambition  for  reelection,  399  ;  practi 
cally  admits  this  in  1841,  399,  400; 
journey  through  South,  400  ;  visits 
Jackson  and  Clay,  400  ;  writes  long 
letters  on  public  questions,  400 ; 
views  on  low  tariff,  401 ;  promises 
fidelity  to  Democratic  party,  401  ; 
attends  funeral  of  Harrison,  401  ; 
his  renomination  considered  certain 
until  1844,  401  ;  only  prevented  by 
Texas  question,  402  ;  his  record  on 
slavery  a  colorless  one  up  to  1844, 

403  ;  not  subservient  to  South,  403  ; 
defense  of  his  vote  on  abolition  cir 
culars  in  mail,  and  of  his  opinion  on 
"  gag  "  rule,  404  ;  suspected  by  South 
of  hostility  to  annexation  of  Texas, 
404 ;   majority  of  delegates  to  na 
tional    convention    instructed    for, 

404  ;  asked  for  a  distinct  statement 
on  Texas,  405  ;  writes  continuing  to 
oppose  annexation  policy,  405 ;  his 
reasons,  405,  406 ;  willing  to  yield  tc 
a  demand  on  part  of  Congress,  406  ; 
courage  of  this  open  avowal,  407 


496 


INDEX 


endeavor  of  Jackson  to  help  Van 
Buren's  candidacy,  407  ;  his  pre 
vious  nominations  by  two-thirds 
rule  used  as  precedents  in  conven 
tion,  408  ;  his  nomination  prevented 
by  the  rule,  409-411  ;  keeps  promise 
to  support  Polk,  412  ;  urges  Wright 
to  accept  nomination  for  governor 
ship  of  New  York,  412  ;  saves  New 
York  for  Democrats,  413  ;  the  first 
victim  of  the  slave  power,  414 ; 
complimented  by  convention,  414  ; 
outwardly  placid,  but  secretly  em 
bittered  by  failure  to  secure  nomi 
nation,  414. 

Free-soil  Leader.  His  followers 
form  the  Barnburner  wing  of  De 
mocrats,  415,  41G  ;  alienated  from 
Folk's  administration,  417  ;  sympa 
thizes  with  secession  of  Barnburners 
in  1847, 419, 420 ;  revives  anti-slavery 
feelings,  420 ;  angered  at  proscrip 
tion  of  his  friends  by  Polk,  420  ;  de 
clares  an  end  of  his  political  ambi 
tions,  420,  421  ;  refuses  to  commit 
himself  as  to  origin  of  Mexican  war, 
421  ;  aids  in  composing  Barnburner 
address  of  1847,  424;  his  letter 
to  Utica  convention,  425-427  ;  de 
nounces  Democratic  national  con 
vention,  425  ;  asserts  power  of  Con 
gress  over  Territories,  42G  ;  refuses 
to  vote  for  Cass  or  Taylor,  426; 
nominated  for  president,  427 ;  at 
Buffalo  convention  nominated  by 
Free-soil  party,  42S;  his  letter 
urging  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
Territories,  429 ;  rage  of  Democratic 
party  with,  43^  ;  fails  to  secure  sup 
port  of  anti-slavery  Whigs,  431  ; 
vote  for,  in  1848,  431,  432;  leads 
Cass  in  New  York,  431  ;  does  not 
probably  expect  to  be  elected,  432  ; 
his  candidacy  not  an  act  of  revenge, 
433  ;  undoubtedly  sincere  in  his  ad 
vocacy  of  Free-soil  principles,  433  ; 
ends  political  career,  433. 

In  Retirement.  His  career  up  to 
1848  logical  and  creditable,  434; 
had  he  died  then,  his  reputation 
would  stand  higher,  434  ;  separated 
beyond  hope  from  his  party,  434  ; 
until  1850  sympathizes  with  Free- 


soilers,  435;  accepts  finality  of 
compromise  of  1850,  436;  his  justi 
fication,  love  of  Union  and  dread  of 
ruin,  436 ;  stands  with  majority  of 
Northern  statesmen,  438  ;  not  to  be 
condemned  more  than  Clay  or  Web 
ster,  439  ;  writes  letter  favoring 
Pierce  in  1852,  439  ;  visits  Europe, 
440  ;  declines  position  as  arbitrator 
upon  British-American  claims  com 
mission,  440  ;  votes  for  Buchanan  in 
1856,  441 ;  expects  squatter  sover 
eignty  to  succeed,  441  ;  his  distrust 
of  Republican  party,  441,  442;  let 
ter  in  behalf  of  Buchanan,  442-444  ; 
its  cheerless  tone,  442 ;  rehearses 
history  of  Democratic  party,  443 ; 
laments  repeal  of  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  443  ;  hopes  question  of  slavery 
in  Territories  may  be  settled  peace 
ably,  443 ;  asserts  power  of  Con 
gress  over  Territories,  444  ;  thinks 
Buchanan  can  save  Union,  444  ;  un- 
pardoned  by  South,  444 ;  votes 
against  Lincoln  in  1860,  445 ;  char 
acter  of  his  retirement,  445  ;  writes 
autobiographical  sketch,  446 ;  his 
history  of  American  parties,  446  ; 
condemns  Buchanan  for  accepting 
Dred  Scott  decision,  446 ;  sympa 
thizes  with  North  in  civil  war,  447  ; 
expresses  confidence  in  Lincoln, 
447  ;  last  illness  and  death,  447  ;  hi? 
funeral,  448. 

Character  and  Place  in  IFistory. 
His  personal  appearance,  449  ;  ele 
gance,  450  ;  his  country  life,  thrift, 
and  fortune,  450 ;  pecuniary  integ 
rity,  450  ;  his  polished  manners,  451  ; 
called  insincere  by  Adams,  451 ;  his 
fairness  and  personal  friendliness  to 
opponents,  452  ;  his  skill  in  reading 
and  managing  men,  452,  453 ;  not 
stilted,  yet  free  from  dissipation, 
453  :  social  agreeableness,  454  ;  ficti 
tious  stories  of  his  cunning,  454 ; 
his  friendships,  454-456;  these  the 
true  test  of  his  sincerity,  456 ;  his 
placidity  under  abuse  thought  hy 
pocritical  by  opponents,  457 ;  his 
caution  in  political  papers,  457  ; 
his  popularity  in  New  York,  458  : 
his  true  democracy,  458 ;  creed  of 


INDEX 


497 


his  followers,  459  ;  lack  of  enthusi 
asm  prevents  his  being  a  popular 
hero,  459  ;  always  follows  principles 
of  Jefferson,  4GO  ;  his  fame  dimmed 
by  spoils  system,  4GO ;  yet  his  atti 
tude  in  respect  to  it  not  a  discred 
itable  one,  4(51;  his  courage  a 
marked  quality,  4G1,  462  ;  his  prolix 
ity  and  politeness  obscure  his  clear 
statements  of  opinion,  4G2 ;  does 
not  belong  among  mediocrities  of 
the  White  House,  463  ;  his  eminence 
as  a  real  leader,  463  ;  superior  to 
Jackson  in  wisdom,  463 ;  and  to 
John  Adams  in  party  leadership, 
464  ;  stands  with  Madison  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  464 ;  comparison 
with  Madison,  464;  with  Adams, 
465 ;  comparison  with  Webster  and 
Clay,  465 ;  superior  to  either  in 
party  leadership,  465 ;  summary 
and  review  of  his  career,  465,  466 ; 
his  fidelity  to  principle  throughout, 
466,  467. 

Personal  Traits.  General  esti 
mate  of,  3,  462-466  ;  betting  habits, 
453;  bitterness,  lack  of,  123,  152, 
163,  223,  420,  452 ;  cheerfulness, 
114,  453;  conservatism,  186,  436; 
courage,  87,  183,  195,' 215,  266,  325, 
407,  436,  461-463;  diplomatic  abil 
ity,  221,  222  ;  education,  15-17,  22  ; 
friendships,  454-456;  imperturba 
bility,  228,  253,  391,  396,  414,  445, 
451,  456;  integrity,  194,  268,  450, 
456 ;  legal  ability,  17-21,  25,  29,  30, 
31  ;  magnetism,  lack  of,  281,  459  ; 
manners,  4,  15,  18,  72,  206,  394,  395, 
451  ;  modesty,  243,  268,  284  ;  non- 
committalism,  79,  147,  151,  265, 
380,400,  421,  461;  oratory,  27,  31, 
32,  61,  78,  87,  150,  457;  personal 
appearance,  1,  449,  450 ;  private 
life,  37,  453;  political  leadership, 
58,  61,  69,  76,  87,  117-119,  131,  150, 
153,  157,  179,  180,  431,  452,  454; 
scrupulousness,  68,  194,  195,  278; 
shrewdness,  197,  207,  224,  229,  369, 
452-454 ;  sincerity,  430,  431 ;  social 
qualities,  394,  395,  396,  397,  400, 
450  ;  subserviency,  alleged,  to  South, 
403,  404,  439  ;  unfavorable  views  of, 
158,  196,  223,  230,  231,  244,  256,  I 


325  n.,  384,  385,  396,  406,  451,  456; 
unpopularity  in  later  years,  3,  444, 
458. 

Political  Opinions.  Bank  of  Uni 
ted  States,  145,  244,  250,  251,  267, 
328,  329,  345,  363,  373,  3'Jl ;  bank 
ing,  169,  170,  372,  373;  Barnburn 
ers,  419,  425,  429;  British  West 
India  trade,  141,  219-222  ;  Canadian 
rebellion,  354  ;  compromise  of  1850, 
436  ;  conscription,  62  ;  Democratic- 
party,  145,  147,  242,  443,  446 ;  debt, 
imprisonment  for,  26,  27,  98,  116, 

142  ;  Dred  Scott  decision,  446,  447  ; 
election    of    1820,    75 ;   election  of 
1824,    115,    116;    election   of   1828, 
173 ;    election    of   1840,    400 ;    elec 
tion  of  1848,  425 ;  elections,  reform 
of,    170,    171  ;    embargo,   59 ;   Erie 
Canal,   65,    66 ;    expunging  resolu 
tions,  267;  Federalists,  70,  127,  152; 
gag    rule,    380,    381 ;    independent 
treasury,    330,    331,    377  ;     internal 
improvements,   95,    96,  97,  98,  117, 
132,  133,  142,  168,  244,  266 ;  Jeffer- 
sonian  principles,   3,  4,   12,  39,  40, 
145,    147,    171,    249,    284,   329,   332, 
458-460  ;  judiciary,  83,  84,  85,  134- 
137,    141,     142;     Kansas    question, 
442-444 ;     legislative     instructions, 

143  ;    Maine    boundary,   367 ;  Mex 
ican  claims,  359,  360  ;  Mexican  war, 
421 ;  Missouri  Compromise,  73,  74, 
443 ;  naval  academy,  140  ;  nullifica 
tion,   244 ;  office,  appointments  to, 
81,  82,  137-139,   173,  364;  Panama 
congress,    127-129,    141  ;    panic    of 
1837,    327,    328,    345;     party    alle 
giance,  43,  59,  70-72,  175,  401,  414, 
420,  426,  432  ;  preemption  law,  345  ; 
presidential  ambition,  193,  223,  242, 
254,  278,  399,  400,  405-407,  430,  433  ; 
Republican  party  of  1856,  441,  442  ; 
slave   trade,   392  ;   slavery,   74,   93, 
271,  277,  278,  285,  380,  403,  420,426, 
436 ;  slavery  in  Territories,  426,  429, 
436,   441,   444;    States'    rights,   97, 
172  ;  specie  circular,  319, 331  ;  spoils 
system,  53,  54,  57,  75,  173-175,  207, 
209,  210,   214,   215,   233,   460;   suf 
frage,   basis    of,   79,    80;    suffrage, 
negro,  80,  81 ;    surplus,  distribution 
of,  265;   tariff,   99.   102,   103,    140 


498 


INDEX 


142,  143,  243,  249,  401  ;  war  of  1812, 
50  ;  war  of  rebellion,  447. 

Van  Dyke,  ,  votes  for  Panama 

congress,  131. 

Van  Ness,  William  P.,  studies  of  Van 
Buren  with,  17  ;  his  career  at  the 
bar,  17 ;  friendship  with  Burr,  17  ; 
attacks  Clintons  and  Livingstons  in 
Burr's  interest,  43 ;  his  residence 
bought  by  Van  Buren,  398. 

Van  Ness,  William  W.,  competitor 
of  Van  Buren  at  bar,  20. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Jacob  R.,  at  Colum 
bia  County  bar,  20. 

Van  Rensselaer, ,  commands  a  fili 
bustering  expedition  against  Can 
ada,  353. 

Van  Rensselaer  family,  gains  political 
influence  through  landed  wealth, 
33. 

Van  Vechten,  Abraham,  succeeded 
by  Van  Buren  as  attorney-general, 
23;  removed  by  Republicans,  63. 

Virginia,  Democrats  of,  refuse  to  sup 
port  Johnson  for  vice-presidency, 
259,  260. 

Von  Hoist,  H.  C.,  praises  bearing  of 
Van  Buren  during  panic,  325  ;  his 
unhistorical  view  of  Van  Buren, 
325  n.,  406  n. 

WALKER,  ROBERT  J. ,  leads  annexation- 
ists  in  Democratic  convention  of 
1844,  408 ;  induces  convention  to 
adopt  two-thirds  rule,  408, 409  ;  pro 
tests  against  New  York  Democrats, 
409. 

/far  of  1812,  Republican  opposition 
to,  58,  59  ;  causes  of,  59. 

Ward,  Rev.  Thomas,  at  Buffalo  con 
vention,  427. 

Washington,  George,  character  of  his 
presidential  administration,  5,  6 ; 
his  prestige  aids  Federalists,  38 ; 
refuses  to  appoint  political  oppo 
nents  to  office,  46 :  his  recall  of 
Monroe,  89 ;  appealed  to  by  Van 
Buren  as  authority  against  Adams's 
foreign  policy,  126-129;  leaves  of 
fice  with  popularity,  282;  best  of 
American  presidents,  464. 

Watkins,  Tobias,  his  removal  from 
office,  212. 


Webb,  James  Watson,  abandons  Jack* 
son  in  1832,  247. 

Webster,  Daniel,  compared  with  Van 
Buren  as  lawyer,  32 ;  not  in  Con 
gress  in  1821,  94;  against  tariff  of 
1824,  100 ;  on  Panama  congress, 
130  ;  inferior  to  Van  Buren  as  par 
liamentary  leader,  150 ;  on  Jack 
son's  manners,  156;  on  Van  Bu- 
ren's  prominence  in  1829,  179;  his 
debate  with  Hayne,  188  ;  votes  to 
reject  Van  Buren's  nomination  as 
minister  to  England,  230  ;  condemns 
him  for  un-American  conduct,  231 ; 
exaggerates  results  of  removal  of 
deposits,  252  ;  supported  for  presi 
dency  by  Massachusetts  Whigs,  260  ; 
condemns  bill  to  exclude  anti-sla 
very  matter  from  mails,  276  ;  vote 
for,  in  election  of  1836,  280 ;  urges 
extension  of  pet  bank  system,  299  : 
later  condemns  this  policy,  300 ; 
approves  bill  to  distribute  surplus, 
300  ;  denounces  Van  Buren  for  caus 
ing  panic,  333  ;  resists  attempt  to  sus 
pend  depositing  surplus,  334,  338  ; 
ridicules  possibility  of  resumption 
without  government  aid,  335  ;  votes 
for  treasury  notes,  339 ;  votes  for 
preemption  bill,  357  ;  his  speeches 
in  campaign  of  1840,  383,  384  ;  his 
denunciations  of  Van  Buren,  383, 
384 ;  on  Van  Buren's  vote  for  the 
bill  to  exclude  abolition  matter  from 
mails,  404 ;  indignant  at  Taylor's 
nomination,  430  ;  his  comment  on 
Van  Buren's  Free-soil  candidacy, 
431  ;  forfeits  fame  by  support  of 
compromise,  435 ;  his  motives, 
437;  compared  with  Van  Buren, 
465. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  on  rotation  in  office, 
67;  praises  Albany  Regency,  112; 
leader  of  Anti-Masonic  party,  245  ; 
manager  of  New  York  Whigs,  363  ; 
prevents  nomination  of  Clay  in  1840, 
378. 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  his  position  in 
1832,  227. 

West,  favors  tariff  of  1828,  143;  op 
poses  Van  Buren  in  1836,  280;  de- 
velopment  of,  after  1820,  288-290. 
land  hunger  in,  289,  294,  309. 


INDEX 


499 


\Vestervelt,  Dr.   ,  appointed    to 

office    by    Van     Bureu,    173;    Jus 

"  claims,"  174. 

Whigs,  in  New  York,  coalesce  with 
Anti-Masons,  245 ;  nominate  Clay, 
24G ;  their  Young  Men's  conven 
tion  nominates  Clay,  246;  nomi 
nate  Harrison  and  Granger  in  183(5, 
260  ;  their  policy  in  attacking  Jack 
son,  2G3 ;  their  real  platform  in 
Harrison's  letter  to  Sherrod  Wil 
liams,  264;  their  refusal  to  reduce 
taxation  increases  speculation,  299  ; 
and  their  advocacy  of  distribution, 
300,  301  ;  rave  against  Van  Buren 
as  author  of  crisis  of  1837,  321,  322, 
333;  demand  bank,  334-337;  de 
mand  payment  of  fourth  installment 
of  surplus,  338  ;  gain  in  election  of 
1837,  337,  342;  in  New  York,  aided 
by  Loco-focos,  344 ;  transfer  name 
Loco-foco  to  whole  Democratic 
party,  345;  aided  by  conservative 
Democrats,  347 ;  repeal  sub-trea 
sury,  348 ;  refuse  to  join  popular 
receptions  of  Van  Buren,  3G8 ;  en 
deavor  to  force  New  Jersey  con 
gressmen  upon  House,  377  ;  nomi 
nate  Harrison  and  Tyler,  377,  378 ; 
do  not  adopt  a  platform,  378  ;  their 
policy  in  election  of  1840,  382-38G, 
388-390  ;  campaign  songs,  389  ;  elect 
Harrison,  390,  391 ;  their  difficulties 
with  Tyler,  401,  402;  defeated  in 
1844,  412.  413;  support  Wilmot 
Proviso,  417,  418  ;  nominate  Taylor 
and  reject  resolution  against  slavery 
extension,  430 ;  anti-slavery  mem 
bers  refuse  to  support  Van  Buren, 
431  ;  elect  Taylor,  432  ;  accept  com 
promise  of  1850,  435;  nominnte 
Scott  in  1852,  439;  support  Fill- 
more  in  1856,  445. 

SVhite,  Hugh  L.,  heads  secession  from 
Democratic  party,  250,  260 ;  reasons 
for  his  candidacy  for  presidency, 
256,  257  ;  votes  for  bill  to  exclude 
anti-slavery  matter  from  mail,  277  ; 
Tote  for,  279,  280. 


Wilkins,  William,  receives  electoral 
vote  of  Pennsylvania  in  1832  for 
vice-president,  248. 

William  IV.,  character  of  his  court, 
227  ;  compliments  Jackson  to  Van 
Buren,  229. 

Wilmot,  David,  offers  anti-slavery 
proviso  to  three-million  bill,  416, 
417  ;  at  Barnburner  convention, 
419. 

Wilmot  Proviso,  origin  of  Republican 
party  and  civil  war,  416 ;  becomes 
a  party  question,  417,  418 ;  discus 
sion  of  its  necessity  in  New  Mexico 
and  California,  418  ;  abandoned  by 
Republicans  in  1861,  438. 

Wirt,  William,  Anti-Masonic  candi 
date  for  presidency,  167,  245,  248. 

Williams,  Elisha,  his  prominence  at 
Columbia  County  bar,  20 ;  his  ri 
valry  with  Van  Buren,  20,  21. 

Williams,  Sherrod,  asks  questions  of 
presidential  candidates  in  1836,  264 ; 
calls  Van  Buren's  reasons  for  delay 
"unsatisfactory,"  265. 

Woodbury,  Levi,  votes  against  Pan 
ama  congress,  131 ;  secretary  of 
navy,  199 ;  secretary  of  treasury 
under  Van  Buren,  283. 

Wright,  Silas,  member  of  Albany  Re 
gency,  111 ;  votes  for  bill  to  ex 
clude  abolition  matter  from  mail, 
277  ;  votes  against  distribution  of 
surplus,  301  ;  leads  administration 
senators,  341  ;  declines  nomination 
for  vice-presidency,  411  ;  accepts 
nomination  for  governor  of  New 
York,  412:  elected,  413;  votes 
against  Texas  treaty,  413;  leads 
Barnburners,  415 ;  offered  Trea 
sury  Department  by  Polk,  416  ;  de 
feated  for  reelection  by  Hunker  op 
position,  417  ;  his  friendship  for 
Van  Buren,  456. 

YOUNG,  SAMUEL,  denounces  Calhoun 
for  raising  Texas  question,  410  •, 
presides  over  Utica  convention  of 
1848,  425. 


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JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.     By  JOH?:  T.  MORSE,  JR. 

JOHN  RANDOLPH.     By  HENRY  ADAMS. 

ANDREW  JACKSON.     By  W.  G.  SUMNBR. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.     By  EDWAKD  W.  SHEPARD. 

HENRY  CLAY.     By  CARL  SCHURZ.     2  volumes. 

DANIEL  WEBSTER.     By  HENRY  CABOT  LCDGE. 

JOHN  C.  CALHOUN.     By  UK.   H .  VON  HOLST. 

THOMAS  H,  BENTON.     By  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

LEWIS  CASS.     By  ANDREW  C.  MCLAUGHLIN. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     By  JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR.     2  volumes. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD.     By  THORNTON  K.  LOTHROP. 

SALMON  P.  CHASE.     By  ALBERT  BUSHNHLL  HART. 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.     By  C.  F.  ADAMS,  JR. 

CHARLES  SUMNER.     By  MOORFIELIJ  STOREY. 

THADDEUS  STEVENS.     By  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL. 

SECOND    SERIES 

giosraphies  of  men  particularly  influential  in  the  recent  Political  History  of 
Nation. 


This  second  series  is  intended  to  supplement  tne  original  list  of  A  mericaft 
tatesmen  '--"--      '  ""         "  "  '     '          '    "     ''  •-««•- 

\pry  of  tlu 


Statesmen  by  the  addition  of  the  nat  res  of  men  who  have  helped  to  make  the  his* 
lie  United  States  since  the  Ci-vil  H'ar. 


JAMES  G.  ELAINE.  By  EDWARD  STANWOOD. 
1OHN  SHERMAN.  By  THEODORE  E.  BURTON. 
ITLYSSES  S.  GRANT.  By  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL.  In  preparation. 

Other  interesting  additions  to  the  list  to  be  made  in  the  future. 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 


2     2872 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


121142 


